Urazandi bildumak munduan zehardauden euskal etxe nagusienenhistoria jasotzea du helburu,atzerriratutako euskaldunonbizipenetan oinarrituta

La colección Urazandi (“allendelos mares”) recoge la historia de losprincipales centros vascos del mundo,basada en los testimonios de primeramano de aquéllos que emigraron

The Urazandi (“from overseas”)Collection compiles the history of themost important Basque Clubs all overthe World, based on first handmemories of those who emigrated

La collection Urazandi (“outremer”)receuille les histoires des principauxcentres basques du monde basés surles témoignages directs de ceux quiémigrèrent

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I 25 25

THE ‘NIÑOS VASCOS’ OF 1937.UK

THE

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.UK

Susana Sabín Fernández was born inBilbao in 1960 to former evacuee childrenof the Spanish Civil War from Erandio,Bizkaia. She obtained a degree in BasquePhilology from the Universidad de Deustoin Bilbao. For a number of years she taughtBasque Language and Literature in theBasque Country.

In 1996 she migrated to the UK andworked as a Project Leader setting upprojects in schools to raise achievementof ethnic minority children.

In 2011 she was awarded a PhD at theUniversity of Southampton for her studiesof the Basque children who wereevacuated to the UK in 1937. Her thesisfocussed on commemorative practicesand social agency. Dr Sabín has pioneeredlooking at this topic from a transnationalperspective, exploring processes ofmemorialisation both in the UK and alsoin the Basque Country and comparing keyevents and the agendas behind them.

Her main areas of research are forcedmigration and the transmission of itsmemory to the following generations. Sheis currently involved in the SouthamptonResidence Abroad Research Project at theUniversity of Southampton, UK.

ISBN: 978-84-457-3179-6

25

THE ‘NIÑOS VASCOS’MEMORY AND MEMORIALISATION

OF THE BASQUE REFUGEE CHILDREN OF THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR IN THE UK

by Susana Sabín Fernández

Vitoria-Gasteiz, 2011

Published: 1stedition,September2011

Printrun: 750

© EuskalAutonomiaErkidegokoAdministrazioa Lehendakaritza AdministracióndelaComunidadAutónomadelPaísVasco DepartamentodePresidencia

Director: JuliánCelayaLoyola

Internet: www.euskadi.net

Publishedby: EuskoJaurlaritzarenArgitalpenZerbitzuNagusia ServicioCentraldePublicacionesdelGobiernoVasco Donostia-SanSebastián,1–01010Vitoria-Gazteiz

Designedby: Canaldirecto.Bilbao

Phototosetting: Rali,S.A. Costa,12-14–48010Bilbao

Printedby: ONAIndustriaGráfica,S.A. PolígonoAgustinos,CalleF 31013PAMPLONA

ISBN: 978-84-457-3179-6

LegalDeposit: BI2577-2011

Note:Theprintingdepartmentofthispublicationsisnotresponsibleforthecontentoropinionscontainedwithinthepagesoftheindividualbooksotthisseries.

A catalogue record of this book is available in the catalogue of the General Library of the Basque Government: http://www.euskadi.net/ejgvbiblioteka

A niña vasca standing by a commemorative plaque of the 70th anniversary of the evacuation of the Niños Vascos. Southampton Civic Centre, 27.05.2008. SusanaSabínFernández.

Table ofContents

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Aurkezpena / Presentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10

Hitzaurrea / Preface. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

Acknowledgements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

Chapter one: Memory, memorialisation and displacement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28Memory. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29Memorialisation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38Displacement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47

Chapter two: The Spanish Civil War, international context and the Basque refugee children . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48TheSpanishCivilWar. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49Internationalcontext . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55TheBasquerefugeechildren . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83

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Chapter three:The meaning of the commemorative practices: ‘Conmemoracciones’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86Commemorativepractices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87Privatememory. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88Publicrepresentations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124

Chapter four:The meaning of being the Basque refugee children of the Spanish Civil War in the UK . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126TheBasquerefugeechildren . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127Senseofbelonging. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157Transformationandaccumulationofidentitiesversusacculturationandassimilation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180

Chapter five:Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183The‘business’ofmemory. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184Identitymatters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189So,whathaschanged? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191

Methodological considerations ofanalysing remembrance . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194Fieldwork. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195Datacollection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196Methodologicalchallenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198A. Access to information and representativeness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199B. Subjectivity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200C. Semi-professional interviewee-ness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201D. Transcriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202E. Self-reflexivity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203F. Translations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205G. Ethical concerns. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206

Appendix A: Nomenclature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213

Sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217

Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233

Group of niños vascos at the annual reunion meal of 2011. London, 22.05.2011. SusanaSabínFernández.

PATXILÓPEZLehendakaria

Aurkezpena

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Urazandi bildumako beste ale bat du irakurleak eskuetan, oraingoan azkenurteetakohistorianbizi izandugun jazoera lazgarrienetakobatiburuzkoa:1937anmilakahaurebakuatuzituztengerrarenbasakeriatikurrundunahian.

Esperientziaharen75.urtemugabetekodalaster,bainaoraindikerehotzikaraeragitendupentsatzeakgertaeraizugarrihorrek—nireiritzian,benetakomaitasunekintzabatizanzengertaerahorrek—familieizerekarrizienlagunmaiteenengandikbanandubeharizateanetahaurhorienburuetanzernolakogogoetakeraginzituen,gurasoengandik —behar bada betiko— zergatik banantzen zituzten jakin gabeontziratuzituztenean.

Liburu honetan jazoera horietako bati buruz hitz egiten da eta hitz egitenduenaren amak, hiru neba-arrebekin eta milaka ume gehiagorekin batera,Southampton-eko itsasertzean hartu zuen lur Santurtzitik irtenda. Hiru mendelaurden geroago, haren alaba Susanak doktore tesi batean ezarri nahi izan duhistoriaren atal hori —familiaren kontakizuna eta Urazandi bildumaren beste aleberri honen oinarri ere badena— eta “gerrako ume” horiek Britainia Handikogizartean bizitakoak aztertu ditu. Liburuak urte askoan aipatu ez zen jazoera batekartzendigugogora,izanere,hurabiziizanzutenaskok“ahaztuak”deitzenzietenberenburuei.

LanhonetanMemoria eta Memorializatzeazhitzegitendaetaizenburuakberakerehorierakustendu.GaihorrekgaurkotasunbereziaduEuskadinorain,memoriaoinarrihartuta,bizikidetzademokratikoaeraikinahidugunean.

Gizarte batek bere iragana besarkatzen ez badu, ez du etorkizunik. Memoriabehardugueragindakosaminaaitortuetaordaintzeko,“ahaztu”gehiagoegonezdaitezen.Memoria,urtehauetanguregizartean irekidirenarrakalakbehinbetikoberdintzeko.Memoria,azkenbatean,etaesateaparadoxabadaere,askatasuneanetagorrotorikgabeahaztudezagunetabehinbetikoitxidadingureiraganhurbilenekohain jazoerasamingarria.Xedehorigogoanarigara lanean.Etaxedehorretarako,baitaere,datorUrazandirenalehau,memoriasortunahianlehenisiltasunazegoenlekuan.

Presentation

PATXILÓPEZLehendakari

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ThereaderhasbeforehimorheranewissueoftheUrazandicollection,dedicatedon this occasion to one of the most poignant episodes in our recent history: theevacuationin1937ofthousandsofchildreninanattemptbytheirfamiliestotakethemfarawayfromthecrueltiesofwar.

Ontheeveofthe75thanniversaryofthatevent,itisstilldifficulttofullygrasptheimpactthatsuchadramaticoccurrence(whichIconsidertobeatrueactoflove)musthavehadonthelivesofthefamilieswhosawnoalternativethantoseparatethemselvesfromtheir lovedones.Onestrugglesto imaginewhatmusthavegonethroughthemindsof thosechildrenwhoembarkedonthat journeywithoutreallyunderstanding why they were being taken away from their mothers and fathers,perhapsforever.

Thisbookrelatesoneoftheseepisodesinthewordsofthedaughterofoneofthechildren who disembarked together with her three brothers and sisters andthousandsofotherchildrenonthecoastsofSouthampton,attheendoftheirjourneyfromSanturtzi.Almostthreequartersofacenturylater,Susanarelatesthischapterinourhistoryinadoctoralthesisinwhichshetellsthestoryofherownfamily,thebasisofthisnewissueoftheUrazandicollectionwhichanalysestheexperiencesofthese‘childrenofwar’inBritishsociety.Thebookremindsusofanepisodeaboutwhichnoonespokeformanyyears,totheextentthatmanyoftheplayersinthisstorycalledthemselves‘theforgottenones’.

ThisworkdealswithMemory and Memorialisationand is reflected in the titleitself.ThissubjectisespeciallyrelevanttodayintheBasqueCountry,whenweareattemptingtoachievedemocraticcoexistencebasedonmemory.

A society that does not embrace its past has no future.We need memory torecognise and repair the pain caused so that there are not new ‘forgotten ones’.Memory,sothatthedivisionsinoursocietythatopenedovertheyearsmaybehealedforever.Memory,inshort,althoughitmayseemparadoxicaltosayso,sothatwecanforgetthispainfulchapterinourrecentpastinlibertyandwithoutbitterness,andsothatitmaybebroughttoacloseonceandforall.Thisiswhatweareworkingtowards.ThisnewissueofUrazandi,whichseekstocreatememorywherebeforetherewasonlysilence,hasalsobeenpublishedforthesamepurpose.

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Urazandi bilduma asmo handiko hiru helburu betetzeko sortu zen: entzutehandieneko aditu eta ikerlariek euskal emigrazio eta erbestealdiei buruz egindakoazterlanak eta tesiak eskaintzea irakurleari; azken 100 urteetan Euskaditik kanpoargitaratu diren aldizkarien digitalizazioen dokumentu-funts handiena sortzea; etaEuskoJaurlaritzarenkanpoharremaneiburuzkoargitalpenaksustatzea.

Orain aurkezten dugun 25. alea Eusko Jaurlaritzak Espainiako Gerra ZibileanErresuma Batura ebakuatutako umeei eskainita dago: hain zuzen, hiru mila etazortziehunumebainogehiagoSouthamptonalderaaterazirenSanturtzitikitsasontziz1937komaiatzaren21ean,Gernikabonbardatuetahilabetegeroago.

Azterlan hau doktore-tesi baten laburpena da eta ebakuatutako neskato batenondorengozuzenbatekeginizanakinteresbereziadu.

Aldebatetik,azterlanhonenbitartezomenaldiaeskaininahidiegubiziizanzutenegoera latzak urratutako hainbat familiari: hain ume gazteengandik (5 eta 12 urtebitartekoengandik) banandu behar izateak Eusko Jaurlaritzaren agintarien etsipenaerakustendu(harkantolatuzuenetaebakuazioa),baita familienetsipenaere; izanere,besteezerengainetikseme-alabenbiziasalbatunahizutenfamilieketaaskokezzituztenberriroikusikoseme-alabak.

Guztira, 30.000 ume eta laguntzaile baino gehiago ontziratu omen ziren BilbonFrantziara, Erresuma Batura, Belgikara eta SESBera iristeko, batez ere. Gehienetan,neskato eta mutiko horiek etxera bueltatu ziren gerra amaitutakoan, edo urte askoberanduago,Errusiaraebakuatuetalaurogeikohamarkadanitzulizirenumeaskobezala.

Bestetik, hartu zituzten herrialdeetan geratzea erabaki zutenei hurbildu nahigatzaizkie gertaera hura gogoratzen jarraitzen duten zenbait elkarteren bitartez.Elkarte horiek —“Basque Children of ’37 Association UK” delakoa, esaterako—gertaera haren berrogeita hamargarren urteurrena gogoratzeko 1987an Bilbonizandakoomenaldienondorensortuziren.Sasoibatean“ahaztutakoak”eredeitutakoumehoriekhorrelasentiezdaitezenbesteinoiz.

Horien historia hainbat ideologiatako milaka familien historia da (abertzaleak,sozialistak,komunistak,anarkistak),horiekeregehiensufritubeharizanbaitzituzteninoizgertatubeharezzuengerrabatenondorioak.

Azkenik,nabarmendunahidutSusanaSabínFernándezenlanbikainakgehienbatgertaera hartatik bizirik dirautenen ahozko lekukotasunak izan dituela oinarri, etahorrekbideabaterakustendigu,euskalemigrazioarenahozkolekukotasunakbiltzekoerantzukizuna adierazten digu. Egin gabe dago lan hori eta etorkizun hurbileanUrazandibildumakibilibeharrekobidegarrantzitsuenetakobatizangodaziuraski.

GuillermoEcheniqueGonzálezKanpoHarremanetarakoidazkarinagusia

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PrefaceTheUrazandicollectionwasconceivedwiththreeambitiousaims:firstly,tooffer

readers studies and theses written by the most highly renowned scholars andresearchers on Basque emigration and exiles; secondly, to create the largestdocumentarycollectionofdigitisationsofperiodicalspublishedoutsidetheBasqueCountryoverthelast100yearsand,thirdly,topromotepublicationssettingouttheforeignpolicyoftheBasqueGovernment.

Volume 25, which we present here, deals with the children evacuated by theBasque Government to the United Kingdom during the Spanish Civil War: It dealsspecificallywithapartyofmorethanthreethousandeighthundredboysandgirlswhoembarkedinSanturtziboundforSouthamptononMay21,1937,onemonthfollowingthebombingofGernika.

Itisespeciallyinterestingtonotethatthisstudy,whichisasummaryofadoctoralthesis,istheworkofadirectdescendantofoneofthegirlsevacuatedonthatoccasion.

Through its publications, we wish to pay tribute to the many families who werecaughtupinthethroesofwarandwhosufferedsogreatlyatthattime.Thefactthatitwasnecessarytosendawaysuchyoungchildren(agedbetween5and12)givesussomeideaofthedespairfeltbyBasqueGovernmentofficials(organisersoftheevacuation)andthefamiliesthemselveswho,aboveanyotherconsideration,wantedtosavethelivesoftheirchildren.Inmanycases,theywouldneverseetheirsonsanddaughtersagain.

Intotal,itissaidthatmorethan30,000childrenandtheirescortsembarkedfromBilbao,boundmainlyforFrance,theUnitedKingdom,BelgiumandtheUSSR.Mostofthesechildrenreturnedtotheirhomeswhenthewarcametoanend,orevenmanyyearslater,asoccurredinthecaseofmanychildrenevacuatedtoRussia,whoreturnedasadultsinthe1980s.

However, we should like to focus on those who opted to remain in their hostcountriesthroughassociationssuchasthe“BasqueChildrenof’37AssociationUK”,setupfollowingthe1987tributesinBilbaoinremembranceofthe50thanniversary,which continue to commemorate this event.These children, who at that time wereevencalledthe"forgottenones",willneverhavereasontofeelthatwayagain.

Theirs is the story of thousands of families of widely differing ideologies(nationalists,socialists,communists,anarchists)whosufferedmorethananyoneelsefromtheconsequencesofawarthatshouldneverhavehappened.

Finally,IwouldliketohighlightthefactthatthemagnificentworkofSusanaSabínFernándezhasbeenbasedtoalargedegreeontheoraltestimoniesofthesurvivorsofthatjourney.Oncemore,thisservesasareminderofourobligationtocollecttheoraltestimoniesofdifferentaspectsofBasqueemigration,ataskwhichisstillongoingandwhich will be, predictably, one of the most important missions of the Urazandicollectioninthenearfuture.

GuillermoEcheniqueGonzálezGeneralSecretaryofForeignAction

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Ackno

Basque refugee child in the UK, Margate 1937.

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This study would not have beenpossible without the participation of alarge number of Niños Vascos, mainly inthe UK but also in the Basque Country,includingsomeofmyrelatives.

Thebookderivesfromadoctoralthesisthat I have recently completed at theUniversityofSouthamptonandwhichhasbeenadaptedforthispublicationaspartofthe Urazandi Collection published by theBasque Government. Pedro Oiarzabal hasbeenthedrivingforcebehindthebook.Heencouragedmetowriteit,andforthatIamimmensely grateful. Without his positiveattitude,support,andhelpfulsuggestionsthis would not have happened, definitelynotsoquickly!

I am most obliged to Gregorio Arrien,Mauro Calvo, Steve Bowles, NataliaBenjamin and Crispian Cook, who neverfailedtoprovidemeinvaluableinformationandtogivemetheirtimewhenIapproachedthem.Theircontributionshavesignificantlyenrichedthisinvestigation.

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My thanks go to Susannah Orosa forheradvicewiththenumeroustranslationsincludedinthebook.

Permission has kindly been given toreproduce quotations and extracts by thepublisherMouseholdPressandbythefilmcompanyEyeWitnessProductionsLtd.

AboveallIwouldliketothankMark,foralways trusting in my abilities and for hispatienceandsupportatsomanylevels.

Amayaita,porvosotrosmeembarquéen esta aventura y a vosotros os lo debotodo.Eskarrikaskobihotzbihotzez.

Eskarrikasko

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Context of the study

Thestudypresentedherewasoriginallymotivatedbypersonalreasonsowingtomyfamilyconnectionwiththegroupunderexamination,theBasquerefugeechildrenof the Spanish Civil War in the UK. It derives from a doctoral thesis, the primaryintentionofwhichwastouncoverthe‘truth’aboutthehistoricalepisodethatthesechildrenshared.However,Isoonbecameawareofthemultiplicityofperspectivesandcontinuouschangesinvolvedinmemorywork.Thus,whenmyideaswereputintoaworking plan, the focus moved from a search for ‘completed facts’ towards anexaminationofan‘unfinishedandconstantlychangingprocess’ofmemoryconstructionandmemorialisation,inwhichagencyandcategorisationsarethecentreofattention.Theimagewhichopensthestudysummarisesanumberofkeyconceptswhichwillbeanalysedindepthandrelatetoissuesinvolvedinremembranceofpastconflictandforcedmigration.

TherehasbeenmuchresearchontheSpanishCivilWarandthepriorRepublicanperiodthataccordingtohistoriansledtoescalatinghostilityfromsomesectorsofthepopulationandculminatedinamilitaryuprisinginJuly1936(seeforexampleJackson1965,Preston1993orGraham2002).Despitetheso-called‘neutral’stancethatBritainadoptedwithregardtothiswaranditsgovernment’sinitialrefusaltoreceiverefugees,when the Basque town of Gernika (see Appendix A for explanation on choice ofnomenclature)wasattackedon26April1937bytheGermanCondorLegion,thefactthatanairforcedeliberatelybombedanon-militarytarget(andmachine-gunnedthosecivilians who were trying to run away1) affected public opinion so much that thepossibility of accepting refugee children was reassessed. As a result of enormouspressurefromthepublic,theBritishGovernmentagreedtoacceptalimitedevacuationofBasquechildrentoBritainundertheconditionthatnopublicfundingwouldbeusedforthiscause(Legarreta1984,Bell1996).2Eventually,on21May1937morethan3,800childrenwereevacuatedonthetransatlanticlinerHabanafromtheportofSanturtzi,nearBilbao,toSouthampton.

1 SeeSteer’s(2009)detailedaccount.

2 Thereweresomeotherconditions(seeChapter2).

Introduction

The discrepancy between British state interests and civil society’s humanitarianandpoliticalagendageneratedavarietyofparadoxesandcomplexsituationswhichhad fundamental consequences with regard to the identitarian development of thechildren, known as the ‘Basque Children’ or ‘Niños Vascos’, particularly those whosettledpermanentlyintheUK.3Animportantconsequencewasthatthisepisodewasneitherincorporatedintomainstreamhistory4nordealtwithatanofficiallevel,whichamongsttheNiños Vascosledtoafeelingofbeinglos olvidados (theforgotten).Thehope that after Franco’s death this situation would change did not materialise.Naharro-Calderónnoticesthe‘heavysilencewhichwasimposedinSpainduringtheso-calledtransitiontodemocracy,whosedatesonecouldfittothelast25yearsofthelastcentury’(Naharro-Calderón2004:9).

The 50th anniversary of the Civil War in 1986 coincided with Spain joining theEuropeanCommunity,whichwasseenasahistoriclandmarkthatinitiatedaprocessofdeeppolitical,economicandsocialchanges.SuchaneffervescentmomentinSpanishhistorywasperceivedasafavourablecontextinwhichtostartdealingwiththat‘forgotten’pastwithinacommemorativeframework.Somechangescameaboutwithregardtothehithertouniqueofficialdiscourseonthewarmemory,withthose‘defeated’,‘forgotten’and‘marginalised’(AlonsoCarballés1998:179)bythepreviouspoliticalregimeattemptingnowtoparticipateinnewdiscoursesandsoprovidealternativenarratives.

Inthisscenariohowever,theaspectofthechildevacuationstoothercountrieswasstill missing. Thus, in order to fill that gap, in May 1987 a major reunion of niños evacuados (evacuee children) was organised in Bilbao to commemorate the 50thanniversaryoftheirdeparture.Thismeanttheirentranceasacollectiveintothepublicarena,whichwasconsideredamilestoneinthehistoryofthecollectivememoryoftheBasquechildexile(AlonsoCarballés1998).5TheAsociación de Niños Evacuados el 37 (AssociationofChildrenEvacueesof’37) foundedinBilbaowasofficiallypresentedatthatevent,andtheycontinuedtogatherannuallythereafter.Similarassociationsweresetupinsomeofthecountrieswhereevacueechildrensettledpermanently,amongstthem,in2002,theBasqueChildrenof’37AssociationUK.

3 According to the Basque Children of ’37Association UK ‘By mid-September [1937], all [children] had been relocated toresidentialhomesthroughoutBritain.AfterthefallofBilbaoandFranco’scaptureoftherestofnorthernSpaininthesummerof 1937, the process of repatriation began. By the start ofWorldWar II in 1939, most of the children had left for Spain,althoughforsomeofthechildrenthiswasaterribleordeal.Somedidn’tspeakSpanish,othershadforgottentheirparents.Theycouldn’tgetusedtotherestrictionsinSpain.The400orsowhoremainedinBritaineitherchosetostay(iftheywereover16,theyweregiventhechoice),orhadtostaybecausetheirparentswereeitherdeadorimprisoned.By1945,therewerestillover250 inBritainandmanyof thesesettledpermanently,sometimesmarrying localpeopleandremaining inBritainfortherestoftheirlives’(http://www.basquechildren.orgaccessed20.09.2009).

4 Heretheexpression‘mainstreamhistory’referstothetypeofhistorytowhichthegeneralpublichasaccessthroughtheeducationsystem(providedbytextbookswithinschoolprogrammesandcurricula),thepopular literature,orthemedia.Even if therehadbeensomeacademic literatureonthis topicduringthosedecades, theNiños Vascoswouldhavebeenunlikelytohaveseenit.

5 ThecommonfeatureamongsttheattendantstothisreunionwasasharedexperienceofforcedmigrationfromtheBasqueCountryasaresultofthewar,butthedestinationcountriesdiffered.However,accordingtooralsources,mostofthemhadbeen evacuated to the UK. There were also representatives of the Basque Government and from the Consulates of thecountrieswhichhadreceivedevacueechildren(AlonsoCarballés1998).

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During this time there was a growing public debate framed by a discourse of‘recuperationofhistoricalmemory’whichisevidencedbythevastbodyofliteratureproduceddealingwiththeCivilWaranditsmemory;exhibitions;academicevents;artproductions; public homages; and some government initiatives (Naharro-Calderón2004).6ThisphenomenonreacheditspeakinSpainin2006,whichwasdeclaredthe‘YearoftheHistoricalMemory’.Also,the‘LawofHistoricalMemory’wasfirstapprovedinthatyearanditbecameeffectivein2007,whenitwaspassedbytheCongreso de Diputados (ChamberofDeputies)on31October.

In a moment when issues about past conflict emerge with such a vigour in thepublicandinstitutionalspheresbothinSpainandelsewhere,thereseemstobeaneedtoreminisceandfindameaningforthetraumaticpast.Despitetheextensivequantityofworkproducedinthefieldofwarremembrance,specificallyconcerningtheSpanishCivilWar,thereisstillanacademicgapwithregardtothepartplayedbytherefugeechildren. This needs to be addressed both in terms of their input within the widercontextofmemoryandmemorialisation,andalsoregardinghowtheirnarrativeshavebeenshapedbyotheragents.Thisbookseekstofillthegapidentifiedwithinthefieldofmemoryproduction.

With few exceptions, the absence of the Basque refugee children from anysignificantworkthathasbeencarriedoutfocusingonrefugeesintheUKisremarkable.KushnerandKnox(1999),however,dedicateachaptertotheBasquechildrenintheirhistoryofthetwentiethcenturyrefugeemovementstoBritain.

Previous scholarly work devoted to the Niños Vascos focuses on historicalreconstructionsofthepastbasedonarchivalresearch(Legarreta1984,Arrien1991)andoraltestimonies(Bell1996),providinginsightsintoindividualperspectives.Thus,there is an angle missing which relates to how individuals interact and constantlyreconstruct their individual and collective identities within the framework of widerdiscoursesthatderivefrom(andarereinforcedat)memorialpractices.Inotherwords,in the light of previous work on the topic, it seems that the hidden past has beenunburied,thereforethedebatenowneedstobepushedtowardstheanalysisofhowthis past has been (and still is) interpreted and constructed. To investigate thisphenomenon I examine the subjects of the research both individually and as acollective from a comparative transnational perspective. This includes processes ofmemorialisationinthehostlandwhichreceivedthem(theUK)butalsointhehomelandtheyleftbehind.

6 Inadditiontotheauthorsmentionedearlier,seeforexampleRichards(2005),Moradiellos(1999),Juliá(1987),TébarHurtado(2006),BerazategiandDomínguez(2006),andalsoCamino(2001),Menéndez(2008)andIdiEzkerra(2009)asexamplesofdocumentaryfilmproduction.Thisturningtothepastwhichhasincreasinglytakenplaceduringthelastfewdecadeswasgreatlystimulatedandframedbythe50thanniversaryoftheSecondWorldWar(Craig2002),whichopenednewdebates.Itwasunderpinnedbythegreateruseoforalhistory,whichsawtheurgencytointerrogatethegenerationswhoexperiencedthewarbeforetheydisappeared.Also,theyoungergenerationswhodidnotexperiencethewarhaverecentlystartedtoraisequestionsaboutit.

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Akeyaimistoprovideevidenceoftheinterwoven-nessbetweenthesocialactors,their actions and agendas, and the impact that they have on each other within thecommemorativearenabymeansofconsentor(often)contest.Inthisview,remembranceisunderstoodasaprocesswhichlooksatthepresentasmuchasitlooksatthepast.Thisisepitomisedbythepicturethatopensthiswork(seepage5),whichshowsablueplaque designed by a niño vasco to commemorate the 70th anniversary of theevacuationinSouthampton.Thetextinthepicturereads:

Tocommemoratethearrivalaboardthe‘Habana’of4,000refugeechildrenfromtheBasque region of Spain in May 1937 following the destruction of Guernica during theSpanishCivilWarandtothankthepeopleofSouthamptonandBritainwhovolunteeredtocareforthem.

Thismemoryvehiclerevealsasetofparticularlysignificantindicators.Thesewillbe analysed in the next chapters in order to examine the fundamental function ofcommemorativepracticeswhichistosupportandshapetheprocessofbothindividualand collective identity building. Firstly, the text connects to a current dominantcelebratorydiscourseof‘commemoration’and‘gratitude’;itcategorisestheevacueesas‘refugeechildren’;itmentions‘Guernica’,whichisasignificantpointofcontroversybetweenconflictingnarrativesofthevictorsandthedefeated;andalso,bystatingtowhomthegratitudeisdirected(‘thepeople[…]whovolunteered’),itobviouslymakesthe point that the British Government did not help the Niños Vascos. Secondly, thesymbologyoftheplaquealsoforegroundssomekeyelementsforanalysis.7Theseare‘home’(symbolisedbytheTreeofGernikaandits‘roots’);‘rupture’withhome(brokenyearof1937);andfinally,‘evacuation’and‘movement’ormigration,thatis‘routes’(theship). This brief description shows my approach to the topic in terms of the mainconceptswhichhaveguidedmydiscussion.Italsoillustratesthemultimodalangleoftheethnographicmethodologyusedforthecollectionofdataandtheiranalysis,whichacknowledgestheessentialroleofnon-verbalmedia,inadditiontospeech,toexpressandtransmitmemories.

Research questions

Fyrthpointsoutthat:

ThestoryoftheBasquechildrenhasbeenignoredbymosthistoriansoftheperiod.YetitwasanepicoftheBritishpeople’shistory.Itaffectedalmosteverypartofthecountry,andchangedmanypeople’slives.ItleftlastinglinksbetweenthiscountryandtheBasquelands.

(Fyrth1986:242)

7 Iusetheterm‘symbology’heretoexpressthe‘collective’ofsymbolicelementsobservedinthefigure(andnotthe‘use’ofthosesymbolsor‘symbolism’).

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A decade after this was written, Bell (1996) and Alonso Carballés (1997) make asimilarpointwithregardtohowthestoryhasbeenneglectedbyhistorians,andevennowthereisstillalackofscholarlyworkonthenarrativesoftheNiños Vascosthemselvesintermsofhowthesefitintowiderdiscourses.Theaimofthisbookistofillthatgap.

Thefactthatthisstudyisafirststepinthatdirectionmeansthatthereweremanyquestions to be asked and many angles from which these questions could beapproached. In order to manage the analysis, the investigation was designed andconductedwithtwomaintheoreticalquestionsinmind,andanumberofsub-questionswerealsotakenintoaccount.ThereasonwhyIdonot‘number’thequestionsisthattheyareinter-relatedandconsideredofequalimportance.Whilstduringthecourseofthe research the focus intermittentlyshifted towardsoneor theother,all thestepstakenwereconsistentlyguidedbybothquestions:

– WhoandwhataretheBasquerefugeechildrenoftheSpanishCivilWarintheUK?

• Howdotheyself-identifyinwhatcircumstances?

• Howaretheyidentifiedbyothers?

• Are they passive subjects whose narratives are influenced and shaped byothersocialagentsordotheyhaveanactiveroleintheprocess?

• Howdotheyunderstand‘belonging’?

– Whatisthemeaningofthecommemorativepracticesthattheyperform?

• Whowantstocelebratewhat?

• Whoisnotthere?Why?

• Whatisthesignificanceoftheplacesanddateschosen?

• Whatistheagendaofthedifferentsocialactorsbehindthesepractices?

• Howarethesepracticesshapingtheconstructionofthesocial identitiesofthe Niños Vascos?

Chapter structure

Inordertoanswerthesequestionsthebookisstructuredinfivechapters.Chapter1 defines the field of research providing a critical review of key authors and the

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literatureintheareaofmemoryandmemorialisation,particularlyasregardsthetopicofdisplacement.Thisprovidesthetheoreticalframeworkforadiscussiononindividualandcollectivememory,afterwhich Iproblematisetherelationshipsofmemorywithtime and with history. I also highlight some issues connected to remembering andforgetting,beforeImoveontoexploretheimportancewhichelementalconceptssuchasdatesandsitesofremembrancehavewithinthephenomenonofmemorialisation.Thechapter finisheswithadebateon theuseof the terms ‘refugee’and ‘diaspora’whichconcentratesonthenotionof‘home’andperceptionsof‘us’and‘theothers’.The analysis of these essential constituents in the process of building a sense ofbelonging,andthusanidentity,allowsafurthercontextualisationofthefindingsofthefieldworkdone.

Chapter 2 contextualises my case study from a socio-political perspective. Itapproaches the topic of the CivilWar with a brief examination of its historiographyfollowedbyadiscussionofsomemajorissuesthattheRepublicanGovernmenthadtofacewhenitcameintopower.Thefocushereisontheparticularcircumstancesthatconcurred in the Basque Country.Then, I explore the early foreign intervention andpoliciesofappeasementwhichmarkedthebeginningoftheinternationalisationoftheSpanish conflict and crystallised in a non-intervention agreement. My argument isgeared to the significance of the UK’s ambivalent attitude towards the war, callingattentiontothedebateofwhetherthehelpprovidedbythevolunteerswaspurelyforhumanitarianreasons.Thisfirstpartofthecontextchaptersetsupthebackgroundformysubsequentanalysisoftheconceptof‘Gernika’,whichencapsulatestheultimatereasonsfortheevacuationofthechildrentotheUKfollowingtheairattack.Inextdealwiththeevacuationandarrival intheUK,whichcanbeconsideredthemajoreventwhichdeterminedthelaterdevelopmentofthechildren’s lives.AfterthisI lookintotestimonies related to experiences of arrival, relocation to the colonias (children’shomes), and subsequent life in the UK.The chapter finishes with an outline of thenatureandroleoftheBasqueChildrenof’37AssociationUK.

InChapter3,IstartthedataanalysisbylookingattheconstructionofnarrativesattheprivateannualreunionmealoftheNiños VascosandthenImoveontoexaminesomeremembrancepracticeswhichhavebeenheldatapubliclevel.Theanalysisofthe data shows the processes of agreement and contestation between the socialactors(memoryagents)inherentinprocessesofmaintenanceandtransmissionofasocial capital which take place at those events. In this chapter I propose a newterminology and grammar which designates the various social actors and actionsidentified within the commemorative arenas where they operate. In sum, I drawattentiontowhothosememoryagentsare,totheagendasbehindtheiractions,andalsototheeffortstheseactorsmakeinordertobothparticipateinthediscourseofwarmemoryandtosettheagendaforit.

Chapter 4 delves further into the processes by which the Niños Vascos haveconstructedtheirsocialidentities.Thefirstsectionshowshowtheyhavebeenlabelled

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and re-labelled, and the main categories which have been historically used withindominantdiscoursesinSpainandalsointheUKinordertoidentifythem.InthelastsectionofthischapterIattempttodemonstratethenegativeeffectwhichprevailingdichotomising discourses of identity have on the Niños Vascos’ perceived sense ofidentity and belonging.This is followed by an analysis of more dynamic paradigmswhich transpire fromsomenarrativesandsuggestanewaccumulativeapproach toidentityandtomakingsenseofthepast.

Chapter5presentstheconclusionsofthestudy.Iputtogetherandemphasisethemostsignificantaspectsof thedebatewith regard to the researchquestionswhichhaveguidedit.

In addition to the chapters which form the body of the book, there is a furthersection which introduces the qualitative methodological and analytical approachfollowedforthisinvestigation,namelyparticipantobservationofcommunitylifeandcommemorativepractices,andalsoethnographicinterviewsandconversations.Thissectionanalysestheadvantagesofanoralandmultimodalapproach,andsubstantiatesthesuitabilityofthischosenmethodforcollectionandanalysisofthedata.AfterthatIdiscusssomemethodologicalchallengesencountered,payingparticularattentiontotheeffectuponmyinvestigationwhichmypositionbothasaresearcherandalsoasamember of the collective under examination has had. Attention is drawn to themethodological implications of working in and across languages and the dilemmasinvolvedinthetranslationwork,particularlywhentheresearcherisalsothetranslatorwho,assuch,obviouslyparticipatesintheconstructionoftheinformants’accounts.Inthisstudyall translationsfrom(mainly)Spanishand(somesporadic)Basquetermsandsentenceshavebeenundertakenbymyself,andhavebeenkeptasclosetotheoriginalaspossibleinordertokeepinterferencetoaminimum.

(01)

Mem ory, memoriali sationand displa cement

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Memory

FromAncientGreecetothepresent,scholarshaveendeavouredtofindananswertotheultimatequestionsofwhatmemoryisandhowitworks.Memoryhasbecomesuchaubiquitousandcentralfeatureofstudyandofpublicdiscourse,thatauthorsobserve thesaturationof references to it inboth thepublicandacademicspheres.Winterreferstothiswide-rangingphenomenonasthe‘memoryboom’,whichcanbeconsidered‘thehistoricalsignatureofourowngeneration’(Winter2006:51).Ithasaparticular strength in Spain, where in 2007 the controversial Ley de la Memoria Histórica or Ley de extensión de derechos a los afectados por la Guerra Civil y la dictadura (‘LawofHistoricalMemory’)waspassed.8

Inordertounderstandsomereasonsforthe‘memoryboom’and,morespecifically,tounderstandwhotheBasquerefugeechildrenoftheSpanishCivilWarare,IdrawontheworkonmemorybythesociologistMauriceHalbwachs(1992),apioneer in thestudy of collective memory, who maintains that memory carries on our sense ofidentity,andElizabethJelin,whocontendsthatthecurrentcultureofmemoryinourWesternsociety:

8 This law has been severely criticised by a considerable number of citizens, political groups, and associations, as theyconsiderthatitequates‘victims’to‘perpetrators’anddoesnotsufficientlydealwithanumberofcrucialissues,suchastheremovalormaintenanceofcertainFrancoistsymbolsandpublicmonuments.

Mem ory, memoriali sationand displa cement

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isinpartaresponseorreactiontorapidchangeandtoalifewithoutanchorsorroots.Insuchaculturalclimate,memoryhasahighlysignificantroleasasymbolicmechanismthathelpsstrengthenthesenseofbelongingtogroupsandcommunities.

(Jelin2003:1-2)

Thewideinterestinthesubjectofsocialmemory,thediversityofareascoveredbyit,theinterdisciplinarycharacteroftheapproachto itsstudy,andalsothelackofawellestablishedsystematicandinstitutionalisedstudyofitoveralongperiodoftime,thatis,itscomparative‘newness’,helpustounderstandthevarietyofnamesattachedtothisversatile phenomenon. Cattell and Climo list the terms ‘cultural memory, historicalmemory,localmemory,officialmemory,popularmemory,publicmemory,sharedmemory,custom, heritage, myth, roots, tradition’ which are used in this field and sometimesapproximateorequatetotheterm‘collectivememory’(Cattell&Climo2002:4).

Todistinguishbetweenasharedmemoryormemoriesofgroupsandcollectives,and the more personal and subjective memory of individuals, however blurred theboundaries between both types of memory might be, I will refer to the former ascollectiveorsocialmemory,whichinCrumley’sterms

isthemeansbywhichinformationistransmittedamongindividualsandgroupsandfromonegenerationtoanother.Notnecessarilyawarethattheyaredoingso,individualspassontheirbehaviorsandattitudestoothersinvariouscontextsbutespeciallythroughemotionalandpracticaltiesandinrelationshipsamonggenerations.

(Crumley2002:39)

Socialorcollectivememoryisbynomeansunderstoodhereasthesharedpropertyof thecitizenryofastateand isnot taken tobea total,uniqueandcomprehensivememory. In a complex world characterised by fragmentation, multiplicity, and rapidchange,differentcollectives,withinthesamestate,sociallyframetheirmemoriesaboutthepastandexpresstheminpublicinverydifferentways(Winter2006).ForthisreasonIdefendtheuseofeithercollectiveorsocialforthepluralityofmemoriesofthepastspecific to different social groups, which are usually built through processes ofdiscussion,negotiation,contestationandconflict.Thesememoriesconstructinterpretiveframeworkswhichhelpthemembersofthosecollectivitiesunderstandwhotheyareandwheretheybelong.

Individual and collective memory

Inthe1920stheFrenchsociologistMauriceHalbwachsstartedhisseminalstudyoncollectivememoryandelaboratedthecasethatthememoryofindividualsisbuiltupon the ways in which society constructs the past. He put the emphasis onmembershipofsocialgroupsasthecentralrequirementnecessaryforindividualstoremember(andlikewise,toforget).Inthisline,Jelin(2003)pointsoutthatwordsand

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the community of discourse are collective, therefore even though the experience ispersonal, itbecomescollective themoment it isshared.Relating thisnotion to thecasestudiedhere,AlonsoCarballés(1998)emphasisestheimportanceofthecollectivewhen he notices that the memories which the Niños Vascos had kept ‘latent’ onlybecameactivewhentheycontactedthegroup.

Following Halbwachs, it can be argued that one does not remember alone, andoftenourassumedrecollectionshavebeenborrowedfromothers.Thus,owingtothesocial nature of memory, individuals do not always need to experience the pastthemselvesinordertorememberit(Schuman&Scott1989),asitispasseddownfromgenerationtogenerationassharedculturalknowledge.

The relation that exists between memory and the construction of personal andcollectiveidentitybecomesavitalissueinthecaseofminoritiesandthelesspowerful,asforthosegroups‘collectivememoryandmythareoftenstillmoresalient:constantlyresortedtoboth inreinforcingasenseofselfandalsoasasourceofstrategiesforsurvival’(Samuel&Thompson1990:19).Moreover,collectivememorybecomescrucialasitengineersgroupcohesionandsolidarity.

In his conceptualisation of collective memory, Halbwachs distinguishes betweenhistoricalandautobiographicalmemory.Theformerentailswrittenrecords,whereasthelatterisentrenchedinotherpeopleandtendsto‘fadewithtimeunlessitisperiodicallyreinforcedthroughcontactwithpersonswithwhomonesharedtheexperiencesinthepast’ (Halbwachs 1992:23-24). This raises questions of particular significance to myenquiry,asrecentlytherehasbeenaconsiderableproliferationofwrittendocumentsandcelebratorypracticesinconnectionwiththesubjectsofmyresearch:

– Are the Niños Vascos trying to convert their autobiographical memories intohistoricalmemoriessothattheyarerememberedinthefuture,orperhapsmoreaccurately,sothattheyarenotforgotten?

– Isthereasonforthisthattheyfeeltheyareapproachingtheendoftheirlives,astheyareintheirlateseventiesoreighties,andtheyneedtogiveclosuretoanunfinishedemotionalbusinessbeforetheydie?

Additionally, a frequent feature brought up by exile writers is that memory ispersistent and it becomes a ‘most precious ally, as well as [...] [a] most disturbingobsession’(Agosin1995:13).

Time and collective memory

Personaltimeduringthestagesofchildhoodcanbedistortedwhenadultsorolderpeople remember. To make sense of the past, time can subjectively be stretched,

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shrunkormixedinrandomorderaccordingtotheimportancegiventothoseperiods(Samuel&Thompson1990).Thatintimaterelationshipbetweenmemoryandtimeisaddressedherefromapresentistapproach,whicharguesthat‘ourexperienceofthepresentverylargelydependsuponourknowledgeofthepast’(Connerton1989:2),apastthatissociallyconstructedandshapedbytheconcerns,beliefsandrequirementsofthepresent.Thisdoesnotignoretheimportanceofthepastinmemorywork,butitsupportstheideathatourpasthasanimpactonourpresentasmuchasthepresenthasanimpactonourrecollectionsofthepast.

AsSchwartzputsit:

we find thepast tobeneither totallyprecariousnor immutable,butastable imageupon which new elements are intermittently superimposed.The past, then is a familiarratherthanaforeigncountry;itspeopledifferent,butnotstrangerstothepresent.

(Schwartz1991:234)

Inthislighttemporalityisnotconsideredassomethingfixed,linearandunalterablebutasadynamicmixtureofsubjectivecomplexitieswhichtakesintoaccountboththepastandthepresent,andfurthermore,theexpectationsoffuture,inordertointerpretpastevents.Consequently,owingtothesubjectivenatureofmemory,itisimpossibleto find one single memory, in words of Naharro-Calderón a ‘super-memory whichencompasses all memories’; neither can be found a ‘universal memory, just,equalitarian,whichpleasesboththecollectiveandalsothedifferentgroupsand/orindividuals’(Naharro-Calderón2005:102),thatissupportedbytheentiresociety.

Inourreconstructionofthepast,whenwegiveanaccountofaneventwetendtodistortitand,asHalbwachscomments,wesummarisetheideaofatypeoflifeinsteadofadheringstrictlytowhathappenedatthetime. Inourrecollectionswecanmoveimportantevents‘alongthelineoftime’sothattheyborrowwhathasprecededthemandalsowhatwillfollow,because‘asoftenaswereturntotheseeventsandfiguresandreflectuponthem, theyattract to themselvesmorereality insteadofbecomingsimplified’(Halbwachs1992:61). Iarguethatthissubjectiveaspectisnotanissuebutahighlyrevealingcharacteristicoftheconstructionofmemorieswhichhelpsusbetterunderstandindividualandcollectiveidentities.

Memory and history

Due to the subjective nature of memory construction, the notion of the truth becomesacriticalelementofdiscussioninthestudyofmemoryandonethatconfrontsitwithhistory.Despitethetraditionalpreoccupationofhistoryforhardfactsandhowthey happened, current research goes beyond that constrained perspective andincorporatesananalysisofthesignificanceoftheperceptions andsubjectivitiesofthe

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actorswhomakeormadehistory.Inotherwords,thereisafocusonthe constructionoftruths,whichpredictablybringssubjectivitiesandexplanationsintothedebate.

Forsometimetherehasbeenanongoingdiscussionontherelationshipbetweenmemory and history, with a variety of thinkers exploring the dialectical relationbetweenthem.ThequestionIpositis,‘aretheyincompatibleordotheycomplementeachother?’.

Iwillstartmyexaminationbyconsideringsomeimplicitdifferencesinthenatureofbothmemoryandhistory.AsNora(1989)states,memoryis‘social’,‘spontaneous’,‘life’, it consists of skills transmitted by unspoken traditions from generation togeneration and it is in ‘permanent evolution’ unaware of its constant changes andtransformations.History,ontheotherhand,isthereconstructionofthepast,linkedtoa conscious critical discourse. Owing to this apparent antagonism, history mightcriticallyconsiderthatmemoryisnotrigorousenoughwithrealityandthereforerejectit. In thisconfrontationbetweenhistoryandmemory, itmaybeargued thathistorycorrespondstoknowledgeandtruth,whilememoryislinkedtowillandloyalty.

Memoryemergesmixedwithmythsandithasnoguaranteeofbeingtruthful,but,is not this subjectivity a fundamental part of identity construction? Are a society’smythsandstoriesnotanimportantpartofmemoryastheycontributetoforgingthatsociety’sidentity?

Itisimportanttonotethatmemorysometimesprovokesconfrontationandpain,especiallywhenthereareunresolvedissues,forinstancefromadictatorialpast.Forthisreasonsomechallengeanapproachtothepastwhichreliesonmemory.Itcanbearguedthatindictatorships,historyismonolithic,thuswhentheseregimesfallothervoices require to be allowed on the scene. History then needs to include othermemories,whichbecomeastatementofidentity.AsJelinchallenges‘Socialrealityiscomplex, contradictory, and full of tensions and conflicts. Memory is no exception’(Jelin2003:24).

Whenhistorianswriteofficialnarratives, theyneedtocriticallyandscientificallyassess the credibility of the documentation they choose to search in order toreconstruct events.There are a number of problems connected to this, such as thearbitrarinessoftheselectionofwhattoincludeinarchivesandothersourcesofdata,as well as the selection of historical events.These selections have previously beencarried out by people and institutions which undoubtedly have their own agenda(Ricoeur 1999). This will certainly affect the path the historian follows when theyreconstructthepast.Itcouldbearguedthatselectivityisaboutmakingchoices,notnecessarily linked todenial,but I contend thatbehindanychoice there isa reasonwhichincludespersonalorinstitutionalinterests.Thus,despitehistory’saspirationtobescientificallydemonstrable,asNapoleonBonaparteputit‘Historyistheversionofpasteventsthatpeoplehavedecidedtoagreeupon’.

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Inthatlight,Iarguethatwhilehistorycontributestoscholarlydiscussionwithitsexperienceasanacademicdiscipline andconfersvalidity,memoryexpandsthespaceof history by recovering marginal voices. This makes possible the coexistence ofconflictingversionsofpastevents,thusincreasingdemocracy.Furthermore,Icontendthatitalsoinspiresand‘insofarasit[memory]isaffectiveandmagical’(Nora1989:8),itbringswarmthandhumanitytohistory.Thus,wecantalkofa‘polyphonichistory’9wherehistoryandmemorycomplementeachother.

Remembering and forgetting

SofarIhavelookedforresponsestothequestionofwhatmemoryisandhowitworks at a collective level, but there still remains a crucial part of the memoryconstruction process to be analysed, which is how it works in relation to whatindividualsandsocietiesrememberandwhattheyforget.Bothindividualsandsocietyareselectiveregardingtheexperiencestheyremember,butwhatdotheychoosetoremember?Furthermore,ifforgettingisanactive,notapassiveprocess,whatdotheychooseto forget? Is thereany individualchoiceatallor is itsomethingthatcomes‘fromabove’,thatis,imposedbythosewhohavethepowertodoso?Iamparticularlyinterestedinthestrategieswhichindividualsandgroupsutiliseinordertoreconstructthepast,and,inthecaseoftheNiños Vascos,toascertainwhotheagentsinvolvedintherememberingandforgettingprocessesareandwhattheirinputis.

One could attempt to explain the issue of how remembrance works from aneurobiological point of view, but that is not the concern of this investigation.Moreover, it is unlikely that neurobiology alone could ultimately explain all theintricaciesofmemory.Jelin(2003)notestheimportanceofcontinuityandpermanencethroughout time and space with regard to identity, arguing that remembering one’sown past is what sustains the sense of self. She affirms that the milestones andexperienceswhichareretainedintherememberingprocessarechosenbecausetheyconnectthesubjectwiththeothers.

In today’s society, forgetting generates a pervasive and entrenched fear, whichAchugar describes as the ‘ghost of a collective Alzheimer’ (Achugar 2003:192).However,wecanmakethedistinctionbetweenthisforgettingthatmeansdestructionand the type of forgetting which can be considered positive and even necessary(Ricoeur2006).Forinstance,itisunthinkabletoexpectpeopletorememberalltheexperiencestheyhavehadintheirentirelife.Halbwachsalsoobservesapositivetype

9 AnextraordinarymetaphorusedbyJuanGutiérrezattheseminar‘Reflexionessobrelasmemoriasyelfuturo’(‘Reflectionsaboutmemoriesandthefuture’)withinthecourse‘Delosniñosdelaguerraalosnietosdelamemoria’(‘FromtheChildrenoftheWartotheGrandchildrenoftheMemory’),CursodeExtensiónUniversitariadelaUniversidaddeAlcaládeHenares.Llanes,Spain,23-25August2006.

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of forgetting, maintaining that society protects its integrity by erasing memorieswhichseparateindividualsorgroups.Although,isitactually‘positive’thatasocietysacrificesthememoriesofpartofthatsocietyfortheperceivedbenefitoftheentirepopulation?

Sometimes there is an active forgetting connected to the convenient lack ofinterestinuncoveringwhatwewouldnotliketoknoworwouldhurtus,andsometimesforgettingisusefulinthatitexpedientlyallowsusnottorememberthoseexperienceswhichwouldmakeusfeelguilty.Thereisalsoaforgettingwhichpermitsustofilterunnecessary details when we tell or narrate a story, and Nietzsche’s ‘liberating’forgettingwhichhelpsanationwithanexcessofmemoriestogetridofitsburdensandmoveforward(Ricoeur1999).Thereisahealthyandtherapeuticforgettingwhichconveysforgivenessandthesolutiontosomeissuesofa‘sick’memory.However,itisimportanttopointoutthatsometimestheforgettingonlyoccursatasuperficiallayer,asitmightreappearatalaterstageintime;insuchcases,memoryisonlyhiddenandwaiting for something to trigger its reawakening and refreshing. For instance, afterdecadesofsilence,thememoriesoftheSpanishCivilWarhavebeenresuscitatedwithsuchanenormousvigourwhichwarnsusthat,despitethegeneralsilenceorpacto del olvido (‘pactofforgetting’)10,thepasthadnotbeencompletelyforgotten.

Memory matters

Ihavesofarexploredsomepositiveaspectsofrememberingandforgetting,buttherearecertainlyproblemsaswell,relatedtoalackorexcessofeitherofthem.Thesemightberevealedbysilences,absencesandgapsinanarrativeor,onthecontrary,bypathologicalrepetitions.

Taking up again the point made earlier regarding the need for people to makesenseof thepastwhentheyremember, thequestion isnowwhether this isalwaysachieved. Is italwayspossibletogiveameaningtothetraces leftbythepast?Arepeoplealwayswillingtotalkabouttheirpast?

Therearetimeswhenpeopledonotforgetthosetraces,butfordifferentreasonstheydonotdealwiththemandkeepthemburied.Inheranalysisofsituationsinwhichpeople choose silence as an alternative to talking about their past, Jelin (2003)indicatesthatpeoplemightbefrightenedtotalkabout it, for instanceincasesofapast of political repression or when they disagree with the existing interpretiveframeworks.Peoplemightsilencetheirpastinordertoavoidpaintosomeoneelse,orperhaps they lack an audience willing to listen. Sometimes, people might also be

10 ThisconceptisdevelopedinChapter3.

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worriedthattheyaremisunderstood,ortheirwordswillbeconsciouslyorunconsciouslymisusedormanipulated;orperhapstheycannotfindthewordstoexpressthemselves.

Inadditiontothese,Ibelievethattherearealsoinstancesinwhichpeoplemightprefernottotalkbecausetheyareembarrassedabouttheirpast,donotwantanyonetopitythemor,inthecaseofcontroversialmemories,theymightfearthattheywillbeconsideredtraitorsbytheirownkindiftheydonotfollowthedominantlines.

In more extreme cases the reason why individuals or groups are blocked fromdealingwiththeirpastisthattheyhavesufferedtraumaticeventsorforgettingmighthave been imposed by a dictatorial regime. After a recent past of repression andviolence,especiallyintheoccurrenceofawar,societytendstobedivided.Whilesomearecontent to forget, thereareotherswhodonot resignthemselves to that lineoforganisedforgettingandtokeepthat‘publicsecret’or‘socialamnesia’.Atthesametimeasthestateandthewinnersmightcelebratetheirvictory,otherswillinevitablyfeelhumiliatedand/orangry.Usuallythenationalnarrativewillbethatofthewinners,and ‘a state apparatus is used in a systematic way to deprive its citizens of theirmemory’inordertoenslavethem(Connerton1989:14).

In these cases of forced forgetting, those people with different and silenced stories,especiallyifthereistraumainvolved,mightexperiencea‘fixationoraconstantreturn’ (Jelin2003:5) to thedistressingpast.Their recollectionof thepastmightbecontinuallyrepeatedinsteadofreflectedupon,hencethere isa lackofthememorylabourthatisneededinordertogiveameaningtothepast(Halbwachs1992).

Jelinobservesthatthecontinuousrepetitionorsaturationofmemoriesisnottheresultofhavingtoomanymemories,buttheresultofalackofamourningprocessandthepersonalandprivatespherenottranscendingtothepubliclevel.Sheconcludesthatthecontradictorymemoriesofpastdictatorialregimesneedtobeexpressedindemocraticinstitutionsandinopenpublicspheres,notnecessarilyviaconsensusbutin a public arena which accepts plurality and controversy about different memories(Jelin 2003). However, there is the risk of institutional intervention turning towardsmanipulation.AsConnertonremarks,‘It issurelythecasethatcontrolofasociety’smemorylargelyconditionsthehierarchyofpower’(Connerton1989:1).11Inrelationtothis, information technology plays a very important role these days as it storesinformation,thereforeinsomewayitorganisesthecollectivememory.Thisisnotjust‘atechnicalmatterbutonedirectlybearingonlegitimation,thequestionofthecontrolandownershipofinformationbeingacrucialpoliticalissue’(Connerton1989:1).

Asadimensionofpoliticalpower,socialmemoryisaquestionofcontrol,ethics,ideology,andpartisaninterests.Thus,initsselectionandreconstructionofthepast,

11 GeorgeOrwelltouchesuponthispointwhenhestates:‘Whocontrolsthepast,controlsthefuture;whocontrolsthepresent,controlsthepast’.

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remembering serves present political interests, and memories legitimise anddelegitimisesocial institutionsandcollectiveactions.Theyultimately legitimise thepresentsocialorder(Connerton1989).Whilethehegemonicdiscoursemightbeusingforgettingasapoliticalinstrumentformanipulation,therearealsocollectivememoryandvictimisationdiscourseswhichmightbemaintainedinordertokeeptheunityandcohesion of a group. Torpey takes this to an extreme when he mentions ‘theprofessionallyinjured’who‘makeaprofessionoftheirpastinjury’(Torpey2003).

However, Schwartz et al. note that ‘no society would go to the trouble toreconstructitspasthadnotsomesignificantproblemdisrupteditsnormalpatternofliving’(Schwartzetal.1986:150).Inthiscontext,thereareavarietyofsocialactors,Jelin’s ‘moral entrepreneurs’, who engage in a dialogue and ‘strive to affirm thelegitimacyof“their” truth.Theyengage instruggles forpower,searchingoften tolegitimatetheircurrentpositionsthroughclaimingprivilegedlinkstothepast’(Jelin2003:26-27).

It isoftensaid that thisstruggle forownershipofmemory is ‘memoryagainstoblivion’ or ‘against silence’ but ultimately this claim conceals the real struggle,whichisfundamentallyconnectedtoaconflictbetweendifferentmemories,thatis,‘memoryagainstmemory’(Jelin2003:xviii).Whenthestrugglesformemorybetweenthe public and private or sub-collective narratives emerge, issues which wereunquestionable commence to be questioned. I argue that those tensions whichappearwithinthebattlefieldofopposedmemoriesareapositivefeature,sincetheyprovoke debate over issues that still needed to be discussed. They also give theopportunity to reach ‘consensus’ in a new reconstruction of the past, even if thisconsensussimplymeanslisteningtodifferentvoices,acceptingmultipleordividedmemories,notnecessarilyagreeingonafinalanddefinitiveclosureofthedebate.Rather thanconsensus,wemeanhere that theremightbeanagreementover thedisagreement.

Intheconflictbetweendifferentagentsofmemory,groupsandindividualshavetheirownagenda.Usingthereligiouscollectivememoryasanexample,Halbwachsnoticesthatthereligioussocietyincreasinglyattractedmoregroupswho‘preserve[d]their own interests and their own memory’ (Halbwachs 1992:98). One of theconsequencesofthetensionscreatedbythegrowingnumbersofsocialagentsisthatthese agents in some occasions have an unexpected impact on the reconstructionprocess.Forinstance,therearetimes‘inwhichthereis“saturationofmemory”inthepublicsphere,triggeringasenseofrejectionorafreezingofmemory,oppositetowhatishoped’(Jelin2003:36).Thiscompulsiverememberingisanissuethatemergesfrommyresearch.However,giventhelackofattentionthattherefugeechildrenoftheCivilWarreceiveduntilrelativelyrecently,Iquestionifwhatnowappearslikeanexcessofmemory and commemoration may be the delayed result of a long period of stateamnesiabothinSpainandintheUK.Thisleadstothequestionof‘howmuchistoomuchmemory?’.

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Memorialisation

Thus far ithasbeenargued thatmemoriesaresubjectiveprocesses,objectsofdisputesandstruggles. Iwillnowdefendthatsoaretheexperiences,andsymbolicand material markers in which they are anchored. The previous section exploredremembering and forgetting and also some issues connected to them, which arefrequentlyrelatedtotensionsamongsttheindividualsandcollectivitiesthatremember.InthissectionIwillfocusonremembrancepractices,asthesearethemilieuxinwhichtheseconflictsmanifestthemselvesmoreexplicitly.

Commemorations, anniversaries, dates, and sites of remembrance are usuallycontentiousaffairs,astheygeneratetherealmswherepeople’sfeelingsreactivateandtheylookfornewmeaningsofthepast.Theyconstitutetheoccasionswhenmemoriesareproducedandactivated.Thus,theseremembrancepracticesbecomethearenaforstruggles over memory where different actors contest for legitimacy. They are themarkersofmemoryintimeandspacewheresocialactorsandmemorycarriersbattletodecide‘whohaswhatrightstodeterminewhatshouldberememberedandhow’(Jelin1998:24-25).

For a number of years I have followed very closely both the organisation of anumberofcommemorativeeventsinrelationtothearrivaloftheNiñosVascosintheUKandalsothesubsequentrepresentationsofthehistoryoftheNiños Vascoswhichhavebeenmadepublic.Thediscoursesof theorganisers,media,andotheragentsinvolved in these ceremonies, and the portrait they give of them to the public, areundoubtedlychargedwiththemeaningstheyaretryingtoestablish.Thesetypesofeventsarealsotheperfectgroundforthosewhousethestorytogainaprivateprofitoutofit,whomIcallmemory profiteers.Theirappearanceonthesceneincorporatesan extra source of tension as it creates conflict between them and other memoryagents, owing to the different and often conflicting agendas which they introduce.Consequently,notonlycanwesaythatthesepracticesreflectcontroversies,butalsothattheyproduceandmouldthem.

Within the wider context of the ‘memory boom’, currently we could also talk intermsofa‘commemorationboom’,whichallowsustofocusontheinterpretationofcommemorations and important events to analyse the role of symbolic spatial andtemporaldimensionsintheconstructionofcollectiveidentities.

In the case of Spain, following a long period of imposed silence during the‘so-called transition to democracy’ (Naharro-Calderón 2004:9), from the late 1990stherehasbeenaconsiderableincreaseofmemorywork.Asaresultofthissurge,2006wasdeclaredthe‘YearoftheHistoricalMemory’andthe‘LawofHistoricalMemory’wasfirstapprovedinthatyear,whichcoincidedwiththe70thanniversaryofthestartoftheCivilWar.ThereactivationofthememoryoftheNiños Vascosfitsverywellinthiscontextsince,asSchwartzetal.write,‘historicaleventsareworthrememberingonlywhenthecontemporarysocietyismotivatedtodefinethemassuch’(Schwartzetal.

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1986:149).Areweobservingtheclimaxofamemorialisterawhichwillfinishwhenthecurrentsocietyfindsnewinterpretationsofthepastandconsolidatesanewidentityasitshistoryisreconstructed?Towhatextentarethememory profiteerscontributingtothismemorialistfever,fuellingitandutilisingitfortheirownbenefitandperhapschangingthecollectivememoryoftheNiños Vascosinawaythatsuitsthemselves?

Dates and rituals

An important way by which the beliefs and sentiments common to an averagememberofasocietyarelearnedisthroughceremonialactsandphysicalartefacts.Inthisview,humanhabitsandritualsarealsopartofthesocialmemory,‘Forimagesofthe past and recollected knowledge of the past […] are conveyed and sustained by(moreorlessritual)performances’(Connerton1989:3-4).Commemorativeceremoniesmight memorialise the idea of a past that has existed, but they do not necessarilyevoke a specific account of that past, as they are there primarily to remind thecommunityofitsidentity.Thisisparticularlyrelevantinthecaseofsmallergroupsandminorities,whomightnotbeabletoinfluencethedominantdiscourseofthemajorityortoaccesswiderpublicarenas,buttheycangatheratcyclicalandrepetitiveeventswhichbringthemtogetherreinforcingthegroupidentity.

Rites are not simply expressive, formal, or limited in their effect to the ritualoccasion,buttheyarerepetitive,whichimpliesasenseofcontinuitywiththepast.Inthoseeventstemporalityisakeyfeatureandtheselectionofdatesandanniversariesisadeliberateonewhichsometimesmightcausediscrepancy,astherearedifferentmemoryagentswithdifferentagendasinvolvedintheselection.

Whathasbeensaidearlierregardingmemoryandthepastbeingconstructedandreconstructed over time could equally be applied to commemoration dates. This isevidencedbythefactthatsometimessocietychangestheanniversarydateifthisiscontroversial,orchangesthenameofwhatiscelebrated,orconvenientlytransformsits previous meaning. There are numerous examples which illustrate this point, forinstance the Christian calendar whose festivals are often related to previous pagancelebrations, or the controversies surrounding the National Day in Australia, or theNationalDayofCommemorationinIreland,amongstmanyothers.AdatewhichhasbeenparticularlycontroversialintheSpanishcontextandwhichhasbeenadaptedandadjustedtochangedconditionsmultipletimesisthe12October,whichwillbetoucheduponlaterinthisstudy.

Finally,itisimportantnottosimplylookforthecontentsandmeaningsoftheserepetitiveritualsandtheirtemporalities,buttogofurther,analysingtheactual‘form’oftherituals,sincethisisanequallysignificantelementwhichexpressesandbuildsidentity.Toputitinotherwords,practicesarenotonlyembeddedina‘symbolic’realm,

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butalsoina‘performative’onewheretheperformativenessofpostures,gesturesandmovementsarefullofmeanings(Connerton1989).

Sites of memory

PierreNora,whocanbeconsideredasthepioneerpar excellence ofthestudyofthesitesofmemory,identifiesthemasthesiteswherememoryisembodiedand‘asenseofhistoricalcontinuitypersists’.Henoticesthatmemoryestablishesitselfintheconcrete,spaces,gestures,images,andobjectsand,whilehistoryisconnectedtoevents,memoryis connected to sites (Nora 1989). Places and monuments are central elements inmemorialisation processes, as they are the memory machines which give physicalmaterialitytomemoryandthespaceswherehistoryisreproducedandcelebrated(Jelin& Kaufman 1998). However, their public visibility is a source of ‘opportunities forcontestingaswellascelebratingreceivedmemories’(Ashplantetal.2000:4).

Similarlytothedatesofcommemoration,commemorativeplaques,memorials,andmonuments are charged with a meaning, and they are also the places where newsensesofthepastareelaborated.Theyaremoregraphicthanpeople’snarratives,andin some respects it seems easier to understand these physical marks of memorybecause we can see them (or their remains) in front of us. However, they hide anenormouscomplexitywithinthem.Theyaremulti-dimensionalentitieswhichrepresentthestoriesof the individualsorgroupswhichtheycommemorate.Thesemarksalsoneed to be recognised and legitimised by institutions, public entities, and memoryentrepreneurs, who often struggle and compete for the ownership of them (Jelin2002a).Frequentlytherearealsostrugglesassociatedwiththemaintenanceorremovalofthesememorymarksfromthepublicplaces,asiscurrentlythecaseinSpain.

There can be few examples which so powerfully highlight the centrality of thistopic, as the present controversy with regard to how the Law of Historical MemorydealswiththeremainingmemorysitesofthedictatorialpastinSpain.Oneofthemostcontentious elements of this law relates to the withdrawal or maintenance of thesymbolsandmonumentswhichcelebratetheFrancoistvictoryaftertheCivilWar.Notonlyhasthistopicgeneratedaburningpublicdebatewithindividualsandsocialandpolitical groups criticising the law in the public sphere, but it has also started togenerate academic production. For instance, a recent book written by Abad Liceras(2009)discussessomelegalproblemsandgreyareasofthelaw.

Inthispublicarenawherestrugglestakeplaceandmeaningsareconstructedandcontested,‘conflictemergesasacentraldynamicandonethatisnotonlydestructivebutalsoproductiveofidentity,community,andthepublicsphere’(Bernal2005:662).

Thequestionnowis,whoaretheprotagonistsofthat‘forgotten’andconflictualpast?

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Displacement

Inorderto investigatethequestionsofwhotheNiños Vascosareandalsowhotheyareconsideredtobebyothers,myworkfocusesontheanalysisofthemainlabelswhichhavebeenappliedtothemthroughouttheirlifehistories.Atatheoreticallevel,myapproachtotheirexperienceofforcedmigrationisframedbytheworkcarriedoutintheareasofrefugeeanddiaspora.

Foranumberofyearstheseconceptshavebeensubjectsoflivelydebateinthepublicandacademicdomains.Theirmeaningshavebeendiscussedandthemisuseofthe words in the literature and by the media has been criticised. Furthermore, anumberofintellectualsandwritershaverelativelyrecentlybeguntorefertothemselvesas an ‘exile’ using the term metaphorically to describe their (usually voluntary)conditionasadisplacedperson.Asaresultdiscussionsfocustheattentiononwhetherweshouldstrictlyadheretotheiroriginalmeaningsorwhethernewusesshouldbeaccepted which expand and extend their meanings to new situations encounteredwithinthefieldofhumanmigrationsinarapidlychangingworld.

Refugee

AsSaidputsit‘ourage[...]isindeedtheageoftherefugee,thedisplacedperson,massimmigration’(Said2000:174).Myfirstconcernistoexplorewhatarefugeeis.12

DespitealonghistoryofrefugeesinEurope,theyonlybecameaprominentfeatureof internationalpoliticalrelevanceinthetwentiethcentury.Afterseveraldecadesofincreasinghostilitytowardstherefugees,in1940theBritishGovernmentdecidedtore-labelrefugeesasenemy aliensand‘apolicyofmassinternmentanddeportationwasimplemented’(Kushner2006:6).Thearrivalofthisremarkablynegativeexpressiontorefertothempointstoashiftfromwhatmighthavepreviouslybeenperceivedas‘large herds of innocent and bewildered people requiring international assistance’(Said2000:181)tounwelcome,hostileanddisturbingstrangers.

Approaching the end of the Second World War it was important to have therefugees well under control, because they were seen as a military rather than aninternationalhumanitarianproblem, inspiteof the involvementofsomeindividualsandvoluntaryagenciesinrefugeeaid.ItwaswiththeinstitutionoftheUnitedNationsHigh Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in 1951 that there was a shift from themilitaryspheretowardsamoreinternationalandhumanitariandomain(Malkki1995).

12 Tocovertheentirehistoryoftherefugeemovementisbeyondthescopeandtheobjectiveofmystudy,thusIwillfocusmyworkonthe‘modern’(Malkki1995,Kushner2006)refugeenotionwhichisthecategorycoinedaftertheSecondWorldWar.

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Thedefinitiongivenbythe1951UnitedNationsConventionstatesthat

theterm‘refugee’,shallapplytoanypersonwho:[…]Asaresultofeventsoccurringbefore1January1951andowingtowell-foundedfearofbeingpersecutedforreasonsofrace,religion,nationality,membershipofaparticularsocialgrouporpoliticalopinion, isoutsidethecountryofhisnationalityandisunableor,owingtosuchfear,isunwillingtoavailhimselfoftheprotectionofthatcountry;orwho,nothavinganationalityandbeingoutsidethecountryofhisformerhabitualresidenceasaresultofsuchevents,isunableor,owingtosuchfear,isunwillingtoreturntoit.13

Priortothis,‘refugeeshadnorightsorinternationalprotection’(Kushner2006:41),thereforereachingthisdefinitionwasastepforward.However,asPatriciaTuittrightlyindicates,reducingallrefugeeexperiencesintothelegaldefinitionofthe1951UnitedNationsConvention‘hasstifledthesearchforanappropriatesolutionfortherapidlyincreasingnumberofrefugees’(Tuitt1996:2).

Someauthorsdefinethe‘refugeeexperience’asanidentifiableconditionlinkedtoa certain category of people who share common characteristics, and therefore, acommon identity. Moreover, they differentiate some stages during the process,beginningwhentheserefugeesfeelthreatenedintheirhomecountry,andlastinguntilthey eventually adjust and lose their original culture in the host country.14 Malkkiarguesthatconsideringrefugeesassomethingmorethanamere‘mixedcategoryofpeople sharing a certain legal status’, has an impact on how refugee crises arehandled,and,atapoliticallevel,maintainstheestablishedorderofthingsregardingstatesovereignty(Malkki1995:511).ItaketheviewoutlinedbyBarutciski(1998)thatcategoriessuchasthiscanbemeaninglessorevennegative,andthatthereisnotaformalandhomogeneousrefugeeidentitybutan‘essentialheterogeneousplurality’(Naharro-Calderón2005:110).

Wecannotconsiderrefugeesasagroupwithdistinctcharacteristicscommontoallofthemexceptfortheonerelatedtotheloss of home.Inconnectionwiththis,someauthorscriticisehowlittletheconceptofhomehasbeenstudiedincontrastwiththenotionoftrauma:

Wheneveronethinksofrefugees,fromapsychologicalperspective,thefirstassociationistotraumaratherthantohome.Home,afterallisnotapsychologicalconcept,assuch.Yet,lossofhomeistheonlyconditionthatallrefugeesshare,nottrauma.Refugeesaredefinednot as a group of people exhibiting any specific psychological condition but merely aspeoplewhohavelosttheirhomes.

(Papadopoulos2002)

Inextengageinananalysisofthenotionofhomewhichiscentraltomyenquiry.

13 http://www.unhcr.org/protect/PROTECTION/3b66c2aa10.pdf[accessed01.10.07].

14 ThispointwillbecontestedandelaboratedinChapter4.

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Framing home

Theconceptofhome isconspicuouslycomprehensiveandproblematic.Wecanfindanumberofdefinitionswhicharesometimesconnectedtoaconcretephysicalspaceinthesenseofthehouse;veryoftenthedefinitionincludesa‘personalspaceofidentification’ (Fog Olwig 1998:225); feelings of where one belongs; and also arelationshipwithapsychologicalsphereortime.Furthermore,inthecurrentcontextofaworldcharacterisedbythecontinuousmovementofitspopulation,

foraworldoftravellers,oflabourmigrants,exilesandcommuters,homecomestobefoundinaroutinesetofpractices,arepetitionofhabitualinteractions,instylesofdressandaddress,inmemoriesandmyths,instoriescarriedaroundinone’shead.

(Rapport&Dawson1998:7)

Thereisamythicalsenseattachedtotheideaofhomecountryamongstmigrantpopulations,whichIcontendisbornfromanecessitytocopewiththedifficultiestosettle in the new place encountered. Also, Bernal notices that in the spaces ofdiaspora, ‘location’ is an ambiguous concept which in order to ‘be made sociallymeaningful[…]mustbeactivelyconstructed’(Bernal2005:661).Agosin’sthought‘Itseems that I am always prepared to leave somewhere, taking with me the onlypossible homeland: language, memory, the invention of it’ (Agosin 1995:15) is anexcellentillustrationofthisidea.Inthisviewhome‘isaplaceofno-return,evenifitispossibletovisitthegeographicalterritorythatisseenastheplaceof“origin”’(Brah1996:192).

However, home can be interpreted as something undefined which is either noplaceoranyplace,‘temporaryand[…]moveable;itcanbebuilt,rebuilt,andcarriedinmemoryandbyactsofimagination’(Naficy1999:6),thus,itispossibletoreturntothatmythicalplaceandtimebymeansofimagination(McLeod2000).

Havingestablishedthatthelossofhomeistheuniqueuniversalcharacteristicthatallrefugeeshaveincommon,onecanexpecttofindacomplexdiversityofexperiences.It is within this diversity where local, national and global identities are continuallyreconstructedandrenewed,withmigrantcommunitiesbeingincludedintheprocess,asSchwarzstein(2001)indicates.Sheidentifiesmigrantcommunitiesasactiveactorswho,bydevelopingstrategiesandmakingdecisions,havetheirinputinthepolitical,economicandsocialprocessesinsociety.

Us and the others

Thedebateontheconceptofhomeleadstotheissuesofbelongingandotherness.Kushneridentifiestherefugeeasacriticalsymbolofplacelessness,temporarinessand

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statelessness,statingthattheyareeverywhereandnowherechallengingtheideasofstability,continuityandplace.However,heobservesthattheycanbeexcludedfromthehostsocietyastheycreateanxiety,buttheycanalsobeincludedwhen‘the“local”isinscribedwithuniversalmeaningandassociations’(Kushner2006:1).

AsMcLeod(2000)putsit,whenmigrantsgotonewplaces‘theycanbedeemednot to belong there and disqualified from thinking of the new land as their home.Instead, their home is seen to exist elsewhere, back across the border’. Moreimportantly,headdsthatitisdifficulttoretainthisconventionaldualisticandstaticnarrativeofbelonginginaworldwherepeoplethinkoftheirrelationtoplacesinanewmanner, with many ‘living “in-between“ different nations, feeling neither here northere,unabletoindulgeinsentimentsofbelongingtoeitherplace’.Furthermore,hepointsoutthatthisin-betweennesscanbe‘painful,perilousandmarginalising’,butitcan also be seen as something positive and as ‘a place of immense creativity andpossibility’ where migrants are empowered as ‘agents of change’ who create newidentities‘opentochangeandreinscription’.

Besidestheconceptofbelonging,theconceptsofusandothersarealsocentralinany work on refugee. The importance, furthermore, the necessity, of the other inconstructing and maintaining identities needs to be stressed (Billig 1995). On thisWeedon’sargumentisthat‘Identityisrelational.Itisdefinedinarelationofdifferenceto what it is not […] All identities have their “others” from which they mark theirdifference’ (Weedon 2004:19). As the ‘basis of otherness can vary considerably indifferent situations’ (Petersoo 2007:119) it is fair to say that there are a number ofpossibilitiesofothersifwethinkofdifferentcontexts.Also,againstthedominantideaofnegativenessassociatedwiththe other,therehavealsobeenpositiveexamplesinhistory.With regard to the Niños Vascos, I am interested in whether they make thedistinctionofusandthe othersandwhattheyconsiderthemselvestobebothinSpainandtheUK.Orfurthermore,dotheypositionthemselvessomewhereoutsidetheusandthe other?Inthisrespect,Saidgoesonestepfurtherinthedebateontheissueofusandthe othersinrelationtodisplacedpeople:

Andjustbeyondthefrontierbetween‘us’andthe‘outsiders’istheperilousterritoryofnot-belonging:thisistowhereinaprimitivetimepeopleswerebanished,andwhereinthemoderneraimmenseaggregatesofhumanityloiterasrefugeesanddisplacedpersons.

(Said2000:177)

Diaspora

In general terms, diaspora suggests an idea of community and it also involves‘havingcollectivehomesaway fromhome’ (Clifford1994:308).AsOiarzabalputs it,diaspora ‘is an assertion about not being there, in the homeland – the permanentabsence from the place or origin’ (Oiarzabal 2007:96). Kearney’s argument is that

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‘Refugees and displaced persons are often the first generations of diasporancommunities’ (Kearney1995:559).This leads to the issueof thechangingnatureofhuman groups over time, which I analyse in later chapters in relation to thedevelopment of the subjects of my study as a group. It also raises the question ofwhethertheNiñosVascos couldbeconsideredpartoftheBasquediaspora.

Justasthemeaningofthetermrefugeehasbeenrevisedintheliterature,sohasbeenthenotionofdiaspora,whichaccordingtoTötölian‘nowsharesmeaningswithalargersemanticdomainthatincludeswordslikeimmigrant,expatriate,refugee,guest-worker,exilecommunity,overseascommunity,ethniccommunity’(Tötölian1991:4-5).

AnumberofauthorshaveexploredthenewusesofthistermandasCohen(1997)states,theworddiasporaofGreekoriginhasbeenusedthroughouthistorytoexpressdifferent ideas. Originally, it was used in Ancient Greece meaning migration andcolonisation;lateritbecameassociatedwithcollectiveseparationfromhomeinvolvingtrauma; and in more recent years, it has been used in relation to groups who areneithercolonisersnorvictimsofseparationfromtheirhomeland.Cohensummarisesthefeaturesofdiasporasas:

1 dispersal from an original homeland, often traumatically; 2 alternatively, theexpansion from a homeland in search of work, in pursuit of trade or to further colonialambitions;3acollectivememoryandmythaboutthehomeland;4anidealizationofthesupposedancestralhome;5a returnmovement;6astrongethnicgroupconsciousnesssustained over a long time; 7 a troubled relationship with host societies; 8 a sense ofsolidaritywithco-ethnicmembersinothercountriesofsettlement;and9thepossibilityofadistinctivecreative,enrichinglifeintoleranthostcountries.

(Cohen1997:180)

However,asHall(1998)maintains,diasporaexperiencesarenotessentialist,pureandfixed,buthighlydynamicandheterogeneous.Inthisview‘diasporaidentitiesarethose which are constantly producing and reproducing themselves anew, throughtransformation and difference’ (Hall 1998:235). Thus, when authors have tried totheorise and conceptualise the term diaspora, they have failed to produce a set ofcriteriathatcouldconsistentlybeappliedtoanygivendiasporicgroup.IalignmyselfwithClifford,whoaddsthepeculiarityofa‘shared,ongoinghistoryofdisplacement,suffering,adaptationorresistance’and,moreinterestingly,clarifiesthat‘Whatevertheworkinglistofdiasporicfeatures,nosocietycanbeexpectedtoqualifyonallcounts,throughoutitshistory’(Clifford1994:306).

CanwethentalktheoreticallyofaBasquediaspora?

Agoodstartingpoint for thediscussion is thestatementmaintainedbyCliffordthat ‘In the late 20th century, all or most communities have diasporic dimensions(moments,tactics,practices,articulations)’(Clifford1994:310).Kearneyestablishesadifferencebetweendiasporasandotherpatternsofmigrationinthat:

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diasporas include a full cross-section of community members who are dispersed tomanydiverseregionsoftheworld,andwhoyetretainamythoftheiruniquenessandaninterestintheirhomeland.

(Kearney1995:559)

ThissubstantiatesthecaseforaBasquediasporasincethoseconditionshaveallbeencharacteristicoftheBasquemigrationmovementsthroughouthistory.

Authors such as Totoricagüena (2005) and Oiarzabal & Oiarzabal (2005) havetheorisedandconstructedacaseforaBasquediaspora.15Thisispopularlyknownasthe Zortzigarren Herrialde (‘Eighth Basque Province’). Based not on a nation-stateperspective but within a transnational framework, Totoricagüena compares theexperiencesofgroupsofBasquescurrentlydisseminatedaroundtheworld,maintainingthat in thosecollectives therearemanywhostill consider themselvesBasque,andtherearealsoexamplesofreturningtotheBasqueidentityaftergenerations.UsingCohen’s definition she sustains that there is a Basque diaspora, even though thisdiasporadoesnotclearlyfulfilallthecriteria.ThisclaimisbasedonaBasqueidentityofdiasporancollectivitieswhich is firmlyconnectedtoargumentsofbelongingtoagroup,individualdevelopment,andaperceivedpositivesocialstatusassociatedwitha‘positivework-ethicreputation’16(Totoricagüena2005:112).

Molina Aparicio and Oiarzabal agree that there is a transnational and diasporicbehaviouramongsttheBasques,noticingthat:

Diasporacommunitiesareformedbyemigrantswhosharedacollectiveidentityintheirhomeland,whichsocio-economicand/orpoliticalconditionsforcedthemtoleave,orwhoforotherreasonschosetosettleinanothercountry[…]Diasporaassociationscreatetransnationalnetworksthatmaintainvaryingdegreesofpersonal,institutional,cultural,social,economic,politicalandbusiness tieswith thehomelandandwithothercountrieswhere there isaBasquepresence:aglobespanningnetworkofattachmentsandallegiances.

(MolinaAparicio&Oiarzabal2009:699)

With regard to the Niños Vascos, as it will be developed in Chapter 4, at anindividuallevelsomeofthem donotregardthemselvesasBasques.However,someothersdo,whichraisesquestionsofwhetherthesecanbeconsideredaspartoftheBasquediaspora.ItissignificantthatonasearchontheinternetforthetermBasque diasporaitistheBasqueChildrenof’37AssociationUKitselfthatappearsinthefirstplaceonthelistofBasquediasporancommunitiesintheUK.17

15 SeealsoDouglass,W.etal.(1999)The Basque Diaspora. La Diáspora Vasca, BasqueStudiesProgramno.7,UniversityofNevada, Reno; Douglass,W. (2003) La Vasconia global. Ensayos sobre las diásporas vascas, Urazandi Bilduma 2, EuskoJaurlaritza, Vitoria-Gasteiz; Totoricagüena, G. (2003) Diáspora vasca comparada. Etnicidad, cultura y política en las colectividades vascas, UrazandiBilduma1,EuskoJaurlaritza,Vitoria-Gasteiz.

16 InthisrespectSchwarzsteinnoticesthe‘attributesoflaboriousnessandhighmoralityoftheBasquepeople[which]madethemdesirablefortheAmericanRepublics,evenduringtheperiodwhenthese[Republics]closedtheirdoors[toimmigration]asaresultofthecrisisof1929’(Schwarzstein2001:68).

17 Availableathttp://euskaldiaspora.com/euskaleurope.html[accessed14.05.07].

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Totoricagüena observes the support provided to the Basque diaspora by theBasqueGovernmentowingtoitsinterestinusingtheBasque‘centersforpromotionand development and for disseminating the contemporary reality of the BasqueCountry’.Moreimportantly,shehighlightstheroleplayedbythe‘Basquecommunities[as] stimulator for positive social, cultural, economic, and political relations’(Totoricagüena 2005:24). Since diasporas are increasingly becoming central linksbetweenhomelandsandhostlands,isitthattheBasqueinstitutionsincludetheNiños Vascos because they can benefit from their socio-economic network in the UK andothercountries?IsitthatasaresulttheysupportthiscollectiveandconsequentlytheNiños Vascosthemselvesbenefitfromit?Furthermore,isitthattheNiños Vascoscomeinandoutofthatdiasporaasandwhenitsuitstheirneeds?

Summary

InthischapterIhaveestablishedaframeworkofconceptsandideasthatIwillusethroughout my study. I did this by analysing and evaluating some key texts anddiscussingwriterssuchasHalbwachs,JelinandConnertonandtheircontributiontothedebateonmemoryandmemorialisation.IalsodiscussedtheworkwhichauthorssuchasKushnerandCohenhavecarriedoutwithinthefieldofrefugeesanddiaspora.This will enable me to derive some answers to the key questions set out in theintroductionofthisbook.

Usingamultidisciplinaryapproach,Ihaveproblematisedtheconceptsofmemoryandmemorialisationanddiscussedtheimpactthattheyhaveintheprocessofidentitydevelopment.First,Ianalysedtheideaofcollectivememoryanditsimplicitrelationshipwithtimeandwithhistory.Inadditiontothis,Iexploredrememberingandforgetting,and other memory issues discussed by scholars. Focusing on theories regardingcommemorativepractices,Iexaminedhowtheseinfluenceandshapeindividualandgroupnarrativesandmemoryconstruction. I finished thechapterwithasectiononrefugeesanddiaspora,thepurposeofwhichwastoexplorescholarlyworkinthisfield,inordertodefinetheframeworkinwhichtheBasquediasporacanbeplaced.

Afterintroducingsomefundamentaltheoreticalconsiderations,Inextmoveontotrace the socio-political factors which provided the historical context in which theevacuationoftheNiños Vascostookplace,andtogiveanoutlineoftheirsubsequentlivesintheUK.

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TheSpanis hCivilWar, international contextand theBasq uerefugee chil dren

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The Spanish Civil War

Historiography of the war

TheSpanishSecondRepublic(1931–1939)andtheSpanishCivilWar(1936–1939)havebeentheobjectsofmuchresearchandcontinuetobefavouritetopicsamongsthistoriansandotheranalysts.DespitesomeinitialaccountswhichsawtheCivilWarasan internal issue, particularly the agrarian question, as Preston points out in hisseminalworkRevolution and War in Spain 1931-1939,inthe1950shistoriansfocusedtheirworkonthe‘evilmachinationsofcommunism’.

Inthe1960s,coincidingwithamodernisationwithinSpanishsociety,independentresearchers and also foreign authors sympathetic to the Republican cause such asThomas (1965) and Southworth (1963) started to offer an account of the war from adifferent perspective. Also during this decade, while historians in Spain were still

TheSpanis hCivilWar, international contextand theBasq uerefugee chil dren

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followingtheofficiallinetryingtojustifythecontinuationofthedictatorship,theexiledrepublicanwritersweremoreconcernedwithattemptingtofindreasonsfortheirdefeat.

Inthe1970s,attheendofFranco’sera,someuniversitiesstartedtofundresearchwhich had previously been considered as problematic and somehow untouchable.Thus, therewasa revivalofSpanishscholarshipwhich revisited the taskofwritingaboutthewar.However,fromthenuntilthemid1980smuchofthelocalresearchwascarriedout in thesis form,veryoftenonly inSpanish.Historiansencounteredmanydifficultiesregardingarchivalconsultationduringthatperiodoftime;duringthewarand the subsequent 36 years of dictatorship many of the primary sources weredestroyed,andmanyoftheremainingarchiveswerenotaccessibletomostpeople.

ThefilesseizedbyFrancoafterthefalloftheRepublicanadministrationandstoredintheNationalHistoricalArchivesinSalamancaandMadridwereonlymadeavailabletoscholars fromthe late1980s.Thatmonopolyof thearchivesmeant that inSpaintherewasauniqueandpro-FrancoistinterpretationoftheCivilWaruntilthoseyears.Thishadahighimpactonthediscourseusedtorefertoboththewarandalsothosewhotookpart in itorwereaffectedby it. Italsocontributedto themaintenanceofstigmatisinglabelssuchasrojos masones (redmasons)ortraidores(traitors).

Inadditiontothis,duringthepoliticaltransitionthatoccurredwhenFrancodied,thenewlybornpoliticalclasswasnotinterestedindiscussingthewar.Historiansagreethattherewasanunwritten‘pactofsilence’18regardingtherecentpastwhichSpainhadexperienced.Naharro-Calderónhighlights:

in post Franco Spain there was a consensus on a Solomon-like pact to erase thereferencetothepartisanmemoriesoftheopposinggroupsintheCivilWarandtheexilesfromthepoliticalandcultural‘common’frame.

(Naharro-Calderón2005:102)

This meant that the political parties, the media, and the writers would not talkabout the war, a fact which permeated Spanish society in general.19 The victimsthereforekeptsilent,andthoseguiltyofwarcrimesremainedunpunished.Furthermore,thelackofpublicandinstitutionalrecognitionandacknowledgementofthosewholeftthecountryasaresultofthewarcontinued.Thiscrucialfactorhelpsusunderstandthatformanyyearstherewereconsiderablesectorsofthepopulationwhocouldnotarticulatetheirmemoriesandmakemeaningofthem.

18 Naharro-Calderón(2004)considersthatthistransition,andsilenceaboutthepastwentonforthelastquarterofthe20thcentury.Evenin2002Torresstatedthatthesilencewasstillprevalent‘becauseofthelazythinkingresultingfromapoliticalTransitionbuiltonamonumentalPactofAmnesia’(Torres2002:13).

19 ItisinterestingtonotethatEl otro árbol de Guernica(‘TheothertreeofGernika’)(Castresana1969),abookwhoseargumentwasbasedontheexperiencesofthewriterasanevacueechildoftheCivilWar,wonthePremio Nacional de Literatura ‘Miguel de Cervantes’(‘NationalPrizeofLiterature“MigueldeCervantes”’)in1967inSpain,duringFranco’sdictatorship.However,it needs to be pointed out that despite his republican family background, Luis de Castresana, the author, worked as acorrespondentfortheFrancoistpress.

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Particularlyduring the lastdecade therehasbeenachangewithin theSpanishsociety,whichhasincreasinglyquestionedthesilencedpast.Inthisrespect,Richardsmentions the important role played by the grandchildren of the victims when theystarted‘toaskquestionsaboutthebrutalitysufferedbyinnocentciviliansduringandafterthewar’(Richards2005:118).Asaresult,anumberofanalystshaveengagedinacriticaldebatewhichrevisitsthetopicoftheCivilWaranditsconsequences.TébarHurtado highlights the role of civil associations whose aim is to recuperate the‘historicalmemory’foranumberofreasonswhich

areconnectedtothewilltocorrectwhathasbeeninterpretedaserrorsmadeduringtheperiodofthepoliticaltransition;[errors]stemmingfromthesocalled‘pactofsilence’forgedbytheSpanishpoliticalelitesduringthetransition.

(TébarHurtado2006:779)

AlfonsoGuerra,aprominentSpanishpoliticianofthetransition,arguesthatthispact was the result of the still present psychological pressure of the war and theattempttoavoiditeverhappeningagain.However,Guerrareflects:

thatvisionofthefuturemeantforgettingtheexiles,thedefendersofdemocracy.We,the Spanish people, are paying for such an unfair democratic lacuna with a rewriting ofhistory,insuchawaythatifnoonehadbeendedicatedtoannouncingthetruthofwhathappenedduringtheCivilWaryears,andthenever-endingyearsofthedictatorship,historywouldbere-written–nowduringthedemocracy–bythosewhoalreadywrote–yesterdayduringthedictatorship–acrudefalsificationofhistory.

(Martín&Carvajal2006:13)

Thisdeliberatesilencecanbeconsideredanimportantfactorwhenanalysingthereasons for the delay of a significant debate regarding the historiography of theRepublicaswellastheCivilWar.Ithasbeenstatedthat‘InapurelymilitarysensetheSpanishCivilWarmayhaveendedon1April1939,butforitsvictor,FranciscoFranco,itwouldnevertrulyend’(Blinkhorn1992:52).Also,asSchwartzputsit

TheconflictitselfendedonApril1,1939.Yetthewaraboutthewar–argumentuponargument,frequentlybrutalandhurtful–overwhathappenedandwhyhasyettoend.

(Schwartz2002:151)

In connection with this, there is the following reflection provided by one of thenumerousradiolisteners whorepliedtoacallfromRadio EuskadiaskingforNiños de la Guerraandtheirmemoriesinthespringof2006:

Tengolaimpresióndequelaguerranuncaterminódeltodoparamí.Hetenidoquevivirtodamividaconlosrecuerdos,conlasconsecuencias.LaGuerranofueronsolamenteesostresaños:fueron40añosmásdespuésyfuerontambiéntodaslassecuelasquehanquedado.20

(Berazategi&Domínguez2006:226)

20 Translation: ‘I have the impression that for me the war never ended completely. I have had to live all my life with thememories,withtheconsequences.TheWarwasnotonlythosethreeyears:therewere40yearsmoreafterwardsandtherewerealsoalltheremainingafter-effects’.

Republic and war

OncetheRepublicwasinstalled,ithadtofaceaseriesofdifficultiessetagainstit,despitethefactthatsomeofthesewereofanaliennature.Forinstance,atthetimethe Republic came into being an economic crisis was taking place throughout theworld,andEuropewasexperiencingboththerisingoffascismandasignificantfearofcommunism. A considerable part of the Spanish people did not support the newlyelectedregime.Akeyissuethatdividedthepopulation,andthemostimportantoneaccordingtohistorians,wastheagrarianreformthattheRepublichadinitsagenda.

Also, thede-confessionalisationof thestateandthe implementationofananti-clerical legislation,whichhadasignificant repercussion ineducation,causedmuchoppositionamongst theCatholics.Infact,between1931and1935someofthemoreradicalCatholicswereorganisingarmedbandswhichtrainedinNafarroawiththehelpofMussolini,whoprovidedthemwitharmsandmoney(Lannon1993:40).

DespitethefactthathistoriansagreethattheultimatereasonsforthefallingoftheRepublicweremainlyinternalandduetoclassconflicts,writingonthiswarhasusuallybeentreatedas‘struggleswithinandamongstthepartiesofleftandright’(Preston1993:10).Itcanbearguedthatthereasontopresentitasawaragainstthe‘evilsofthecommunist-dominatedLoyalistgovernment’(Crosby1971:84)residesintheinterestof

Front page of the newspaper La Gaceta del Norte. A Sunday in December 1937 (date not visible).

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thewesterncountriesofhavingFrancoasanallyaftertheendoftheSecondWorldWar(seefigurepage52fordiscourseof ‘el bien’ (‘thegood’) against ‘el mal’ (‘thebad’)propagatedbyFrancointhemedia).Thus,itwasconvenienttoforgethisfightagainstdemocracyandtopresenthimas‘aclairvoyantpioneerinthewaragainstcommunism’instead(Preston1993:3).

TheCivilWarhasalsobeenoftenpresentedasareligiouscrusade,especiallyintheearlyliterature.Thiscrusadequestionneedstobecloselyanalysed,sinceFranco,Mola,andothergeneralsdidnotmakeanyreferencetotheChurchorreligionintheoriginaldeclarationsofwarwhentheyrevoltedagainsttheRepublicinJuly1936.Itisironicthatthiscontroversiallabelofthewarasacrusadehasbeensofiercelydefendedby some, when the troops led by one of the main rebel generals, Franco, werecomposedofAfricanMuslims.Also,theFalange,oneofthefactionswhichsupportedtheNationalfrontfightingagainsttheRepublic,wasasecularmindedfascistparty.21Finally, it isnoticeablethat therebelsdidnothesitatetokillpriestsandnunsor tobombchurchesduringtheirintenseoffensiveagainsttheBasqueCountry.22

Particular circumstances in the Basque Country

Berazategi and Domínguez (2006) cite some significantly distinctive features ofthe war in the Basque Country compared with the rest of the Republic, namely therespectfortheCatholicChurchandtheabsenceofasocialrevolution.IntheBasqueCountrytheCatholicsandtheclergytookadifferentstancefromtherestofthestate.ManypriestsdidnotfollowtheinstructionsfromtheChurchbutdeclaredthemselvesanti-Francoists. In fact, when the Basque children were evacuated to the UK, therewereanumberofpriestsamongsttheaccompanyingadults.

ThereligiousissuehadamajorinfluenceinNafarroa,whereasBlinkhornindicates

TheNavarreseCarlistélitewasworkingnotonlytoopposeandobstructsecularizingand socially reforming policies but actually to destroy the very regime which made thepursuitofsuchpoliciespossible.

(Blinkhorn1984:79)

21 WhenJoseAntonioPrimodeRiverafoundedtheFalangeon29October1933,inhisdiscourseoffoundationhemerelyspokeon‘economic’termsanddescribeditasamovementwhichwasanalternativetotheevilsof‘theliberalState’whichhadbrought‘economicslavery’(EllwoodinBlinkhorn1986:206).

22 BerazategiandDomínguezpointoutthatGipuzkoawastheareawheretherepressionagainsttheclergywasmorevisibleparticularly against the nationalist priests claiming that this repression affected approximately 3,000 priests and clergydirectlyor indirectly.However, they indicatethatthis figure isanestimateasthepertinentdocumentation iskeptbytheCatholicChurchwhichdoesnotallowacademicsandoutsiderstoaccesstheirrecords(Berazategi&Domínguez2006:187).RankinwritesofagroupofEnglishwitnessestoanattackonDurango‘on2Aprilwhenfightersdivedtomachine-gunpeoplefleeingforshelter,andtheymadeasignedstatementaboutit:“Thechurchesespeciallyhadbeencompletelydestroyed,aswellasaconvent,inwhich…alargenumberofnunswerekilled.”ThedeathsoffourteennunsandtwopriestsshouldhaveembarrassedtheNationalistswiththeir“CatholicCrusadeforCivilization”,buttheyflatlylied’(Rankin2003:109).

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TheCarlists,whowereultra-radicalCatholics,andthePartido Nacionalista Vasco(Basque Nationalist Party), who were also Catholics, were allies and presentedcommoncandidatestotheelectionof1931.Inspiteofthis,oncetheRepublicanswontheelectionandtheywrotetheConstitution,theCarlistsrealisedthattheywerenotgoingtoobtainthepowertheyexpectedoverreligiousaffairs.TheBasqueNationalists,moreinterestedinobtainingaStatuteofAutonomyfromtheRepublicthananythingelse,declaredthemselvesloyaltothenewlyelectedgovernment,beingsubsequentlyconsideredastraitorsbytheCarlists.Asaresult,theCarlists’collaborationwiththeBasqueNationalistsbegantobreakdownandduringthewartheBasqueNationalistsweretreatedmoreharshlythanothersupportersoftheRepublic.

According to Blinkhorn (1984) the Carlists fought a war which had two targets,namely Basque separatism and also Marxism, thus, after the Nationals conqueredNafarroamilitarily,therewasapolitical‘cleansing’.Someoftheanti-Carlistsescapedto other provinces of the Basque Country while others ‘sought refuge with theirconquerors’or‘stoodexposedtosummaryexecutionatthehandsoftheRequetéorlynchingatthoseofright-wingmobs’(Blinkhorn1984:60).

A Bizkaian particularity was that at the end of the nineteenth century themanagementandcapitalofheavy industrywere local;however, therewasastrongforeigninvestmentparticularlyBritish,inspiteofthehistoricallinksthattheBasqueCountryhadwithFrance.

ThisconnectionwithBritainwashighlyrelevantwhentheBasqueGovernmenthadtodecidewhichcountriesshouldbeapproachedtoaskthemtohosttheevacuees.England was highly regarded as suitable, as it is stated in the Basque anarchistmagazineEuzkadi RojaofMay7,1937,p4,whichLegarretaquotes:

theBasques‘havealwayshadanunlimitedadmirationforandfaithinEngland,andfeeltheycanplacetheirchildreninEnglishhandswithcompleteconfidencethattheywillbecaredforandreturnedtothemunderhappiercircumstancessafeandwell’.

(Legarreta1984:103-104)

AuniquefeatureoftheBasqueCountry,asremarkedbyFusi(1993),isthatitwas‘perhapstheonlySpanishregionloyaltotheRepublicwherethemilitaryuprisingof18July1936wasnotfollowedbyaworking-classrevolution’.Hepointsoutthatsocialismwas themain force in theBasque labourmovement,unlikeCatalonia,where itwasleft-wingMarxismoranarcho-syndicalism.Thus,despitetheindustrialimportanceofthe Basque Country in Spain, there were no strikes, nationalisation of banks,collectivisation of factories or attacks to the Church. The Basque Government wascatholicandmoderate,andbehavedindependentlyfromtheothernorthernprovinces.Thus,whentheNationalswereconqueringtheareaandtheBasqueshadtoretreat,the Basques refused to sabotage their industry and infrastructure. After the greatoffensiveagainstBizkaiaattheendofMarch1937,theBasquearmyretiredleavingtheareaalmostintact,andtheBasqueGovernmentwentintoexile.

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ThesepeculiaritiesseenaboveandtheeventswhichhappenedduringthewarintheBasqueCountryhadconsiderablerepercussionsintheinternationalarena,whichwillbeanalysedinthenextsectionofthischapter.

International context

Blinkhornpointsoutthat

ItcannotbestressedtoohighlythatinoriginthecivilwarwastheproductofSpanishconditions and not merely part of a wider struggle that happened to be played out onSpanishsoil.

(Blinkhorn1986:12)

However,thiswarsoondevelopedaninternationaldimensionwithtwokeyfactorswhichneedtobetakenintoaccountwithregardtoforeigninvolvement.Ontheonehand,therewasearlyinterventionofNaziGermanyandFascistItalywhichhelpedtheSpanishinsurgents,andoftheCommunistSovietUnionwhichsupportedtheRepublicinalessdevotedmanner.Ontheother,therewasaninternationalreactioninresponsetothesecountries’participation,whichcrystallisedinaNon-InterventionAgreement.Ironically, Germany, Italy, and the USSR were amongst the states which signed thisagreement.

The impact of the war on the ‘intervening’ and ‘non-intervening’ powers was ofgreatmagnitudeandhadimportantconsequencessuchas‘forgingtheRome-BerlinAxis.ItledtosplitsintheFrenchandBritishcabinetsandithasbeenclaimedthatiteventuallyledtoAnthonyEden’sresignationasForeignSecretary’(Forrest2000:70).ItalsohadimportantrepercussionsintheUnitedStatesandcreatedgreatdiscomfortamongstaconsiderablesectorofthepopulation.

TheBasquerefugeechildrenwereonlyanotherbrickinthiswallofuncertaintyandchaoswhichprecededtheSecondWorldWar.

Early foreign intervention and policies of appeasement

By 19 July 1936, immediately after the outbreak of the war, the two SpanishopposingsideswereaskingforhelpfromthoseEuropeancountriesfromwhichtheyexpectedapositiveresponse.AsMoradiellos(1999)observes:

ThesimultaneousdemandforforeignhelpbybothcontendingsidesmeantanexplicitrecognitionoftheinternationaldimensionoftheSpanishconflictandalsoanattempttoimmerseitinthegravetensionsthatfracturedtheEuropeofthe30s.

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WithinthisunstableinternationaldiplomaticscenarioHitlerandMussolinisawthewarasanopportunitytofulfiltheirownimperialistagenda,anticipatingcolonialandstrategicadvantagesfortheircountries inthecaseofarebelvictory.Thus,theAxishelp forFrancowas thoroughlyplannedknowingno limitsandbeingexecuted inabrutalandparticularlyviolentmanner.

Mussolini provided generous and consistent help at all levels, and sent largenumbersofgroundtroops.Hitler,conversely,collaboratedwithmilitarysuppliesandwarexperts.AsSmyth(1993)indicates,Hitlerfearedtheconsequencesofaleft-wingRepublican regime, and his strategy of spreading the ghost of communism wassuccessful in order to maintain his standing within the diplomatic community. ThisstrategykepttheConservativeBritishGovernmentawayfromtheSpanishconflict,anditalsomeantthattheRepublicanGovernmentdidnotreceivemuch-neededfinancialandmilitaryassistance,exceptforsomelimitedSovietandMexicansupport.

By the mid 1930s Hitler’s anti-communist government had become a threat toStalin’sregime.Consequently,inordertoprotectthestillrelativelynewlyestablishedSoviet Union, Stalin decided to look for allies. Ranzato (1999) indicates that underthese circumstances all the Soviet Union wanted was to seek ‘peace, alliances andassurances’withthemainEuropeanpowers.Thus,theoutbreakoftheCivilWarwasattheveryleastaconsiderableinconveniencefortheplansoftheSovietGovernment.Furthermore,havingtodecidewhethertheywouldassisttheRepublicanGovernmentintheircryforhelphighlightedaconsiderabledilemma.AsRanzatonotes:

Those sympathizing with the international communist movement could not remainindifferenttothefateoftheRepublic.Butneithercouldonejeopardizeanentirepolicy[…]meanttostrengthenbondswiththeWesternpowers.

(Ranzato1999:18)

EventuallytheSovietUnionprovidedsupport,butthiscouldnotbeconsideredofrealvalue,sincehelpingtheRepublicwasnotapriorityoftheiragenda.DespitethedirectinvolvementoftheNazi,Fascist,andCommuniststatesintheconflict,Maxwell-Mahon(1988)notes:

ThesupportgiventoonesideortheotherbyEuropeanpowershadnothingtodowithideologicalconvictions.Germany, ItalyandRussiasawtheSpanishCivilWarasan idealtestinggroundfortheirmilitaryequipmentandarmedforces.

Thereweresomeotheragentswhoseinputwasalsodecisivetotheoutcomeofthewar, though inamore indirectandunreliablemanner.During theperiod that isbeing analysed here, Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy were a growing threat to theinternationalcommunity.LeahManning,aLabourMPwhowasprofoundly involvedwith theBasquechildren’sevacuation to theUK,expressedherconcerns regardinginternationalpolitics,writing:

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[inthe1930s]acloud[…]wasloominginthesky.Duringthenextsevenfatefulyearsitwastogrow,evilandhorrific[…]Wedidnothingtopreventit,wesystematicallydestroyedouronlydefenceagainstit–theLeagueofNations.

(Manning1970:107)

ToagreatextentFranceandBritainwerenotpreoccupiedwiththis,astheirmainconcern at the time was the triumph of Bolshevism in the Soviet Union and theimplicationsthiscouldhavebeyonditsfrontiers.WhentheSpanishGovernmentaskedthe European democracies for support, Blum’s Popular Front coalition, which hadrecently won the elections in France, responded positively in the first instance.However,boththeFrenchpublicandpoliticianswereenormouslydividedwithregardtothismatter.Also,theBritishGovernment,whomtheFrenchconsideredtheirmostvaluedally,hadadoptedanattitudeofstrictneutralityfromthebeginning.Asaresultoftheenormousinternalpressure,andpossiblyalsoBritishdisapproval,theFrenchGovernmentcancelledthepromisedaidtotheRepublicans.

The British official position towards the CivilWar represents an example of theparadoxesandcomplexsituationsthatthiswargeneratedataninternationallevel.Inthemidthirties,theBritishGovernmentdidnotactwhentheGermansandtheItaliansstartedtobecomeathreatduetotheiraggressiveforeignpoliticsandconquests.Fyrtharguesthat

ThosewhosawthisasaslidetowardsafascistEuropeandaworldwarwerealarmedby the British government’s reaction, which looked to them at the best like criminalcowardice, or at the worst like treacherous connivance. Certainly, there was sufficientEstablishmentsupportforthefascistdictatorstogivecredencetothelatterinterpretation.

(Fyrth1986:28)

TheBritishknewtheydidnothavetheresources,bothhumanandeconomic,thatthey would need in case of another general European conflagration. Thus they,followedbyFrance,wantedtoavoidconflictatanypriceanddecidedtopursueapolicyofappeasement.

BythetimetheCivilWarstarted,theBritishhadbeentradingwithSpainforalongtime. England was the main importer of Spanish wine, and also there was aconsiderable amount of British investment in the Basque heavy industry. Thesefinancialconnectionscontinuedduringthewar,andtheinsurgentscarriedoutsometradewithmembersoftheAnglo-Saxonbusinesscommunity,whowerepredominantlypro-Franco’sside.FacedwiththeprospectofaSpanishRepublicangovernmentwhichmightfollowRussia’sstepsandwhichmightthreatenBritain’sinvestments,commerceandstrategicinterestsinSpain,theBritishagendawasself-protection,andalsothepreservationofthecapitalistorderingeneral.

BritainpreferredFranco’svictory,providingitdidnotmeanafascisthegemonyintheMediterranean.Thealleged‘neutrality’wasinfactfavouringthesidethatwould

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protecttheBritishinterests,despitethefactthatthiswouldoccurunderadictatorialgovernmentoftheright.TheBritishGovernmentwaspreparedtoindirectlysacrificeademocracyinordertosafeguarditsowninterests.

In the United States the anti-communist sectors of the population, led by theRomanCatholicswhowerethemostorganisedanddeterminedregardingtheissue,andalso the isolationistsand thepacifistswereagainst intervention.Asa result,a‘legislation forbidding American manufacturers to sell arms to either side in theSpanish war’ was passed in January 1937 (Crosby 1971:90). Despite his personalsympathytowardstheRepublic,RooseveltwasdeterminedtofirmlysupportneutralityforfearofanotherEuropeanwar.Hewasalsohighlyinfluencedbythepro-insurgentfervourofmanyAmericanCatholics,thepress,andasignificantnumberofpoliticians.However,thepopulationwerehighlypolarisedregardingtheirstanceconcerningthiswar.Thus, there was an enormous controversy regarding an embargo that in manyAmericans’opiniononlymeantrestrictionsonarmsshipmentsfortheloyalists,giventhattherebelswereobtainingaidfromGermanyandItaly.

Non-intervention Agreement

Withtheinternationalcommunityundergoingsuchcriticaltimesasaresultofthegeneral depression, and with countries experiencing profound internal ideologicaldivisionswithregardtotheSpanishWar,theGermansandtheItalianssawnodiplomaticriskattachedtohelpingtherebels.Hitler’sversionofthiswarasacampaignagainstthecommunist evil and for the preservation of Christianity was indisputably effective inpreventingreactionsfromothercountries. Inadditiontothis,therewasthecollectivefeelingthatthestrugglewouldbeaquickcoupd’etatwhichwouldrapidlyfinish,yetsurprisingly, itprolongedbeyondanyexpectation.Thus theGermansandthe Italianssoonstartedtobeseenasamenaceastheirsupporttotheinsurgentsincreasedandtheirmotivationsforinterventionwerenolongerassimpleastheyhadportrayedthem.

Confronted by this, the French Government reconsidered its posture. Blum’sgovernmentwasstillconstrainedbytheFrenchpublicopinionandtheBritish,thusittriedtobringtoanendtheAxispowers’helptoFrancobyproposingaNon-InterventionPact.Thistreatywassignedby27countriesattheendofAugust1936.Itprohibitedthe selling and transport of war material destined to any of the fighting parties,includingthosecontractswhichhadalreadybeensigned,aswellastheentranceofforeign fighters into Spain.The interpretation of the pact’s restrictions by signatorycountriesoftenextendedtoincludeanembargoonothersupplies,suchasfoodwhenFrancodeclaredablockadeoftheBasquecoastin1937.

Theproposalwaswelcomedbymanygovernments,asinsomemeasureitrelaxedtheinternationaltensionthatwasontheincrease,anditalsoservedseveraldiplomatic

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purposes.InFrance,theUKandtheUnitedStates,ithelpedtoattenuatethestronginternal opposition of some sectors towards the governments’ policies of neutralityandappeasement.ItalsohelpedtoconfinethestruggletoSpanishterritory,topreventthese governments’ coalition with the communist Soviet Union, and ultimately, toavoid confrontation with Italy and Germany. However, authors agree that this inprinciple impartial pact worked in fact in Franco’s favour and they refer to it as the‘farsa del comité’(‘farceofthecommittee’)(Jackson1999:8),the‘sorryfarceonnon-intervention’(Blinkhorn1992:55)and‘threadbaremasquerade’(Bell1996:3).AsearlyasOctober1937,anumberoffailuresoftheaccordhadalreadybeenhighlighted.

Arrien(1991)quotesaheadlineoftheLa Tardenewspaperof26April1937whichread‘ThebiggestcannonwhichFrancopossessesisthatofnon-intervention’.Thispactwas extremely detrimental to the Spanish Republic, and from the beginning it wasobviousthatitwasnotgoingtoserveitstheoreticalpurpose.ItalloweddemocraciestodeprivetheRepublicoffinancialandmilitarysupport,whileItalyandGermany,whowerealso signatories but failed to keep their pledge, continued to aid the insurgents. Animportant issue which needs to be pointed out here is that, despite the use by thegovernmentsofthetermagreement,itcouldhardlybeconsideredassuch,sincetheydidnotallsignuptothesameconditions,andsomecountriesdidnotrestrictthemselvesasmuchasothersdid.AsPadelfordputsit,thiswas‘merelyaconcertofpolicy,anditsfulfilmentdependedentirelyupontheinitiativeofeachstate’(Padelford1937:580).

Inhermemoirs,DoloresBarajuán,oneofthechildrenevacuatedtotheUKontheHabana,sarcasticallycomments:

Eldía28deAgostoDel1937,lastropasitalianasentran,Triunfalmente,enSantander.Llegandoalcolmodelcinismo,laprensaitalianahace,orgullosamente,grandeselogiosasussoldadosquetan‘heroicamente’conquistaronmásunaciudadespañola.¿Yeltratadode‘Nointervención’?¿Seránestoslos‘Nacionales’quetanpomposamenteproclamanestarluchandoenunagloriosaguerracivilafindeexpulsarelcomunismodeEspaña?¿SeráqueItaliaesalgunacoloniaespañola?23

(Barajuán2005:90)

Furthermore,whenHitlerwaschallengedbecauseofhisuninterruptedassistancetotherebels,herepliedthathewouldnotallowSpaintobecomeanotherbolshevistcountry.Onceagainhemanagedtoescaperetributions.

ConsequentlytheRepubliconlyreceivedsomesupportfromtheSovietGovernment,who,encouragedbytheviolationsoftheagreementbythefascistpowers,changedits

23 Translation: ‘On28August1937, the Italian troops triumphantlyenterSantander.Reachingnewheightsofcynicism, theItalianpressproudlypraisestheirsoldierswhoso“heroically”conqueredaSpanishcity.Andthe“Non-Intervention”treaty?Willthesebethe“Nationals”whosopompouslyproclaimtobefightinginagloriouscivilwarinordertoexpelcommunismfromSpain?CoulditbethatItalyissomeSpanishcolony?’.AlltheexcerptsofdatawhichIobtainedfromsecondarysources,suchasdocumentaryevidenceorfilmtranscripts,werekeptexactlyastheyappearedintheoriginal,includingspellingandgrammarerrors(seesectionDofMethodologicalChallenges).

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attituderegardingnon-interventionowingtopoliticalandstrategicreasons.TheSovietsupportbifurcatedintotwoparalleltactics.First,theSovietGovernmentprovidedwaradvisers and material, and second, it encouraged the creation of the InternationalBrigades.Thesebrigadesconstitutedasignificantinternationalmovement.Inspiteoftheofficialposturesofthegovernments,whichhavebeenanalysedabove,atagrass-rootslevelthesituationwasverydifferent.

International brigades and volunteer movement

BobDoyle,anIrishmemberoftheInternationalBrigades,writesinhismemoirs:

Fromthebeginningof1936IwashearingmoreaboutSpain.Itwaseverydaynews.Thepropagandaof theCatholicChurchandtheofficialpresswas100percent insupportofFranco’smilitaryrevolt.Itwasatremendouscampaign,preachingatMassandthemissionsabouttheneedtosupportFranco,agallantChristiangentleman,defendingtheCatholicChurchinSpain.

(Doyle2006:42)

However,Coni(2002)notesthattheBritishpro-loyalistsalsohadaccesstopresscoverage,andhecommentsonthemanydoctorsandnurseswhowereamongsttheirvolunteers. As noted earlier, despite the government’s attitude, there were manyBritishconcernedattheraisingoffascism.Inanycase,byAugustandSeptember1936therewerealreadyhundredsofantifascistvolunteersfightingontheRepublicanside.Thousandsofvolunteers,probablybetween30,000and40,000, frommorethan50countrieslefthometogotoSpain,ignoringtheirown‘neutral’governments’dictates.

Except for a small number of Irish volunteers who fought on Franco’s side, themajorityofthemfoughtfortheRepublicans,drivenbyrevolutionaryidealsorsimplydefending democracy against fascism.24 In a newspaper article, the historian EricHobsbawmwrotethat‘Theextraordinarywaveofvolunteerswhowenttofightfortherepublicis,Ithink,uniqueinthe20thcentury’25.Buchanannotes:

Thecampaigns insolidaritywith theSpanishRepublicwerenotonlydefensive,butwere inspired by the passionately held belief that a new and better society was beingcreatedinSpain.

(Buchanan1997:4)

24 Maxwell-Mahonwritesthatwhilethe‘Frenchcontingentwascomposedlargelyoffactoryworkers-theBritishcontingentwaslesspoliticallyhomogeneous,lessproletarian;theirmotivesweremixed:idealism,unemployment,andsheerboredomwitha depressed and depressing Britain. “I happened to be in Ostend at the time”, wrote one volunteer, “and was bored todesperation”. Most of them nevertheless felt, however dimly, that they were fighting against Fascism.’ (Maxwell-Mahon1988).

25 The Guardian(17.02.07).Hobsbawmwasbornin1917,thushehaspersonalmemoriesofthattime,ashewasa19yearoldstudentwhentheSpanishCivilWarcommenced.

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Manyofthevolunteersalsounderstoodthiswarasacrusade,yetforthemevilwasnottheloyalistsidebutfascism.Notallthesevolunteerswerecommunistsorhadstrongideologicalconvictions,afteralltherewasagreatinternationaleconomiccrisisandsomeof themmighthavesimplybeen lookingforanescapeoran ‘adventure’.Notwithstanding,theystillco-operatedwiththecommunistpartiesaroundtheworld,which, encouraged by Stalin and the Comintern, took the lead in organising thebrigadesmovement,the‘CominternArmy’inBuchanan’swords(1997:123).AmemberoftheInternationalBrigades,BillAlexander,remarks:

the British volunteers role was only a part, a focus, of the very large ‘Aid Spain’movement which involved hundreds of thousands of people in wide forms of activitysupportingRepublicanSpain.

(Alexander1992:6)

However,Buchanan(1997)notesthatthis‘AidSpainMovement’isanideawhichhasonlybeenconstructedovertime.Hearguesthatthisisamodern‘myth’whichdidnotexistatthetime,claimingthereweremanyotherformsofhelpingtheRepublicapartfromthispoliticallychargednotionofthe‘AidSpainMovement’createdbytheCommunistDaily Worker.

Despite the pressure from governments and also the Catholic Church and thepress,inmanycountriesthereweresubstantialpartsofthepopulation,particularlyonthe left,whosympathisedwith theRepublicancause. It isnotsurprising that therewerealsosomesectorsontherightwhoweresupportiveoftheRepublicbecausetheysawthestrategicriskofthefascistpowerscontrollingtheMediterranean.

The British, and generally the English-speaking countries’ middle and workingclasses,weremainlysupportersof the loyalistparties.Theywere influencedbythefactthattheRepublicwasthegovernmentwhichtheSpanishpeoplehaddemocraticallyelected;andalsothattherevoltagainstitwasparticularlyhorrific,costingbothsidesanextraordinarynumberofinjuredanddeadpeople,predominantlynon-combatants.It has been claimed that the Nationals’ aim from the beginning of the war was toexterminatetheenemy.TheNationalswereknownfortheirreprisalsintheareastheyconquered,whichwassignificantinattractingtowardstheRepublicthesympathiesofthe public opinion in general. In this respect the papers specifically denounced theparticularlybrutaltreatmenttowhichtheBasquesweresubjected.

Theissueofundernourishmentwasalsodecisiveinshiftingthepublic’ssympathiestowards the Republicans. This was emphasised by the fact that the starvation andrelated illnesses they suffered were aggravated as a result of the internationalembargoandtheItalianandGermanattacksofshipsthatcarriedsupplies.Inadditionto this, Coni reminds us that ‘the Nationalist zone encompassed the major food-producing regions of the country so that government-held regions were morevulnerabletoundernourishment’(Coni2002:149).Inthisrespect,Grahamestablishes

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adifferencebetween themainly ‘mixed’ typeof immigrant thatBizkaiaattracted toworkinitsindustryandthe‘urban’typewhowenttoBarcelona.IntheBasqueCountrytheseworkersmaintainedtheirlinkstothecountryside,thus‘aproportionallygreaterpartofitsurbanpopulationretainedtiestothecountryside,andthuseasieraccesstoalternativesourcesoffood’(Graham2002:252-253).

So far I have analysed the political and economic factors that influencedgovernmentstodecidetheirpositioningwithregardtotheCivilWar.Thesecouldalsobeappliedatacivilsocietylevel,andthereasonswhichhaveoftenbeenregardedashumanitariancouldalsobeinterpretedaspolitical.Alexanderwritesthatdespitethestrictlyhumanitarianincentiveofsomeofthevolunteers‘nearlyallcametoaccepttheaimsoftheRepublic,becamecriticaloftheTorypolicyandstronglycondemnedFranco’(Alexander1992:12).RegardingthisBuchananobserves:

itwouldbewrongtoseethesecampaignsaspurelyhumanitarianintheirobjectives.AlmostallwereanattempttointervenedirectlyinthecourseoftheCivilWar,tofavouronesideoranother[…]reliefworkbecameanextensionofpolitics.

(Buchanan1997:93)

Asaresult,these‘apparently’humanitarianmotivationsandswingsofthepublicopinioncreatedsomeparadoxicalcircumstances.Forinstance,despitetheConservativeGovernment’s sanctioned ‘neutrality’, there were English officials who regardless oftheir conservative political affiliation were prepared to use navy ships to transportrefugeesfromtheloyalsidetoavoidthembeingexecuted.TheevacuationofBasquechildren to the UK, which was substantially surrounded by a turbulent mixture ofhumanitarian,compassionateandpoliticalreactions,providesanexcellentexampleoftheinconsistenciesexaminedabove.

The Basque refugee children

Gernika

DorothyLegarretahighlightsthattheembargoimposedbyFrancobymeansofanavalblockadeofBilbaoinApril1937inflamedpublicopinionintheUK,as‘Therewasabsolutelynoprecedentforstoppingfoodshipstoeithersideinacivilwar’(Legarreta1984:24). Additionally, this blockade was an issue of great magnitude regardinginternationallawandproducedanumberofpoliticalconfrontationswithintheBritishcabinet. Ultimately however, the episode that shook the world with regard to theinternationalpublic’sopinionofthewar,andalsomadegovernmentsreconsiderandtosomeextentrelaxtheirnon-interventionistattitudes,wasthebombardmentoftheBasquetownofGernika.

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ItiscontendedherethattheconceptofGernikadoesnotmerelycorrespondtoasingle event. It epitomises a series of extraordinary conditions which served as acatalysttoactivateamorecommittedinternationalresponsetowhatwashappeningin Spain, a total war. It also highlights the ‘radically anti-Basque disposition’ (PonsPrades2005:155)26of theenemiesof theRepublic.Eventually, thesecircumstancesmotivated theevacuationof thegroupunderstudy,whoareknownasThe Gernika GenerationinadditiontoThe Basque Refugee Children ortheNiños Vascos.

BytheendofMarch1937,thesituationatthenorthernfrontwasalarming.Whenthe rebels realised that conquering Madrid was more difficult than they hadanticipated,theydecidedtoconcentratetheir forcesonthegreatoffensiveagainstBizkaia, which seemed an easier target. It has been said that when Gernika wasattackedintheafternoonofthe26April1937,itwasthefirsttimethatanairforcehaddeliberatelybombedawhitenon-militarytarget.SteerdescribedthebombardmentofGernikaas

undoubtedlythemostelaborateattackuponthecivilianpopulationstagedinEuropesincetheGreatWar,andmoreconcentratedthananyoftheirexperiencesinthatholocaust.

(Steer2009:258)

Someauthorspointoutthatthiswartacticoftargetingacivilianpopulationfromtheairhadalreadybeenputintopracticebytheinsurgentsin1936,duringtheattackagainst the Basque village of Otxandio, and also against Irun and Donostia (SanSebastian)inearlier1937.Sarrionaindia(2007)neverthelessnotesthatDurangoandGernika were the places more brutally attacked indicating economic, military andpoliticalreasons.ThishighlydevastatingtypeofwarfarewasnewwithintheEuropeancontextandasaresult ‘Gernikahasgonedowninhistoryasthefirstexperimentintotalwar’27becomingapassionatesubjectofresearchamongstmodernhistorians.

TherewerestrategicreasonswhichmotivatedtheassaultofGernika,suchastheprospectofisolatingBilbaowiththeintentiontoconquertheBasqueCountryonceitseasternzonehadbeenoccupied.YetitcanbearguedthatwhentheGermanLuftwaffe Condor Legion andtheItalianFascistAviazione Legionariaattackedthistownwiththepurposeofterrorisingthecivilpopulation,theywerealsotargetingthesymbolicheartoftheBasques.Francohadexpressedthat,inordertofindasolutiontotheseparatistaspirationsoftheBasques,a‘completeannihilationoftheBasquenationalists’wasrequired (Kurlansky 2000:195). What could be more effective than destroying theancient capital of the Basques, the representation of Basque freedom where theBasqueparliamenthadtraditionallycelebrateditsassembliesunderthesymbolicOak

26 PonsPradesnotesthatonceFrancoconqueredtheBasqueCountryhewouldstigmatisetheBasqueprovincesofAraba,GipuzkoaandBizkaiawiththelabelof‘provinciasmalditas’(‘damnedprovinces’).

27 Documentation Centre web page of The Gernika Peace Museum Foundation (http://www.gernikagogoratuz.org/en/a_documentacion.php).

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Tree?Also,itwasvitalfortheinsurgentstosubjugateBizkaiaasrapidlyaspossible,sincetheirroleas‘DefendersoftheFaith’appearedratherincrediblewhilethedeeplycatholicBasqueCountrywasontheRepublic’sside,challengingthelegitimacyofthe‘Crusade’intheeyesoftheworld(Legarreta1984:28).Iarguethatthisissuehasbeenthe reason why so many Republican sympathisers have referred to Gernika as the‘sacred’townoftheBasques.Onthis,DoloresBarajuánwritesthefollowingreflexioninhermemoirs:

unafila interminablederefugiados[…]noconsiguencomprenderporquéarrasaronGuernica,marcosagradodesus tradicionesyespíritu religioso […]esto fueelacusederecibo,lavenganzasádicaysangrientadelmuy‘católico’generalFranciscoFrancoporquelos vascos permanecieron fieles al gobierno de la República. A ellos no podrá llamarlosnuncadecomunistas28.

(Barajuán2005:55)

Theinformationreleasedaftertheeventwashighlycontroversial.Thenewsofthebombardment by Franco’s allies was rapidly spread to the world by the BasqueGovernment and various eye-witnesses, including foreign journalists (Atholl 1938).Conversely,theresponseoftheNationalswastoplaydownthenumberofcasualties,andabovealltodenytheirinvolvement,blamingtheRepublicansfortheassault.

GeorgeSteer,thewarcorrespondentforThe Timesduringtheconflict,hadvisitedthefronteastofBilbaointhemorningofthatdaywitnessingGermanplanesfiringonthearea,andhereturnedtoBilbaoafterwards.InhisdetailedaccountoftheGernikaraid,hestatedthatwhenhereturnedtoGernikaaftertheassault,hefoundGermanammunitionontheground.Healsohighlightedthattherebelsnevershowedevidenceto support their version, yet since then onwards the ‘official’ account has neveradmitted the rebels’ participation. As stated on the website of The Gernika PeaceMuseumFoundation:

Franco’s army never acknowledged responsibility – on the contrary, evidence wastwisted, and his press service accused the Basque republicans (referred to as reds andseparatists)ofhavingsetfiretothetownduringtheirretreattowardsBilbao.TothisdaytheSpanisharmyhasfailedtoacknowledgethatittookpartinthebombingofGernika.29

In1965,Jacksonwrotethatthis‘myth’thatGernikawasburnedbythe‘reds’wasstillmaintainedbysomeSpaniards.Currently,thereissufficientevidencetosupportSteer’s version, thus there is agreement among historians to accept it (Buchanan2007).Amongstothers,therearearchivalaccountsofGermansoldierswhotookpartin the assaults of Durango and Gernika and testimonies of German officers at the

28 Translation:‘anendlessrowofrefugees[...]theycan’tmanagetounderstandwhytheydevastatedGernika,sacredsettingfortheirtraditionsandreligiousspirit[...]thiswastheriposte,thesadisticandbloodyrevengeofthevery“catholic”generalFranciscoFrancobecausetheBasquesremainedloyaltothegovernmentoftheRepublic.Hewillneverbeabletocallthemcommunists’.

29 http://www.gernikagogoratuz.org/en/a_documentacion.php.

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processofNuremberg.Also, theorderof thebombing iskeptat the ‘ArchivioStatoMaggioreAeronauticaMilitare.UfficioStorico’inRome(IrazabalAgirre2001:152).

Itisremarkablethat,aftersomedebatesandmovestowardsreconciliationwhichtookplaceforadecadeinGermany,

inadramaticgestureon27April1997,RomanHerzog,presidentoftheFederalRepublicofGermany,stoodinthePlazadelMercadointhecentreofGuernica,wherethefirstbombshad fallen sixty years before, and for the first time publicly acknowledged his country’sresponsibilityforthebombingofthetownin1937.

(Patterson2007:174)

YetinanarticleoftheBBCwebpageof26April2007,itstillsaid:

HitlernowsawSpainasatesting-groundforGermany’snewestweaponsandtactics,andinApril1937Guernicawasheavilybombed,supposedly[myownemphasis]byGermanplanes.

DespitecontradictoryversionsregardingthenumbersofcasualtiesandwhohadattackedGernika,theinternationalcommunitywasdeeplyshockedbytheeventandafeelingofsympathyforadefencelessRepublicgreweverywhere.Steer’sandotherjournalists’ reports, and also the declarations of some independent eye-witnesses,presentedtheworldproofthattheGermansandtheItalianshadparticipatedintheattacksonDurangoandGernika.30

ThisobviousviolationoftheNon-Interventionagreementattractedinternationalcondemnationandpersuadedboththeneutralandtheundecidedofwhotheenemyof democracy was. By now, even some Church of England leaders were formallyprotestingabouttheoutrageousevents.

The immediate effect these unexpected attacks had on the population was anintenseurgetoabandonthedestroyedareastoseekrefugeinsaferplaces.Thus,thecarnagemarkedthebeginningofamassexodus.A largenumberof thepopulationweredisplacedfromtheirhomesretreatingtowardsBilbaoandtheideaoforganisingamassiveevacuationofchildrentoothercountriesstartedtodevelop.AccordingtoGraham:

the onset of the rebel offensive againstVizcaya [...] saw a significant build-up ofrefugeesinBilbao,whosepopulationhadbythispointmorethanquadrupledasaresult–from 120,000 to 500,000. Under this pressure the Basque government initiated refugeeevacuationinearlyMay1937.

(Graham2002:253)

30 Sergio J.Valerapointsout thatSteer losthis jobwithThe Timesashisversionholding theGermans responsible for themassacreofGernikaclashedwiththeappeasementlineofthenewspaper(http://www.abc.es,04.03.2005).

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Evacuations

Fromthecommencementofthewar,astheinsurgentsweretakingcontrolofnewareas,thereweread hocmigrationsofthecivilpopulationbothinternallywithintheSpanishterritoryandalsotoothercountriessuchasFrance,PortugalorLatin-America.AweekaftertheAutonomyActfortheBasqueCountrywasacceptedbytheRepublicanGovernmenton1October1936,theBasqueGovernmentwasformed,anditstartedtosystematically organise these movements of people. One of the new autonomousgovernment’s consejerías was Asistencia Social, a cabinet which ‘was charged withdevelopingacompletesystemofsocialservicesforthecitizensofEuzkadi,particularlyfor those who were refugees’ (Legarreta 1984:18). According to Legarreta, for theBasqueGovernmentthiswasthemainpriorityafterdefence.

Thegeneral initialoutcryof ‘savethechildren’heardonthestreets increasinglybecameanimperativeasparents’concernsfortheirchildren’ssafetyintensifiedseeingthe rebel advances in battle. This was the determining factor which drove theorganisation and accomplishment of the evacuations, especially after the viciousoffensiveonthenorthernfront,andablockadethathadledtoshortagesoffoodandotheressentialprovisions.ManywhowerechildrenwhentheyleftSpainduringthewar,pointatthebombingsandthe lackof foodasthereasonsfortheirevacuationwhentheyareinterviewedthesedays.Aniño vascowhosetestimonyappearsinthebookRecuerdoswrites:

[her]familywaspoor.TherewerefivechildrenandtheparentswerekeentosendthemtoEngland,notonlytoescapethebombings,butalsotoeatproperly.

(Benjamin2007:14)

Inaddition to this, therewereanother twokey factorswhichhelped families todecide whether to send their children away. Firstly, the political leaders were stillhopingthattheforeigndemocracieswouldhelpthemfightfortheRepublic.Thus,thefamiliesbelievedtheseparationwouldbebrief,astheyenvisagedthatthewarwouldfinishsoon.AuthorsandmanyNiños Vascosthemselves,intheirwrittenmemoirsandalsoat interviews,oftenquotethephrase‘itwasonlyforthreemonths’,whichhastranscendedtoavarietyofdocumentaryfilmsandotherformsofart.Itisarguedinthisstudythatthisconceptmerelyincarnatesthepresumedtemporarynatureoftheexile,anditcannotbeunderstood‘literally’,asitishighlyunlikelythatalltheparentshadexactlythesameperiodoftimeinmindwhentheysenttheirchildrenaway.Thesecondreasonwhichaffectedparents’decisionswasthegovernment’spolicyofevacuation.Political parties or trade unions to which some of the parents were affiliated alsoencouraged and reassured them that their decision was right. Another niño vascowrites:

Against this very dangerous background of the war, my parents, along with all theothers,hadnootherchoiceand,sadasitwas,theydecidedtoputusdownforoneofthe

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expeditions to a foreign country, which was the advice of the Basque government to allparents.

(Benjamin2007:33)

Arrien states that one of the government’s main concerns, in response to theFrancoistpropagandawhichsaidthattheparentswerebeingmorallycompelledintodisposing of their children, was that the evacuations were ‘generales and libres’ (‘general’ and ‘free’). Each evacuation was advertised in the local press, where theparentscouldreadboththe inscriptionandmedicalrequirementsandfreelydecidewhether to register their children. In our conversations, some informants haveconsistentlyrefutedtheFrancoistslogans(seefigurepage52)whichstatedthatthechildrenwerebeingtakenawayfromtheirparentsbythe‘reds’,claimingthattherewere long queues of parents waiting to enrol their children. In fact, sometimes theparentscouldnotsendtheirchildrenabroaddespitetheirefforts,becausetherewerenovacanciesleft fortheirchosenexpedition. Inthosecasestheyoftenacceptedanalternativecountry.

There was also a reason which motivated some parents, the more politicallycommitted, to send their children abroad. They wanted to avoid the retribution,imprisonmentandforcedconscriptionintototalitarianpara-militaryorganisationstheyfearedwouldhappeniftherebelsconqueredtheBasqueCountry(Arrien1983).MartínandCarvajalmaintainthatafterthewar,therewere‘blacklists’asaresultofthe‘LeydeResponsabilidadesPolíticas’ (‘LawofPoliticalResponsibilities’),whichpenalisedthosewhohadbeenpartoftheRepublicanforcesorwhohadsimplybeensympathisers(Martín&Carvajal2006:150).

BetweenMarchandOctober1937theBasqueGovernmentcoordinatedanumberof voyages to transport mostly children abroad. The department involved in theorganisationandlaterassistancewasAsistencia SocialwiththehelpoftheConsejería de Cultura, whichwasinchargeofselectingtheaccompanyingteachingpersonnelandpriests.

Until the fall of Bilbao the expeditions departed from the Basque ports ofSanturtziandBilbaotoFrance,theUK,BelgiumandtheUSSR.OthercountriessuchasCzechoslovakia,Switzerland,HollandandDenmarkalsoacceptedrefugeechildren,though in smaller numbers, and part of a Mexican contingent also left from theBasqueCountry.Sweden,Norway,andHollandmaintainedcoloniesforthechildreninFrance.

Steer(2009),inarathermelodramaticmanner,commentsthatthismarkedanewperiodofwarfarewithlargemassesofciviliansbeingdisplaced:

Theperiodofthegreatmigrationsofpeoplebeginsoncemore,withaflightofwomenandchildrenofakindforgottensincetheinvasionsoftheTartars.

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It is remarkably difficult to obtain an accurate figure of the number of childrenevacuatedintheperiodbetween1937and1938,thusauthorsareusuallyonlyabletogive mere estimations. Gregorio Arrien, an expert on the evacuations of Basquechildren,quotesatotalof31,104childrensentabroad,accordingtothearchivesoftheDepartmentofAsistencia SocialoftheBasqueGovernmentonMarch1938.

Therewasalsoafailedattempttoevacuate500childrentotheUSAduringthespringof1937.Thisproposalwasconceivedby‘agroupofAmericanintellectualsandliberalscalledtheBoardofGuardiansforBasqueRefugeeChildren’.31Crosby(1971)explains that theAmericanCatholics,manyofwhomweredevotedtoaparticularlyactivepro-Francocampaign,wereconcernedthatifthesechildrenwerehostedintheUSA,theywouldbeusedasameansofpropagandaagainsttheNationals.Thus,theybeganabattletokeepthechildrenintheBasqueCountry,adducingthiswassafesinceFranco had taken control of the area. Eventually, in spite of the significant supportwhichtheevacuationschemereceivedfromkeypeoplesuchasEleanorRoosevelt,itnevercametofruitionduetotheeffectoftheenormouspressurethattheCatholicsputonthepoliticianstoforcethemtorejectit.

Therewereotherinstanceswhenthechildrenalsobecameapoliticalissueandasource of controversy, for instance when the ‘catholic’ Basque Government sentchildrentothe‘communist’USSR.Thus,despitetheirlackofdirectinvolvementinthewar,thechildrenbecameacentralelementinthepoliticalarena.Theywerethefuturegenerationwhowouldconsolidatethewinners’victoryinapost-warsocietyandmoreimportantly,asPonsPrades(2005)remarks:

defencelessbeforethecrueltyoftheconfrontation,theywouldbecomeoneofthebestresourcesofapropagandawhichpromotedasmuchthelegitimisationoftheprinciplesforwhich they were fighting, in one zone or other, as to obtain the necessary internationalsupporttowinthewar.

Fortheevacuations,theBasqueGovernmenthadthesupportofboththeRepublicanGovernmentandtheGeneralitat32andalsoofanumberoflocal,nationalandinternationalinstitutions and committees.The foreign assistance included both governmental andnon-governmentalinstitutions,suchastheRedCrossandalsoanendlessnumberofad hoc committees which were created with the purpose to help the evacuations andrefugeesingeneral.Thesecommitteeswerecircumscribedwithintheambitofpoliticalorganisations,tradeunionsandreligiousandhumanitarianaidgroups.

IntheUK,aftersomeinitialresponsesregardingforinstancemedicalhelpandbrigadistas (international brigaders), as discussed above, at the end of 1936 the

31 Thiswarattractedthesupportofmanyintellectualsaroundtheworld.Manywhohadnottakensidesatthebeginningoftheconflictbecamedeeplyinvolvedwiththepro-Republicancauseafterthemercilessoffensiveinthenorth,andalsoafterthekillingofthepoetGarcíaLorcabytheNationals.

32 TheGeneralitat(‘CatalanAutonomousGovernment’)helpedwithevacuationswithintheSpanishterritory.

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National Joint Committee for Spanish Relief (NJCSR) was created.This committee,comprising 15 organisations which were involved in relief work, was officiallylaunchedon6January1937atameetingwhichwasheldattheHouseofCommons(Bill&Newens1991).Thechoiceofthevenueforthemeetingisratherironic,giventhegovernment’sdeclaredseparationfromSpanishaffairs.ItisalsoironicthatthechairoftheNJCSRwasKatharineMarjoryStewart-Murray,theDuchessofAtholl,whowasaConservativeMP;furthermore,owingtotheactivitieswhichensuedfromherfirm commitment to the Basques, which ‘led her to cooperate with other politicalfactions,includingCommunists[…]shebecameknownasthe“RedDuchess”,losingfavourwithherparty’ (Kushner&Knox1999:111).TheNJCSRwaspresentedby itsfounders as non-political; however, its loyalty to the pro-Republican cause wasevidentfromthebeginning,bothregardingitsreliefworkandalsothecampaigninginBritain.

Buchanan(1997)pointsoutthatreliefworkinBritainhighlightedmanypoliticalissues, thus the importance of giving a non-political image to a country which haddeclared itself officially neutral and non-interventionist. Also, this non-politicalapproachwouldencourageawidersegmentofthepopulationtojointheforcesoftheNJCSR.

InFebruary1937therewasaninitialdiscussionamongstmembersoftheNJCSRwhocontemplatedthepotentialevacuationofBasquechildrentotheUK;howeverthisproposaldidnotgofurther.InMarchtheBasqueGovernmentraisedtheissueagainwhentheyofficiallyapproachedthecommitteeaskingformedicalsuppliesandfood.TwoweekslatertherewasafurtherattemptbyMr.Stevenson,theBritishconsul inBilbao,toconvincetheForeignOfficetoacceptBasquechildrenintotheUK,forwhichhehadnoreply.Finally,afterthedestructionofGernikaandconsequentuproarwithinpublic opinion, on 30 April 1937 the government succumbed to the pressure andagreed to a limited evacuation of Basque children. Kushner and Knox (1999) drawattentiontothefactthat‘Theacceptanceofchildrenalsodilutedthepoliticalnatureofthegesture’.

In order to safeguard its image of neutrality, the government stipulated as anindispensable condition that ‘the selection of children should reflect no politicalfavouritismofanykind’(Bell1996:33).Thisturnaroundinthestateofaffairswasanunexpectedachievement,sincetheevacuationhadencounteredtheoppositionfromtheForeignOfficeandalsofromanumberoforganisations.

DespitesevererestrictionssuchasthefirmrefusaltouseanypublicmoniesfortheoperationortohaveanyresponsibilityforthechildrenonceintheUK,thisepisodemarked the beginning of a more tolerant governmental attitude. For instance, theRoyal Navy would subsequently escort ships of any nationality which transportedrefugees, usually to France, and also the British merchant vessels facilitated theprovisioningofBilbao.

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WhileSteerinhiscapacityasajournalistwasakeypersonintheprocessofraisingthe British and world consciousness, Leah Manning did similar work as a labourpoliticianandadevotedcampaignerinfavouroftheevacuationofBasquechildrentoBritain.ShewasamemberoftheNJCSRandwentseveraltimestoSpainduringthewar.Ononeoccasion,shestayedinBilbaoforafewweeksliaisingwiththeBasqueGovernment,asrequestedbytheBasquedelegationinLondon.Manning,whowasinBilbaoat thetimeof thebombingofGernika,states that theBasqueGovernment’sinitial idea was to evacuate 4,000 children between the ages of five and sixteen(Manning 1970). When the British Government finally gave permission to evacuate2,000childrenbetweentheagesoffiveandtwelve,theBasqueChildren’sCommittee(BCC) was created, on the 15 May 1937, under the umbrella of the NJCSR. ThiscommitteewouldberesponsibleforthecareandhousingofthechildrenoncetheyarrivedinEngland,whichaccordingtothegovernment’sestimationswasgoingtocosttenshillingsperchildperweek.ThoughtheCommitteequiteunrealisticallyaccordingtoBell(1996),hadestimatedthecostofoneshillingperchildperweek.

BoththeCatholicChurchandtheLabourmovement,regardlessoftheirrefusaltobe members of the NJCSR, were part of this committee along with the Society ofFriends, Save the Children, the Salvation Army, and Spanish Medical Aid. Othermembers were the Catholic Church, the liberal and conservative parties, and theTradesUnionCongress.Evidently,despitethecontroversysurroundingtheevacuationandthenumerousobstaclesraisedbythesternconditionsimposedbythegovernment,thesechildrenalsogaveanopportunitytothepro-Republicancampaignerstoattract‘wealthier sections of society not otherwise involved in Spanish causes’ (Buchanan1997:96).

In theBasqueCountry theplansproceededandtwopaediatricdoctors,namelyRichardEllisandAudreyRussell,and twonurses travelled fromBritain toBilbao tocarryouttestsbeforechildrenwereacceptedfortheevacuation.Theynoticedthatthechildren‘wereremarkablyfreefrommalnutritionordiseaseotherthanbodylice’(Coni2002:149)despitethefactthattheeconomicblockadeofRepublicancontrolledareashadcausedmalnutritioninthecivilianpopulation.Dr.Elliswrites:

Theprincipalwayinwhichthedeficiencyofthedietwasbecomingmanifestwasintheveryhighincidenceofdentalcaries(presumablydueinpartatleasttothiscause)andincertain skin changes. It was encouraging to feel that the group as a whole was stillessentiallyahealthyone.

(Cloud1937:22)

AlthoughtheBritishGovernmentinitiallyonlygavepermissionfortheevacuationof2,000children,eventually‘theBCCsponsoreddoublethatnumber,necessitatinganimmenseeffortmarkedbyconstantimprovisation’(Legarreta1984:102).Thesignificantlack of resources due to the worldwide depression and the government’s attituderesultedinvolunteersbeingusuallyforcedtoworkinahastyandreactivemannerto

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theevents.Thus,improvisationwasgoingtobeoneoftherecurringfeaturesoftheodyssey of these children, who in the night of the 20 May 1937 embarked on theHabanaintheportofSanturtzitosetoffthefollowingmorningheadedfortheUK.

Arrival and life in the UK

Arrival, refugee camp and dispersal to the colonias

AnumberofauthorsandalsosomeNiños Vascosthemselvesoftenemphasisethatthiswasthelargestsingleinfluxofrefugeesintothecountrythattherehadeverbeen.Allauthorsand informantsconsultedagree thatmore than3,800childrenarrived inSouthamptonafteranapocalyptical journeyduetothesevereweatherconditionsatsea and the physical conditions on the liner. According to some, the Habana wascarrying more than 4,000 people on board when her capacity was for 800 people;howeverLegarreta(1984)pointsoutthattheshiphad1,500berths(seefigurepage72).

Oneoftheevacueesrecounts‘SoourjourneytoEnglandbegan,ajourneywewillnever forget. Since then I have never crossed the Bay of Biscay again’ (Benjamin2007:15).Duringaconversationwiththisinformant,sheexplainedthatthereasonwhyshehasneverrepeatedthecrossingisbecauseshewastraumatisedbythe‘shocking,absolutelyshocking,hell’experiencewhichshehadatseaasanevacuee.

There is discrepancy amongst historians regarding the number of children whoarrivedintheharbouratSouthampton,whichisnotsurprisingduetothefateofthearchivesofthewarperiodexplainedabove.Inadditiontothis,authorsagreethattheHabanaleftSanturtzionFriday21May1937,however,whilesomeofthemmaintainthat she arrived in Southampton in the evening of the following day, some othersindicatethemorningofthe23Mayinstead.Myinformantshavespecifiedthattheyarrivedonthe23May.Thisapparent lackofconsensussimply reflects the fact thatwhilesomeusetheword‘Southampton’toreferstrictlytothecity(wheretheNiños Vascosarrivedonthe23rd),someothersuseitinthebroadersenseof‘SouthamptonWater’ (arrivalonthe22nd).AccordingtotheBasqueChildrenof ’37AssociationUK(http://www.basquechildren.org):

the‘Habana’[…]droppedanchoratFawley,attheentrancetoSouthamptonWater,onSaturdayevening.Thefollowingmorning,Sunday23rd,theydockedatSouthampton.

The children continued to symbolise the remarkable paradoxes and confusingsituationscreatedbytheSpanishCivilWar.Forinstance,thefactthattheUKwasnowneeded to care for such large number of Spanish ‘exiled’ children was sufficientrecognition of Franco’s injustices, notwithstanding the non-interventionist officialstanceofthepoliticalauthorities.

ThenextparadoxwasthatonceintheUK,owingtotheconditionsimposedbythegovernment,thechildrenwerenotinthehandsoftheEstablishment.Onthecontrary,itwasanetworkofvolunteers,withtheoreticallynopoliticalagenda,whoweretotallyresponsibleforthem.Thisapoliticalfactorwasonceagainonlytrueatatheoreticallevel,sincepoliticspermeatedallsphereswherethechildrenwereinvolved.

InitiallyallthechildrenweretakentoarefugeecampatNorthStoneham,Eastleigh,where,basedonapoliticalsegregation,thephysicalspacewasdividedintwomainareas(seefigurepage73foraerialphotographofthecamp).ThechildrenofaBasquenationalistbackgroundwereplacedinthelargestone,andtheotheraccommodatedthoseofotherpoliticaltendencies.Additionally,athirdsmallareawassetasidefortheolder ones. Legarreta (1984) writes that there were also a few pro-Franco childrenamongsttheevacueeswhowereinitiallyplacedwiththeBasquenationalists.However,after being attacked on one occasion ‘by children of Leftist parents […] this smallcontingentwassegregated,andsleptindifferenttentseachnightsotherecouldbenofurtherreprisals’(Legarreta1984:111).

Aniña vascaremembers:

Yo tenía doce años, y la vida en aquel campamento se me hacía extraña, una grandiferencia con la vida normal en casa. Niños y niñas estábamos separados, y también

The Basque refugees on board ship S.S. Habana.

estabanseparadoslosdepadresnacionalistasdelosnonacionalistas,conunespaciolibreentreunosyotros.Apartadosdetodos,conunaalambradadepormedio,habíaunosveintechicosmayores.

(Eizaguirre1999:130)

Theparadoxisthatinmanycasestheallegedpoliticalaffiliationsofthechildrensimply depended on practical choices which the parents made unaware of theconsequences.Forexample,aniño vascowhoseregistrationcardidentifiedhimasananarchistexplains

Anarchists!What Anarchists? […]What happened was that when my father went toregisterus,hesaidthathewasaRepublicanSocialist.Theysaidthat thereweren’tanymoreplacesforRepublicanSocialists,buttherewerestillsomeplacesforAnarchists.Sohesaid,‘Alrightthen.PutmedownasanAnarchist.Whatthehelldifferencedoesitmake?’.

(Bell1996:34)

Inspiteofthis,thereareaccountswhichshowthatsomeofthechildren,despitetheiryoungage,hadalreadydevelopedsomepoliticalconscience.Benjaminclaimsthattheadultsinthehostcountryweresurprisedbythepoliticalpassionwhichtheolder children showed. There are many examples of this amongst the informants’accounts, for instance when they report the fist salute they used to do (Benjamin

Aerial photograph of the refugee camp site at Eastleigh.

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2003).Cloudcontendsthatwiththistheywerelookingforreassurance,asoncethesechildrenwereseparatedfromthesourceoftheirsuffering,theyconsideredthattheyhad something in common with the host country ‘the enemy is a common enemy’(Cloud1937:50).Thereforesheconcludesthatpoliticalneutralitywasnotanoption.

Themainearlychallengesfacedbytheorganisersofthecamphavegenerallybeenidentified as the language barrier, diet and cultural differences, and health andhygiene.Tosomeextentastimewentondisciplineandbehaviouralsobecamecausesforconcern.

Owingtothereasonsexplainedearlierregardingthelackofresources,andalsothe fact that the evacuation had been organised in less than two weeks, it is notsurprising that a number of testimonies raise the critical issue of the lack of anauthority figure amongst the children. This was accentuated by the fact that thechildrenlostcontactwiththeirfamiliesforavaryingbutusuallylongperiodoftime,asitisrecountedbyanevacuee:

AlthoughIhavebeenhappyintheUK,Ihaveoftenwonderedwhatourliveswouldhavebeenlikeifwehadn’tleftourfamiliesatsuchanearlyage.Wemissedthem,andcouldn’thelpbutworryaboutthem.Forthefirstyearorsoafterourarrivalwehadnonewsofthem.

(Benjamin2007:130)

Duringtheirstayattherefugeecampandsubsequentlywhentheyweredispersedto homes throughout the country, the children were frequently expected toindependentlymanagetheirlivesandthewholerangeofnewsituationstowhichtheywereexposed.Aformerevacueerememberssomeoftheharshconditionstheyhadtofaceinoneofthecolonias:

Therewasnoheating, little, ifany,adultsupervision,andvery little food.Therewasalotofbullyingandwewerelefttoourowndevicestosurvive.33

InthisrespectCloudcommentsontheirneedforacaringauthorityfigureinordertoreassurethemfromthebeginningoftheirlifeintheUK:

camp-lifehascharmsforholiday-makers,butprivacywasneveroneofitscharms–withstrange children […] Picture them, uprooted, still reeling under the shock of the recentalarmsandthegreatexcursion,turningtoeachotherand,moreparticularly,toanypersonwhosebearingpromiseslove,attention,authority.

(Cloud1937:51)

Thisnecessaryelementinthelifeofachildwasoftensuppliedbytheoldersibling,whomighthavetakenresponsibilitynotonlyfortheiryoungerbrothersandsisters,

33 Eastleigh,13.10.2007.

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butalsoforotheryoungchildreninthegroup.Anevacueeexplainsherassumedroleasacustodianasearlyastheyarrivedatthecamp:

Yo tuve a mi cargo una de las tiendas-vivienda, con mi hermana y otras seis niñas.Habíaquemantenerunsurcoprofundoalrededordelatiendaporsillovía,ylascuerdastensasporsihacíaviento.Mesentíaunpoco lamadrede todasellas; incluso lesdabaclasesdearitmética,gramáticaehistoria.34

(Eizaguirre1999:35-36)

Commentssuchas‘Mihermanoteníatresañosmásqueyoyparamínosolofuehermanosinotambiénpadreymadre’35(Benjamin2007:242)revealthatthissituationcomfortedtheyoungerchildren.Thus,anelementofrecognitionanddeepgratitudetowardstheprotectiveroleoftheoldersiblingswhoprovidedamuchneededsenseofsecurityisoftenstressed.

AfterarelativelyshortstayatthecamptheBasquechildrenweredispersedtoanumberofcolonias indifferentcounties,mainlyinEnglandandWales.AccordingtotheBasqueChildrenof’37AssociationUKbymid-September1937theyhadallbeenrelocatedtoresidentialhomesthroughoutBritain.Aformerrefugeechildremembershisdeparturefromthecampandsubsequentrelocations:

EnSouthamptonestuvimosvariosmeses,hastaquenosrepartieronengruposynosenviaronasitiosdiferentes.YofuiaCambridge,perocuandoyaestabaempezandoahacernuevasamistadesvolvieronatrasladarnos,estavezaIpswich,muycercadeLondres.36

(Eizaguirre1999:103)

This reminds us of the constant mobility and changes between colonias, whichdivided groups of friends which had naturally developed at the camp. Moreover,testimonies reveal many cases of siblings being separated, mainly in the case ofbrothersandsisters.However,authorsstressthatasarulesendingthemtoprivateaccommodationwasavoidedandinthefirstinstanceitwasalwayssoughtthattheyresidedtogetherinthecolonias.

Itisaremarkablydifficulttasktogiveexactfiguresofhowmanycoloniaswererunatanygiventime,astheystartedupatdifferenttimesaccordingtoneedsandavailableresources.Also,theirlifespanvariedsignificantly,andwhilethepopulationofsomeofthem was relatively stable some others experienced a continuous movement ofchildren.ThereareforinstancetestimoniesofNiños Vascos wholivedineightdifferent

34 Translation:‘Iwasresponsibleforoneofthetents,withmysisterandanothersixgirls.Adeepgroovehadtobekeptaroundthetentincaseitrained,andtheguyropeshadtobetautincaseitwaswindy.Ifeltabitliketheirmother;Ievengavethemarithmetic,grammarandhistorylessons’.

35 Translation:‘Mybrotherwasthreeyearsolderthanmeandformehewasnotonlymybrotherbutfatherandmothertoo’.

36 Translation:‘InSouthamptonwespentafewmonths,untilweweredividedintogroupsandtheysentustodifferentplaces.IwenttoCambridge,butwhenIwasstartingtomakenewfriendshipstheymovedusagain,thistimetoIpswich,verynearLondon’.

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places. Arrien(1991)providesa listof98homeswhichwerepreparedtohousethechildrenafterdispersalthroughoutthecountry.TheBasqueChildrenof’37AssociationUKalsogivesalistof98knowncoloniesandafurtherlistof8forwhich‘onlyanecdotalevidencehasbeenfound’(http://www.basquechildren.org).

Fundamentaldifferencesamongstthesecolonieshavebeenreportedwithregardtohowtheyweremanagedandhowtheycateredforthechildren.Ontheonehandthereareaccountswhichdescribe the lifeat thecolonia asa thoroughlyenjoyableexperience:

Lifeinthecolonywasincrediblycreative,exciting.Therewasalwayssomethinggoingon.Therewasdancing,singing,poetry,painting,lotsofreading,makingwallnewspapers,andalotoftheatrework.37

Ontheother,someinformantsprovidetestimonyofhighlynegativeexperiences.Forinstance,incontrasttothepreviousaccountthesameniño vascodescribeshislifeat a different colonia where the children were cold and hungry. Nevertheless, thechildrenhadfoundanewhomeinthecolonias.

Followingtheeventualclosureofthecolonias,childrenwhowereusedtolivinginthesafetyofthegroupandalsotobeingsupportedbythepublic,werelefttomakealivingbytheirownmeans.Oneoftheyoungeronesrecounts:

Lospeorestiemposdemividafueronlosañosdespuésdesaliratrabajaraloscatorceyquesecerrólaúltimacolonia.Unoestabasolo.VivíenposadasportodoLondres.Trabajéenunsinfíndetrabajos.Noteníaestudiosnipreparaciónninguna.Noganabalosuficientepara poder sobrevivir. Me encontré muy solo. A mi parecer, esta es la edad en que losjóvenes, sobre todo los que viven internados sin padres, son lo más vulnerables yprecisamentecuandonecesitanmásapoyo.38

Thistestimonyhighlightsthecommencementofanewperiodmarkedbyalackofsupportwhichwasaggravatedduringthesubsequentyears.

End of communal life: repatriations and adult life

AssoonastheBasqueCountrywasoccupiedbytheinsurgents,astrongcampaignwasinitiatedtorepatriatetheBasquechildrenfromthehostcountrieswhichhadgiventhemrefuge.ThiswasvehementlydemandedbythenationalsandsupportedintheUK

37 Eastleigh,13.10.2007.

38 Translation:‘TheworsttimesofmylifewerethetwoyearsafterleavingforworkwhenIwasfourteenandthelastcoloniawasclosed.Onewasonone’sown.IlivedininnsalloverLondon.I’d workedinanendlessnumberofjobs.Ididn’thaveanyqualificationsoranytraining.Ididn’tearnenoughtobeabletosurvive.Ifoundmyselfverylonely.Tome,that’stheageatwhichtheyoung,especiallythosewholiveinboardingschoolswithouttheirparents,arethemostvulnerableandpreciselywhentheyneedthemostsupport’(conversationwithaniño vasco,05.06.2009).

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bysomesectorsofthepopulation,particularlytheCatholics,inspiteoftheresistanceof the children’s families and the Basque Government. An informer reflects on theimpactwhichthishad,as‘Wehadtobeinourbestbehaviouralways.Wehadnottoantagonisepublicopinion[…]Therewasacampaigninthepresstorepatriateus’39.

Theolderchildren,whowereoversixteenbythen,weregiventheoptiontodecidewhethertostayinBritainornot.Regardingthoseundersixteen,inordertomakesurethattheyonlyreturnedifitwassafeforthemtodoso,theBCCrefusedtocarryoutindiscriminaterepatriationsandimposedtheconditionthatthechildrenwouldonlyreturnifthiswasrequestedbytheirparents.Subsequentlysomeparentsappliedfortheirchildrentoberepatriated,butsomeothersaskedforthemtostayinBritain.Ithasbeendocumentedthatalthoughsomerepatriationswerevoluntarilyrequested,therewerefrequentcasesofparentsbeingforcedintoitandsometimestheirallegedletters were forged. Many Niños Vascos reveal the types of pressure to which theirparents were subjected, including insults for having their children abroad, verbalattacks,andthreats.Oneofthemconfesses:

Fatherwasinprisonandmotherhadtherestofourfivebrothersandsisters.Therewasnoworkandconditionsweredreadful.Motherwasvisitedbyapriestandanofficialwhothreatenedherwithimprisonmentandwithherchildrenbeingtakenawayifshedidn’tsigntohaveusrepatriated[…]Thesignatureshadbeenforged.40

In addition to forged letters there are also examples of censorship and ofcorrespondencestillbeingmanipulatedbytheSpanishauthoritiesforalongtimeaftertheCivilWarhadfinished.Aniña vascaremembersthat‘thecensorsusedtocutoutpiecesoftheletters[thefamily]wrotebetween1944and1945’.Areportedstrategytodealwiththiswastheuseofsecretcodesbythechildrenandtheirfamiliesintheirwrittencommunications.

Some of the returnees recount the unexpected and distressing experience ofleaving the host country; this is summarised by a niño vasco who highlights thepredominantlackofenthusiasmwithregardtotheirrepatriationofagroupofotherNiños Vascos whomhesawsetoff:

BecauseIwasworkinginLondoninDecember1939,IwenttoseethemoffatVictoria;theycamefromallover.Thosewhoweregoingwerenotlookingforwardtoitatall.Well,veryfew.

(Bell1996:112-113)

Despitesomesignificantresistancemostchildrenweregraduallyrepatriated.Thismeantthatin1939,bythetimetheSpanishCivilWarfinishedandtheSecondWorldWar started, most of the children had left and there were only approximately 400

39 Eastleigh,13.10.2007.

40 Eastleigh,13.10.2007.

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remainingintheUK,whoseliveswouldstillbemarkedbyconstantmobilityduringthenextperiodofwar.Theirinitialstatusasrefugeeswasdowngradedtoalegalstatusas‘aliens’or ‘enemyaliens’, thusthecohesionofthecollectivestartedtobreakinthepubliceyes.Aniñovasco writesinhismemoirs:

Habíamosllegadoa InglaterracomoBasque Children oBasque refugees; iniciadalaSegunda Guerra Mundial, cuando alcanzábamos los dieciséis años nos convertimos enenemy aliens, y después de la guerra fuimos stateless persons («personas sin país»)residentes en el Reino Unido – ciudadanos de las Naciones Unidas con pasaportes ysalvoconductos expedidos por esta organización (obviamente inservibles en la Españafranquista)quesólonospermitíandesplazarnosyvolveralpaísderesidencia–.Laposiciónnosparecíainsoportable.41

(Santamaría2008:183)

Intensegeographicalandsocialmobilitysignifiedthattheygrewupasresistant‘survivors’wholivedandworkedwheretheycould,thus lackingfullcontrolof theirlives.Thisisencapsulatedinthefollowingextract:

AswerealisedthattherewasnolikelihoodofFrancobeingoustedbytheAllies,wefound ourselves in a sort of limbo. Some of the exiles went to France, others to LatinAmerica.We,theyoungerones,stayedonandhadtore-structureourlives,andwaitandwait.Thelastofthecoloniasclosedandwesimplyhadtofendforourselvesdoingwhateverjobwecould;livinginlodgingsorrooms.Thesewerethemostlonely,barrenyearsofmylife…Toreachthispointhadbeenfraughtwithdifficulties,aseverythinginlifeseemedtohavebeen. InEngland, Iwasan ‘alien’. Ihadbeenveryunsettledandconstantlyonthemove:differentjobsanddifferentplacestolive.42

DuringthatperiodofpersonalisolationsomeoftheNiños Vascoslostcontactwiththe others for many years. However, there were some initiatives that ultimatelycontributed to bring a significant number of them back together and helped themcombatafeelingofnostalgia.AninformerwholivedinBirminghamremembersthat‘anEnglishladyopenedherhousefortheBasqueChildrenwhowereintheMidlandsso that we could have tea reunions once a month’43.This developed into a club ofBasqueChildrenwhocontactedtheHogar EspañolinLondon,wheretherewasalsoaclusterofthem‘organised’.

TheHogarEspañolhadbeensetupinLondonin1941asaplaceofreunionwhereSpanishexilesgatheredregularly.Thesonofaniña vascacomments:

41 Translation:‘WehadarrivedinEnglandasBasquechildrenorBasquerefugees;afterthestartoftheSecondWorldWar,whenwereachedtheageofsixteenwebecameenemyaliens,andafterthewarwewerestatelesspersonsresidentintheUK–citizens of the United Nations with passports and safe conducts issued by this organisation (obviously not valid in theFrancoist Spain) which only allowed us to leave and return to the country of residency. We thought that position wasunbearable’.

42 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

43 Eastleigh,13.10.2007.

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My parents met through the Spanish connection […] One of the roles of the Hogar EspañolwastoconnectwiththeBasquechildrenandbringthemtoLondonsothattheydidn’tlosetheirSpanishness.44

This constantly appears in accounts of Niños Vascos, who regarded the HogarEspañol as ‘a real home from home where we spent all our free time’ (Benjamin2007:125).In1942somerepublicanmoneywasusedtosubsidisealunchinLondonwithsomeoftheattendeescomingfromtheMidlands.Inreturn,theirnextgatheringevent tookplace inBirmingham,wheresomeNiños Vascos fromLondonwent foraweekend.To a certain extent this marked the establishment and consolidation of agroupwhosemembershadpassedchildhoodbythenandsawitassomethingwhichgavecohesiontotheirlives.Inthissenseaninformantdeclares‘WewereverycohesiveinLondon’45.

By1945thegrouphaddiminishedtoapproximately‘250individualswhosettledpermanently,sometimesmarryinglocalpeopleandremaininginBritainfortherestoftheirlives’(http://www.basquechildren.org).Atthatpointthereisalsoashiftinthenarratives, which marks the beginning of a period in which the Niños Vascos wereawareoftheiragentivepowerwithinthehostsocietybymeansofwork,citizenship,andstartingtheirownfamilies.

Resilience was crucial in the transition towards taking charge of their lives andcircumstances over time. In this regard testimonies generally show a pragmaticapproachtomakingdecisions:

IdecidedthatIwouldnotgoback.IcanrememberwritingtomymotherandtellingherthatI’mnotcomingback,thatIdidn’twanttogoback,thatIwantedtotakeachancehere.Iwassixteenandaftereverythingthathadhappenedtome–youknow,youdon’ttrustpeople.Youloseallthetrustthatyou…youwonderifyoumightbegoingbacktosomethingworseandatleastthenI’dstartedacareerhere,andIwasveryEnglish.

(Bell1996:20)

Thistransitionwasrathersuddenfortheolderchildren,whowereimpelledtolookforworkveryquickly.Aninformantrecallsthedifferencesbetweenyoungandolderchildrenwithregardtotheperiodoftimewhichtheyhadtogetusedtothenewlife:

Los más jóvenes hasta cierto punto hemos sido los más privilegiados. Nosotrostuvimosmástiempoparaadaptarnosalascondiciones.Losmayoresfueronquizáslosquepeoreslopasaronporqueencuantocumplíancatorceeracuestióndesaliratrabajar.46

44 Eastleigh,13.10.2007.

45 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

46 Translation: ‘Wetheyoungerones,toacertainextenthavebeenthemostprivileged.Wehadmoretimetoadapttotheconditions.Theolderoneswereperhapstheoneswhohadtheworsttimebecauseassoonastheywerefourteentheyhadgoouttowork’(Publicdebate,Bilbao,13.06.2008).

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Informants’accountspointat the fact thatduringthewarandpost-warperiodsthereweremanyjobsinBritain,thustheBasquechildrenenteredworklifefollowinga variety of paths. However, there is general acknowledgement that owing to adisruptededucation,lackofskills,andoftenlackofthenecessarylevelofEnglish,theycouldonlyaspiretolowpaidjobs.Manyovercametheseinitialdisadvantagesthroughextremelyhardworkandtheymanagedtodevelopasuccessfulcareer.

Additionally, someNiños Vascoshadaccess toeducation through the Juan Luis Vives Scholarship Trust,whichwascreated inLondon in 1942withsome remainingrepublican money and ‘most money was used for the Basque Children, as theireducationwasbroken’47.Asaresultafewofthemstartedacareerinartsincludingpainting, sculpture, poetry, dance or acting, for which some acquired considerablerecognition,sometimesatanationallevelorbeyond.

Another step in the settling down process was to sort out their ‘nationalityproblems’. After many years of unrest, some Niños Vascos managed to obtain aSpanishpassportfollowingalongbureaucraticbattlewiththeSpanishauthorities:

TheyearsfollowingtheendofWorldWartwohadbeenveryunsettling.Manyofusyoungexileshadbeenliving inasortof limbo.WewereneitherBritishnorSpanish.WecouldnotreconcileourselvestoacceptingtheFrancoregimeandreturningtowhatwestillconsidered‘home’[…]IhadbeenrefusedBritishcitizenshipbutnowhadaSpanishpassportinsteadofthe‘stateless’UNtraveldocumentwithwhichIhadtravelleduptothen.

(Benjamin2007:110)

Thiswasnotalways thecaseandsomebecameBritishcitizens inorder toendtheirarduousstruggleswiththeSpanishbureaucracy,despitethefactthatobtainingBritishnationalitywasnoteasyforthemeitherunlesstheymarriedaBritishcitizen.

Unsurprisingly,asignificantnumberofniños vascosparticularlythosewhostayedconnected through the London hub, married either other niños vascos or Spanishmigrants, including republican exiles. In line with the British custom, officially thewomenchangedtheirsurnamesandtooktheirhusband’s,whichmeantacquiringaBritishsurnameoradifferentSpanishone.However,Spanishwomendonotchangetheirsurnameasaresultofmarriage.Asaconsequence,manyniñas vascasareknownbyboththeirmarriednameandalsotheirmaidenname,whichtheymayfeelistheir‘authentic’one.Thisgeneratescommentssuchas‘FirstofallImusttellyouthatmynameisnotHH.IamHGA,butsinceIgotmarriedinEnglandItookthenameofmyhusband’48.

47 Eastleigh,13.10.2007.

48 Eastleigh,13.10.2007.

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Thus far a number of factors have been presented which contributed to theprocess of settling in the hostland. The Niños Vascos reached their adult life,predominantlyenteringtheworklifeandalsogettingmarried.Startinganewfamilyprovidedasenseofstabilitywhichhelpedtocopewiththedifficultyorimpossibilitytogobacktotheafter-warSpain.Aniña vascawhowentfromBritaintoFrance,whereshespentafewmonthsbeforeshereturnedtoBritain,recounts:

IwasinFranceforfiveorsixmonthsIthinkandcamebackhereandcamebackfromFranceintothishousewhereIhavebeen60years.SoImademylifehere,Ihadtwomorechildren,twomoreboys,soIchannelmyviewsandmylifeinhereyouknow.49

Spain was increasingly becoming a place of no return, where not only was thepoliticalsituationunfavourable,butalsowherefamilylinkshadbeenbroken:

Well,Spainbecamedistantbecauseofmypoliticalbeliefs, Icouldn’t imaginegoingbacktoSpainunderdictatorshipatallandmyfather,normymothereither,sotheystayedinFrance.MyfatherdiedinFrance,mymotherdiedhere[UK]inthishouse,sotherewasfamily in Spain but they were in very peculiar circumstances as well you know.Totallydifferent than what they used to be and they went, they went through a lot during theSecondWorldWar, so I didn’t see any future in going back to Spain at all, none. No Icouldn’t.50

Inspiteofthis,testimoniesevidenceanenduringdesiretoreturntothehomeland,eventhoughoncetheformerrefugeeswereestablishedinBritainthisonlyhappenedintheformofshorttrips,normallyaftermanyyears.Someonlyvisitedtheirplaceofdepartureaftermorethan20yearsofnotseeingtheirfamily,whobythenhadbecomestrangers.AdditionallythebeginningoftheColdWarmarkedanewperiodinwhich‘Wehadtoaccepttheinevitable,thattherewasnoperspectivethatweweregoingtoreturntoSpain’51.

The dream of return has been a constant in the lives of these former refugees,which they express in phrases such as ‘I always lived with the idea of returning toSpain’52,andwhichwastransmittedtotheirchildren.Oneofthem,thesonofaniña vascaandarepublicanexile,summarisesthisconceptwithapowerful:

Father always dreaming of return. Sometimes the Basque Children wouldn’t buy ahomebecauseitfeltascapitulating.Thiswasastruggle.

Finally,duringthefollowingdecadestheemphasisontheideaofreturngraduallyloststrengthtogiveplaceto‘IthinkweareamodernBritishfamily’53,inthesenseof

49 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

50 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

51 Publicdebate,Bilbao13.06.2008.

52 Publicdebate,Bilbao13.06.2008.

53 Eastleigh,13.10.2007.

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‘ordinary’peoplewith livesoccupiedbyanumberofdaily routines including familycommitments,workcommitments,andlateronretirement.ThoselivesalsoincludedmaintainingcontactwithotherNiños Vascosandsporadicvisitstotheplacewhichsawthemdepartin1937.

The Basque Children of ’37 Association UK

Withinthefavourablewidercontextofrecuperationofhistoricalmemoryandofwar commemoration which has been examined earlier, the last few decades havewitnessedanunprecedentedresurgenceofthepastconcerningtheSpanishCivilWar.InthiscontexttheAsociación de Niños Evacuados el 37 wassetupinBilbaoin1987and was followed by the foundation of a number of similar associations in othercountries,amongstthemtheBasqueChildrenof’37AssociationUK.

This association was born in 2002 with the purpose of reuniting the BasquechildrenoftheSpanishCivilWarwhowereexiledintheUKin1937.Itcurrentlydefinesits main aim as ‘to remember and preserve the story of these children, the niños vascos,initsproperhistoricalcontext’asstatedinitsnewsletter.Thissettingprovidesthe opportunity to obtain a deeper insight into how the Niños Vascos conductthemselvesatanassociationallevel,whichisatthepointofintersectionbetweentheofficialandtheprivatespheres.However,itshouldbenotedthatthereisonlyoneniño vascoamongstthemembersoftheAssociation’scommittee,andtheNiños Vascosarenotallmembersofthisassociation.

Therearenearly200membersfromaroundtheworld,ofwhich

Someareniños vascosandpeoplewhowereinvolvedwiththemin1937,othersaretheir family, children and grandchildren. A final, rapidly growing group of memberscomprises;academics,teachers,researchers,students,writersandotherswithaspecialinterestinthesubject.54

ItmaintainsrelationswithboththeBasqueGovernmentandalsowiththeSpanishEmbassy inLondon.The informationdisseminatedby theAssociation increases theawarenessof,andinterestin,theirstory,bothintheUKandalsoinSpain,andtoacertain extent it also contributes to maintaining active the Niños Vascos’ socialnetwork.Bothareachievedthroughuseoftheirnewsletterandtheirwebsite.

Thenewsletterisofparticularsignificance,asitisthemainsourceofinformationonmattersregardingtheNiños Vascoswhicharenotrecordedbyothermeans.Havingbeen published regularly since 2003, it was produced eight times between August

54 http://www.basquechildren.org.

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2003andOctober2007anditisnowpublishedtwiceayear.ThroughthenewslettertheAssociation reportson lectures, talks, round tablediscussions,exhibitions,andother activities related to the Niños Vascos. It also provides listings of forthcomingevents,andnewinitiativessuchasunveilingofblueplaquesandothercommemorativeeventsarepublicised.Someothersectionswhichappearfrequentlyinthenewsletterarebookreviewsandarticleswrittenbymembers,aswellasdetailsof thefundingwhichtheAssociationreceivestocontinueitswork.

ThewebsiteoftheAssociationcontainsdocumentsrelatedtothehistoryoftheNiños Vascos and their lives in the colonias during the years which followed theirarrivalintheUK.ThiswebsiteincludesabibliographyoftheliteraturerelatingtothetopicoftheNiños Vascosandalsolistingsofactivitiesandevents,electroniccopiesofmostofthenewsletterswhichhavebeenproducedsofar,andlinkstootherrelevantwebsites. Furthermore, it contains an extensive collection of photographs anddocumentationofthemaincommemorativeeventwhichtheAssociationhasorganisedsinceitcameintobeing,namelythe70thanniversaryofthearrivaloftheNiños VascosinSouthamptonintheyear2007.

The archival material held by the Association consists of a compilation ofdocuments and objects which have been donated by individuals, collectives, orinstitutions. These include film footage, articles which have been published innewspapersandmagazines,photographs,posters,drawings,programmesandothermemorabilia.Inadditiontothese,therearealsorecordsofcorrespondenceandtheminutes of meetings held by the Basque Children Committee and other relevantcommittees.The committee of the Association has agreed that the archives will betransferredtotheSpecialCollectionsDivisionoftheHartleyLibraryattheUniversityofSouthamptoninthefuture.AsitisstatedintheAssociation’swebsite,‘Southamptonwasatthestartofthestoryoftheniñosinthiscountrysoitisfittingthatitshouldalsobetheplacethatwefindmostsuitableforpreservingourrecords’.

Summary

InthischapterIhaveanalysedthepolitical,socio-historicalandeconomicfactorswhich provided the context to the evacuation and subsequent life in Britain of theBasque refugee children. I started with a section on the Spanish Civil War whichhighlightedparticularcircumstanceswithintheBasqueCountryduringtheperiodof1936to1937.Thiswasfollowedbyananalysisofthecomplexandconfusingsituationswhich the CivilWar generated at an international level, with a number of countriesbecoming involved and clashing with one another. Next I examined the ultimatereasonswhytheBasquerefugeechildrenwereevacuated,aswellastheevacuationprocedure itself. In this section there was an emphasis on the paradoxes whichsurrounded the entire venture, as these were key factors that shaped the later

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development of the children’s lives. After that, I looked at what is revealed byindividuals’ testimonies with regard to their experiences of arrival, dispersal to thecolonias,andadultlifeinthehostcountry.Finally,thenatureandroleoftheBasqueChildrenAssociationof’37UKhasbeenexploredtoclosethechapter.

InthenextchapterIexamineanumberofcommemorativepracticeswhichhavebeenheldataprivatelevelorinthepublicsphere.Theanalysiswillfocusonagencyandwillproblematisethe,oftenoverlapping,agendasbehindthesepractices.

(03)

Themean ingofthe comme morative prac tices: ‘Conmemo racciones’

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Themean ingofthe comme morative prac tices: ‘Conmemo racciones’

Commemorative practices

My analysis is framed within socio-spatial coordinates, where I do not simplyconsiderspaceaspartofaconceptual framework,butasanentity in itsownright.Spaceistreatedasthedynamicdimensionwhereindividualsandgroupsperformtheiridentitiesandfindanaudience,whothemselvesalsobecomeagents.Allthesesocialagentsinteractinaparticularspaceinordertonegotiateandmakesenseofthepast,andalso tosetup thebasis for the future.Thisspatialdimensioncontainsbodies,objects,marks,andsymbolswhicharethephysicalremindersthatgivematerialitytosocial lifeandmediate thediscoursesof theactors. In thissense,spacecannotbeconsideredneutral.Onthecontrary,itisregardedasanactiveagentofchangeintheprocessofmeaningandknowledgeproduction.Furthermore,inspiredbyBlommaertand Huang (2009) it is claimed here that the character of the social space ofremembranceisfrequentlynormative.

InordertoproperlyuncoverthefullcomplexityofwhatgoesonwithregardtotheNiños Vascos, I next analyse and contrast a number of different spaces which aresociallyandculturallydistinguishedasuniqueentities.Toputitinotherwords,eachoneofthemisconsideredasa‘nexusofpractice’,thatis:

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Apointatwhichhistoricaltrajectoriesofpeople,places,discourses,ideas,andobjectscometogethertoenablesomeactionwhichinitselfaltersthosehistoricaltrajectoriesinsomewayasthosetrajectoriesemanatefromthismomentofsocialaction.

(Scollon&Scollon2004:viii)

Private memory

Documentary and oral evidence reveal that the Niños Vascos have had a socialannualgatheringforanumberofyears,whichbringstogethermembersofthegroupand also other individuals invited by them such as relatives or friends. SometestimoniesindicatethatamongsttheNiños VascoswhoremainedincontactlivinginLondon,theannualcelebratorymealhasalonghistory,ofapproximately50years.Atalargerscale,AlonsoCarballés(1998)indicatesthereunionof1987inBilbaoasthefirst major event which gathered former evacuee children, who continued to holdsubsequentannualreunions.

ManyofthosewhostayedpermanentlyintheUKgatheronceayearatarestaurantin London, where they have a traditional Spanish meal followed by a few hours ofsocialnetworking.AconsiderablenumberoftheparticipantsliveintheLondonarea,but for thisencountersomeNiños Vascos come frommoredistant locations,whichinclude Spain and France on special occasions. At this annual reunion there is asignificantlackofpresenceofthepressandinstitutions.Also,untilrecentlythishasbeentheonly typeofeventorganisedby theNiños Vascos themselves,and for theNiños Vascos, who consider it the occasion which they have to socialise with eachotherandtomaintaintheirlinkwiththegroupataprivatelevel.Achangecameaboutatthereunioncelebratedon25May2008,whichwasthelastonestillorganisedsolelybytheNiños Vascosthemselves.AtthatreuniontheorganisationoftheannualmealwasentrustedtothechildrenofsomeNiños Vascos.Thiseventwillbediscussedlaterinthischapter.

Place

While the Niños Vascos themselves organised this event the venue tended tochangeeveryyear,andtherestaurantwasusuallychosendependingonfactorssuchasthenumberofattendantsorwhatplacewasavailable,butbothinthepastandafterthehandover,ithasbeenaSpanishrestaurantwhichoffersaSpanishfoodmenu.Thisphysical space might be a constraining factor in some cases, as depending on itsfacilitiessomeNiños Vascoswilldecidewhethertoattendornot.Forinstance,thosewhohavemobilitydifficultiesmightchoosenottogowhentheselectedrestaurantisnotsuitableforthem.Ontheotherhand,givingpreferencetoaSpanishrestaurantratherthantoanotherperhapsmoreappropriate for theiragerelatedrequirements

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and circumstances but non-Spanish, enables them to create a microenvironmentwhere they feel they are entitled to ‘perform Spanish’. Furthermore, that semioticspaceisgivingcuesbymeansofitsstaff,memorabiliaandotherobjectsondisplay,whichareencouraging,reinforcing,andshapingatthesametimeademonstrationoftheSpanishnessoftheattendants.Thisisultimatelylinkedtoownershipofthesocialarenawhereculturalandsocialproductiontakesplace.

Forinstance,thereismorephysicalcontact,thegreetingstootherdinnercompanionsincludetwokissesandthepersonalspaceboundariesaresmallerthaninothercontexts.Theyhavetheopportunitytotalktothestaff inSpanishandtomake‘Spanishjokes’about the ‘Spanish food’. They also use certain familiarities, such as being noisy oraddressingthestaffusingtuteo55insteadofthemoreformalusted,whichtheywouldnotattempttodo inadifferentenvironmentwheretheymight find itmoreconvenientto‘performEnglish’.AsScollonandScollonremindus,thesocialinteraction

worksbest[…]whenitissupportedbyveryspecificrequirementsforthestructureofthespacesinwhichitoccursaswellasthematerialmediationalmeansthatareavailablefortheparticipantstouseinconductingtheiractivities.

(Scollon&Scollon2004:3)

Inthereunionof2008,theniña vascawhohadbeenakeyelementinorganisingandmaintainingthisannualencounterthroughouttheyears,announcedthatshewasgoing to hand over the organisation of it to three children of Niños Vascos. At thereunionofMay2009,56whichwasthefirstoneorganisedbythosechildren,thechoiceofrestaurantwasprimarilydecidedfollowingpracticalreasonssuchasitssize,price,andcentrallocation.Itwasstillata‘Spanishownedhotel’,asstatedontheletterwhichtheorganiserssenttotheprospectiveattendants,buttherestaurantwasnotrunbyaSpanishspeakingSpanishfamilyasithasbeeninpreviousoccasions.Onthecontrary,itwasabigrestaurantinahotelwhichispartofaSpanishchainwellestablishedworld-wide.ThemenuonofferwasSpanishasithadbeennegotiatedbetweentherestaurantmanagerandtheorganisers.However, the languageusedforthismenuwasEnglishandtherewerenophysicalsignsofSpanishnessatthevenue.Furthermore,notallthewaitingstaffwereSpanishastheyhadbeeninpreviousyears.Interestingly,themenuoftheannualmealof2010,heldatthesamevenue,wasinSpanish;butin2011,whiletheletterwhichtheorganiserssenttotheattendantsshowedthemenuinSpanish,themenudisplayedonthetablesatthemealwasinEnglishagain.

Itremainstobeseenhowthechangeof‘framework’duetotheshiftoftheorganisationoftheeventfromtheNiños Vascostotheirchildren,mightinfluencethegroupstrategiesandmodifyindividualremembrancesandinterpretationsinthelongterm.

55 InSpanishtherearetwoformsofaddressforthesecondgrammaticalperson‘you’,thetuteooruseoftú(vosotrosinplural)andtheformusted(ustedesinplural).TherearenouniversalrulesofusagewithintheHispanicworld.IntheBasqueCountrythetuteoisparticularlywidespreadanditimpliesfamiliarity,whereastheformustedisnormallyusedinformalcontexts.

56 Subsequentmealsafter2009havetakenplaceatthesamerestaurantasinthatyear.

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Date

Thedateofthereunionisalwaysfittedaroundtheanniversaryoftheevacuation,usuallyontheSundaynearesttothe21stMay.Thischoicedenotestheimportanceofthisdateaboveanyothersrelevanttothegroup,suchasthebombingofGernikaortheanniversaryoftheSecondRepublicoreventhearrivalatSouthampton.TheNiños Vascos have chosen a date which is unique and specific to their history, thus theiridentityasadistinctivegroupisreinforced.Inotherwords,thisdateisnotmerelyatemporalmilestone,butitembodiesanhistoricallandmark.ItisnoticeablethatinMay2007therewasanothereventorganisedbytheBasqueChildrenof’37AssociationUKtakingplacearoundthatdatetocelebratethe70thanniversaryoftheevacuationaswell.ThisoneattractedamuchbiggeraudienceandmostoftheNiños Vascosattendedit,buttheydecidedtoalsohavetheirprivategatheringasusualandstillcelebratedthe annual meal, which was attended by approximately ‘sixty guests’57.This showshowimportantitisforthemtokeeptheprivategatheringalive.Thereisuncertaintywithregardtothecontinuityofthisexactdateascentralinthefuture,asexpressedbyoneoftheneworganisersatthebeginningofthespeechhedeliveredatthereunionof24thMay2009.Hestartedhisaddresstotheguestsbyclarifyingthat

una de las cosas que queríamos hacer este año era cambiar la fecha porque esteweekend siempre es el bank holiday weekend y había, pues, por lo menos, seis o diezpersonasquehubiesenvenido,perocomoeraunweekend,longweekend,nohanpodidovenir.Asíquesilohacemosnosotrosolohacealguienmáselañoqueviene,quequizásseríamejorcambiarloaunasemanamástempranoounasemanamástardeyasínochocaconelweekendeste.58

AfterthisheswitchedthelinguisticcodesandstartedtospeaktotheaudienceinEnglish.

ThusfarthedatehasbeenmaintainedandthemealtookplaceonSunday16Mayin2010andSunday22Mayin2011.

Whilst these significant changes which are taking place with regard to crucialelementssuchasplace,date,andlanguageprovideaninvaluablesourceofdatatoexploretheongoingprocessofthegroupidentityremaking,theshifttothechildrenoftheNiños Vascosisnotgoingtobeanalysedindepthhere,asthisisnotthepurposeofthisstudy.However,theimportanceofthistransitioniscallingforfutureresearchonthe transmissionofmemory to individualsofnextand futuregenerations,andhow

57 AsstatedinthenewsletterNo.8oftheBasqueChildrenof’37AssociationUK,October2007.

58 Translation:‘Oneofthethingsthatwewantedtodothisyearwastochangethedatebecausethisweekendisalwaysthebank holiday weekendandtherewere,well,atleast,sixortenpeoplewhowouldhavecome,butasitwasaweekend,long weekend,theyhaven’tbeenabletocome.Soifweoranyoneelseorganisesitnextyear perhapsitwouldbebettertochangeittoaweekearlierortoaweeklatersothatitdoesn’tclashwiththisweekend’[ItalicsinEnglishintheoriginalquote].

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theseindividualsactuponthestruggleswhichareoccurringatpresentinthearenaofthecommemorativepractices.

Social orders

The temporal continuity (through periodical recurrence) of the private reunionhistoricisesit,permittingustoobservetheprocessthathastakenandistakingplaceover the years with regard to the particular social orders developed during theinteraction between the subjects. Maintaining this ritual permits them to retainownershipoftheirstoryandmemories,whichempowersthemtoshapeandtransmittheirculturalandsocialcapitalintheirownway,thusbuildingupacollectivememory.Itisnoteworthythatin2008,duringthehandingoverspeech,aniño vascothankedthe organisers of the meal with the following words ‘quiero dar un aplauso a ti ytambién a ella por el trabajo que estáis haciendo por unirnos a nosotros los Niños Vascos’59.Towhichsheresponded‘muchagentemehadichoesto,porquecreíaqueeraimportanteseguirnuestrahistoria’60.TheNiños Vascosareawareoftheimportanceof continuing this tradition, which to them means holding together as a group andensuringtheirexistenceisnotforgottenbyfuturegenerations.

Agoodexamplewhichillustrateshowtheirsharedculturalcapitalistransmitted,isfoundinthediscourseofaninformantwhenheshowedtheothersapictureofaplaquewhichhehaddesignedforthe70thanniversarycommemorationatSouthampton,sayingthat

tenemosaquílafotografíadelaplacaquesecolocóenelayuntamientodeSouthamptonquerealmente expresanuestrallegadaaestepaísycreoqueporejemplositenéisalgúnálbumdelosnietos,lahistoriavuestrayasí,estorealmenteexplicanuestrallegada.61

Notonlyishemouldinghowtocommemoratethatarrivalbymeansofamemoryobjectwhichhehasproducedhimself,butalsoheisstatingthatthisisthebestwaytodoso,sinceit‘really’explainsthestory.Furthermore,heisgivingideasonhowtheycanincludethat‘real’storyamongsttheirfamilymemorabilia,andthustransmitittotheirdescendants.ByfollowinghisadvicetheexperienceofwarandexileofthegroupofNiños Vascosbecomespartofafamilyhistory,transcendingthespaceandtimeofthereunion,hencesupportingasocialorder.Nonetheless,thereareindividualswhodissentandalienatethemselvesfromthesocialordersacceptedbythegroup(Iwillexpandonthislaterinthischapter).

59 Translation:‘Iwanttoapplaudyouandalsoherfortheworkyouaredoingtouniteus,thechildren’.

60 Translation:‘Manypeoplehavetoldmethis,becausetheythoughtitwasimportanttocontinueourstory’.

61 Translation:‘HerewehavethephotographoftheplaquewhichwasinstalledattheSouthamptonCivicCentrewhichreallyexpressesourarrivalinthiscountryandIthinkthatifforinstanceyouhavesome(photo)albumofyourgrandchildren,yourhistoryandsoon,thisreallyexplainsourarrival’.

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Ianalysenextthecomplexprocessofattainmentofthesocialordersbylookingatthe repetitions of a number of routines and discourses which frame the subjects’thinkingsothattheydonotor,moreover,cannotgetoutof itunlesstheydareriskbeingexcludedfromthegroup.Individualsbecomeenskilledandaccustomedtotheserepetitionstotheextentthattheyinternaliseandnaturalisethem,forgettingthattheyarealearnedpractice.Theyreiteratethoseritualisedpracticesoftenunawarethatbydoingsotheycontributetothepreservationofthevaluesandnormsofthegroup.

Thereisanexcellentexampleofhowaritualhasbecomesoembeddedinthesocial fabric of the group that individuals assume that they will repeat it at eachevent without any questioning. At the annual meal of May 2009, a niña vasca delivered a speech which she closed with a few words remembering the Niños Vascos whohadrecentlydied.Afterthat,herlastwordswere‘yadisfrutardeloquequeda del resto del día. Ahora podéis cantar’62. At her signal the ‘performance’continuedandtheNiños VascosstartedtosingtheaccustomedBasqueandSpanishtraditionalsongs.

ThefollowingsectionanalysessocialorderscoveringtheareasofwhattheNiños Vascos say, what they do and how these contribute to mould their thinking and toconstructacollectivememoryofthegroup,whichtheycallfamilia (family).

What they say – negotiating group boundaries

Akeysocialorderobservedintheinteractionisthenegotiationoftheboundarieswhich mark the belonging to the group through the use of words such as ‘we’ and‘family’,andalsothechoiceofaparticular language. In thenarrativesof theNiños Vascosthereisarecurringemphasisontheuseoftheterm‘family’,whichcouldbeinterpretedasametaphorandasubstituteforthefamilywhichtheylostduringtheearly years of their life. In a conversation which took place on 24th June 2008 thehistorian Gregorio Arrien indicated that when the evacuation of the children wasnegotiated in 1937, the Basque Government considered important that the Basquechildrenwerekept together inagroup ‘tomaintain their identity’.Thus,oneof theconditions was that the children were not dispersed (Arasa 1995). In spite of thisrequirement,thechildrenwereseparatedandsenttohomesknownascoloniasasithasbeenexplainedearlier.

However, from the early days of their stay in the UK they were aware of theircommonbackground,andtherearenumerousexampleswhichshowtheirattachmenttothegroupandconsciousnessofbelonging.Aniña vascawhowastakentoacoloniainWalesrecalledatthe70thanniversarycelebratedinMay2007atSouthampton:

62 Translation:‘Andenjoywhat’sleftoftherestoftheday.Nowyoucansing’.

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Wehadalovelytimethere,wewereveryhappyinCaerleonbecausewewereonebigfamily[…]Therewere67ofus,andoneSpanishladywholookedafterusall–wecalledherourmother.63

The following excerpts have been taken from the book Recuerdos, which is acompilationoftestimoniesofNiños Vascoswrittendirectlybythemselvesorinsomeoccasionstranscribedbysomeoneelse:

…wasintroducedtoalltheotheryoungBasqueswholivedthere.BecausetheywerefromthesamepartofnorthernSpain,theyallgotonwelltogetherandMariCarmenwasveryhappytobepartofthiscommunallife.TheytalkedandsanginSpanishandoneortwocouldactuallyspeakBasque,buttheyallknewtheBasquesongsanddances.

(Benjamin2007:13)

Lavidaenaquellacoloniafuedelomejor.Los21niñosparecíamostodoshermanos,losmayoresnosdabanmuchocariñoalascuatromáspequeñas.64

(Benjamin2007:242)

Somospartedeunagranfamilia–losniñosvascosdel‘37.65

(Benjamin2007:287)

Thesereflectionshighlightthesenseofbeingpartofa‘family’whichemergesfromtheaccounts,asveryoftentheNiños Vascosrefertothemselvesas‘somosunafamilia’(‘weareafamily’).Thisideaisoftenreinforcedbyotheragentsatapublic level,asillustratedbythefollowingexcerptwhichwaspartofaspeechgivenatthehumanisticfuneralofaniño vascoinApril2009:

Some of you here today shared that unique experience as child refugees from theSpanishCivilWar[…]Thatexperienceboundyoutogetherasaclosefamily[…]Hespokeofhislifethere[atthehome]as‘onebighappyfamily’.

InthisrespectAshplantetal.remindusthat:

In a transitional space between the formal organizations of civil society and theinformalnetworksoffamilyandkin,thereexistwhatJayWinterhastermed‘fictivekinships’,referring to particular groups […] small-scale agents who form what he calls ‘families ofremembrance’[…]andtheirfeltsenseoffamilialidentityextendedbeyondkin.

(Ashplantetal.2000:29)

Thisnotionrepresentsanintegralpartoftheparticipants’perceptionofbeingpartofaunit.However,theyusethetermfamiliaratherflexiblyanditisnotclearwhatthe

63 Daily Echo,28.05.2007.

64 Translation:‘Lifeinthatcolonia waswonderful.We21childrenseemedlikebrothersandsisters,theolderonesgaveusthefoursmallestgirlsmuchlove’.

65 Translation:‘Wearepartofalargefamily–theBasquechildrenof’37’.

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boundaries of that family are. For instance, when an informant recently said at theannualreunion‘tengoquedecirosqueademásdeKoke,hanfallecidocincomásdenuestrafamilia,cadavezmásreducida’66,itwasobviousthatshestrictlymeantthegroupofNiños Vascos,buttherehavebeentimeswhentheyhavemadethedifferencebetween the Niños Vascos who stayed in the UK permanently and the ones whoreturned to Spain. In those instances they flag the difference with the use of thepronouns‘we’and‘they’.Nonetheless,whenaniño vascocomesfromabroadfortheannualreunion,theywillbeincludedinthe‘we’.

Anotherniña vascaadmittedthatshehadnotattendedtheannualmeal inMay2006becauseitwastooexpensiveand‘losniñosvascosnoquierenhablarconotrosniñosvascos.Tienensuspequeñosgruposynosemezclan’67.Thiscommentrevealsafracturewithregardtothesenseof‘family’andhomogeneityofthegroup.Moreover,she isnotconformingandshe isexcludingherself fromthegroup’ssocialorderbybuilding a strong barrier between her and the others through the use of the thirdpersonpluralinsteadof‘we’.Inspiteofthis,theinformantreturnstobepartofthegrouplaterinthatconversation,whenshesaysthatsherecentlywenttosomeone’sfuneral68 and left ‘una rosa blanca con una tarjeta que firmé de parte de todos losniñosvascosdiciendograciasportodoloquehizo’69.Thisgoesbeyondregainingheridentityasamemberofthegroup,asinthisinstancesheisnotamereindividualniña vascabutsomewhatthe‘representative’oftheentiregroup.

Sometimestheuseofthepronoun‘we’exceedstheboundariesofthisgroup,andreinforces the group’s or an individual’s belonging to a larger imagined community(Anderson1983).SomeoftheNiños Vascoslookforwardtoattendingthisgatheringwithgreat anticipation, as this is the special occasion when they can do ‘lo que nosotroshacemos’ (‘what we do’).The words of this niño vasco refer particularly to the act ofsingingafterthemealsandhis‘nosotros’(‘we’)referstoalargergroup,theBasquesingeneral,assingingafteracelebratorymealisconsideredtobeoneoftheidiosyncrasiesofbeingaBasque.ThisisalsosensedwhentheNiños Vascos reiteratewithpride,ormoreexactly,repetitivelyperform,phrasessuchas‘aquílacomidanoescomolanuestra’70,which is a commonly heard stereotype among Spaniards when they live abroad,particularlyintheUK.Bysaying‘nosotros’and‘lanuestra’(‘ours’),firstlytheNiños Vascos areidentifyingacommunity,andsecondlytheyareestablishingthattheybelonginit.

There is also a negotiation of the ‘we’ with regard to the children of the Niños Vascos. When at some point I said ‘vale’ (‘alright’) during a conversation with an

66 Translation:‘IhavetotellyouthatinadditiontoKoke,anotherfiveofourfamily,whichisgettingsmallereverytime,havedied’.

67 Translation:‘TheBasquechildrendon’twanttotalktootherBasquechildren.Theyhavetheirlittlegroupsandtheydon’tmixwitheachother’.

68 ThedeceasedwasoneofthevolunteerswhohelpedtheNiños Vascoswhentheyarrivedin1937.

69 Translation:‘AwhiterosewithacardwhichIsignedonbehalfofalltheBasquechildrensayingthanksforeverythinghedid’.

70 Translation:‘Herethefoodisn’tlikeours’.

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informant,shethenrepeatedthiswordlaterintheconversationadding‘comodecísvosotros’(‘asyou[plural]say’). Iaskedforclarificationandshementionedthatthisterm‘vale’isconstantlyusedintheBasqueCountry,‘losdeallídecís“vale”todoeltiempo’71. The significance of this is that firstly, she was constructing a dichotomybetween‘losdeallí’,meaningtheBasqueCountry,and‘losdeaquí’,theUK,basedonsome geographical particularities of our common language. Secondly, she wasexcludingmefromher‘we’thistime,despitethefactthatIamthedaughterofaniña vascaandthatIhavebeenlivingintheUKandnotintheBasqueCountryformanyyears. On the other hand, this informant was very pleased when she was told bysomeonefromtheBasqueCountrythatshestillhasaBasqueaccent,asthisprovesthattoacertainextentheridentitysignsfromthepasthavenottotallybeenerased.Inatelephoneconversationwithasonofaniña vascaInoticedthathewasincludingmeallthetimeaspartofhis‘we’.AsIhadbeenexcludedfromthat‘we’earlierbyaniña vasca,Iaskedhimforclarification.HerespondedthatIwas‘undoubtedly’partofthat‘we’,since‘todossomoslomismo’(‘weareallthesame’).

These fluctuations of what is meant by ‘we’ and ‘family’, point towards a morestrictand restrictedviewof theseconceptsby theNiños Vascos,whichhelps themresistinfluencefromtheoutsidebymeansofastronglyestablishedgroup.However,assoonasotheragentssuchastheirchildrenorthoseNiños Vascos whodidnotsettleintheUKappearonthescene,thegroup’smembershipcriteriaischallengedanditsboundariesblur.TheNiños Vascosdealwithitdependingonthecircumstancesofthemoment,negotiatingconstellationsofidentitieswhicharemediatedbyanumberoffactors,suchasplace,audienceandlanguage.

The language primarily used amongst the Niños Vascos in these reunions isSpanish,tothepointthatsometimespeoplearereprimandediftheyuseEnglish.Forinstance,attheannualmealof2011aniño vascointerruptedthespeechinEnglishoftheorganiser toaskhimtospeak inSpanish first, indicatingthat ifneededhe(theorganiser)couldtranslateitintoEnglishafterwards.

Spanish isperceivedasasignofprideandstatuswithinthegroup.Thus, it isarecurrentfeaturetohearaniño vascotoproudlyconstructanimageofthemselvesasaproficientspeakerofSpanish.Whenaniño vascoaddressestheotherstheydoitinSpanish,despitethefactthatsometimestheyhesitateandhavedifficultiestofindtherightword.ThosewholosttheirSpanishtendtobeapologeticaboutit,givingreasonssuchasbeingisolatedfromtherestofthechildrenduringtheearlyyearsoftheirstayintheUK,orhavingmarriedanEnglishperson.SometimesadegreeofcompetitivenesstoprovewhoseSpanishis‘better’isperceived,sincetheircommandofSpanishputsindividualsinapositionofpower.Thesetensionsreachtheirpeakwhenitinvolvestheirdescendants,assomeNiños VascosseemtotakeitasaquestionofsocialhonourthatSpanishisandhasalwaysbeenspokenwithintheirfamilycircle.Agoodexampleto

71 Translation:‘Youpeoplefromthere[BasqueCountry]say“alright”allthetime’.

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illustratethispointisthefollowingsentencesaidbyaniño vascoatthemealofMay2006:

hablamostodosespañolencasa,otrosno.Estoyorgullosodequeenmicasasehablaespañolperfectamente.Mishijoshablan,nocomoloshijosdeotros.72

Thoseothersshowafeelingofguiltforthelossofthelanguageintheirfamily,andjustifyitwithexpressionssuchas‘mihijonoquisoaprenderespañol.Yasabescómosonlosingleses’73or‘mimaridopodíaentenderperohablarno,ledabavergüenza’74.Repeatingtheirapologiesbecomespartoftheprocessofgettingridofguilt.Afterthat,theyoftenadd‘nohablaespañolperoestáaprendiendo’75 inanattemptto includethesenon-Spanishspeakersclosetotheminthenegotiatedcommunitywhichregardsthislanguageasasymbolofidentityandbelongingtothegroup.

What they do – building social relations

TheannualreunionisperceivedbytheNiños Vascosasthespacetoestablishandconsolidate their social network around activities such as having a meal, singing,dancing,andmeetingoldfriends.Thisisreflectedinthewordsofaninformantwhoisgeographicallyseparatedfromtheothersbutnormallyattendsthisevent.Shedeclaresthat‘sinofueraporestaocasiónperderíamoselcontacto’76.However,inatelephoneconversationof14thofJanuaryof2007thisniña vascaalsostated:

enesascelebracioneshaytantagenteytantoruidoquenotenemosnadadetiempoparacharlar.Poresoellaysumaridomevanavisitaryasícharlamos.77

This comment supports the claim that the group experience transcends thatparticularreunionspaceandtimetocontinueatamoreintimatelevel.

AtthesenexusofpracticesomestrugglesoccurasaconsequenceofthedifficultieswhichtheNiños Vascos sometimesexperiencewhentheyarticulatetheirmemories.Forinstance,duringthereunionof2006,ananxiousinformanttimidlyconfessedthatshedidnotdaredescribeherchildhoodexperiencesbecausetheycontradictedsomeotherNiños Vascos’ memories. She repeated a number of times ‘mira lo que dicen, queMargatefueunacoloniamuymala.Sicuentoqueamíallímefuemuybienvanapensar

72 Translation:‘WeallspeakSpanishathome,othersdon’t.I’mproudthatinmyhomeSpanishisspokenperfectly.Mychildrenspeak,notlikeotherpeople’schildren’.

73 Translation:‘Mysondidn’t wanttolearnSpanish.YouknowwhattheEnglisharelike’.

74 Translation:‘Myhusbandcouldunderstand[Spanish] buthecouldn’tspeak[it],hewasembarrassed’.

75 Translation:‘Hedoesn’tspeakSpanishbuthe’slearning’.

76 Translation:‘Ifitweren’tforthisoccasionwewouldlosecontact’.

77 Translation:‘Inthosecelebrationstherearesomanypeopleandsomuchnoisethatwedon’thaveany timetochat.That’swhysheandherhusbandaregoingtovisitmeandsowecanchat’.

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quesoyunamentirosa’78.Thisleadstoanimportantpointwhichaninformantraisedwhenhedeclaredthat‘mimemoriasiemprehasidomalaycadavezespeor.Ahoraamiedadesmalísimaysihablodetodoesto¿quiéndicesiesmemoriaoimaginación?’79.Ontheotherhandsomeinformantshavereactedtothistypeofconflictbyinsistingthat‘mihistoriaeslaverdadera’80andtheyhavearguedthat‘theothersdonotremember’.

At that meal in 2006 there was also a moment of tension when an informantreproachedanotheronebecauseshehadbeeninterviewedbyamediarepresentativeandshehadnotmentionedSpain.Asaresult,thisniña vascafeltconfusedanddidnotknowwhattoreply.Afterafewhoursshewasstilldisturbedbythatcomment,andshetriedtomakesenseofitexplainingthatitmighthavebeenbecauseshehadnotsaidanythingagainstFrancoattheinterview.ShedefendedherpostureofignoringSpaininherdeclarationswithaninteresting‘quéibaadecir!Españaamínomehadadonada, ni dinero ni trabajo ni nada’81. Nevertheless this is an isolated incident ofenteringpoliticalgrounds,asithasbeenobservedthataparticularityoftheseprivatereunions is that theNiños Vascos tendtoavoiddiscussionsonpoliticsandreligionfavouringajoyfulatmosphereofdiversion.Also,aninformantpointedoutthatattheClub de Jubilados(RetiredPeopleClub)‘inordertorespecteveryone’sviewsandnottohaveargumentsitisnotallowedtodiscusspolitics’.82

An excellent example of the importance the Niños Vascos attach to the annualgatheringisfoundinthefactthattheyhaveonlyhandedovertheorganisationofitwhentheyfoundsomeoftheirchildrenwillingtotakeoverandcontinuethetradition.AttheendofthemealofMay2008,theniña vasca whohadbeenthemainorganiserthroughouttheyearsgavealittlespeechannouncing:

Osheestadodiciendomedioenbromaqueseguramenteestaserálaúltimareuniónquetengamos[bignoiseofdisapprovalbythegroup]yahoraospuedodecirdeverdadqueesta es la última reunión que yo organice. Sería una pena muy grande que nuestrosencuentros anuales se terminasen y sería maravilloso que siguieran con nuestros hijos,organizadoporellosylospadresacudiendocomopudieran.Asípodemosseguir.83

OneofthethreechildrenoftheNiños Vascoswhoweretakingupthebatonandwerecommittingthemselvestoorganiseitinthefuture,responded:

78 Translation:‘Lookatwhatthey’resaying,thatMargatewasaverybadcolonia.IfIsaythateverythingwasgoodformetheretheyaregoingtothinkthatI’m aliar’.

79 Translation:‘Mymemoryhasalwaysbeenbadandit’sgettingworseeachtime.Nowatmy ageit’sverybadandifItalkaboutallthis,whocansay whetherit’smemoryorimagination?’

80 Translation:‘Mystoryisthetrueone[istherealversion]’.

81 Translation:‘WhatwasIgoingtosay!Spainhasn’tgivenmeanything,neithermoneynorworknoranything’.

82 TheofficialnameofthisclubisCentro Social de Mayores Miguel de Cervantes;however,inourconversationstheinformantshavealwaysreferredtoitastheClub de Jubilados.

83 Translation:‘I’vebeensayinghalfjokingthatthiswouldprobablybethelastreunionwewouldhave,andnowIcanhonestlytellyouthatthisisthelastreunionwhichIorganise.Itwouldbearealshameifouryearlyencountersfinishedanditwouldbewonderfuliftheycontinuedwithourchildren,organisedbythemwiththeparentsattendingiftheycould.[Thismeans]wecouldcarryon’.

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[lostres]queremosdecirqueobviamentequeremosqueestocontinúe,nosolamenteel año que viene, pero años del futuro también. Es importante que esto continúe convosotrosperotambiénconloshijosylosnietos.84

Thismomentofmutualagreementbetweentwogenerationscapturedattheriteoftransmissionwasconfirmingtheperpetuationofthegathering,atthesametimeasitwasstrengtheningthesocialnetwork,thusensuringthecontinuityofthegroup.Itisinterestingtonotethatatthisnexus,thegroupwasfirstlyvalidatingitswishtocarryonthegatheringinthefuture,andsecondlynegotiatingthemembershipcriteria.Thisbecomesevident intheirboo-ingat thedepartingorganiser’s initialconfessionthatthismighthavebeentheir‘last’encounter,andalsobyalivelyunanimousmurmurofapproval amongst the audience when a niño vasco extended the scope of futuremembershipbyadding‘¡ylosbiznietos!’(‘and[our]greatgrandchildren!’)totheonesthathadalreadybeenmentioned.

The agents of memory identified so far in this chapter have been primarily theNiños Vascosandtheirdescendants.Ithasbeenarguedthatthroughsocialinteractionand ‘dramaturgical performance’ (Schneider 2003:187) individual identities areconstructedwhicharethenpresentedinparticularsocialcircumstances.Themembersof the group see themselves as a ‘family’ which possesses a communal body ofknowledgewhichisjointlypreservedandtransmittedbythemselvesandtheirkin.

Ithasalsobeenclaimedthatitisbycarryingoutsomeperformativepracticesthatpreservationandtransmissionoftheirsocialcapitaltakeplace,andarelegitimised,ata private level. Ashplant et al. draw attention to the close relation and constantengagement between private memories and dominant historical discourses,maintaining that the historical discourse sets the frame for the private memoryconstruction.Theyalsoobserve:

thepowerofdominantmemoriesdependsnotsimplyontheirpublicvisibility,butalsoon their capacity to connect with and articulate particular popular conceptions, whilstactivelysilencingormarginalizingothers.

(Ashplantetal.2000:13)

Thus, once that private universe has been explored as the starting point of myinquiry,Inowcontinuewithananalysisofhowitisprojectedintothepublicsphere.

Public representations

Theterm‘publicrepresentations’isusedhereinthesensewhichAshplantetal.refertoit,as:

84 Translation:‘[Thethreeofus]wanttosaythatobviouslywewantthistocontinue,notonlynextyear,butalsoinfutureyears.Itisimportantthatthiscontinueswithyou[Basquechildren]butalsowithyourchildrenandgrandchildren’.

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those representationsof thepast that ‘achievecentrality’within thepublicdomain,wheretheirinstitutionalpropagationbythenationalandlocalstate,thecultureindustriesorthepublicmediaensuretheirscopetomakepublicmeaningsforvastaudiences.

(Ashplantetal.2000:13)

Incontrasttothosepreviouslyexamined,theremembrancepracticesexploredinthis section were organised by a variety of agents of memory instead of the Niños Vascos themselves or their descendants, and had a rather formalised structure bycomparison.Beforediscussingthedistinctivenatureandobjectivesofeachofthetwoevents which I analyse, I will draw attention to some features which they have incommonandtheirimplications.

Firstly,theywerebothperformedinopenviewandthegeneralpublichadaccesstothem,insomeinstancesfollowingthepurchaseofaticketorbyformalinvitation.Asaresultoftakingabroaderaudienceintoaccount,therewasashiftoffocusfromacommunity of Niños Vascos and their close ones to a community of interest. Thisincludes those who directly participated in the events which were the subject ofcommemoration and also other agents of memory who had some interest inrememberinganddisseminatingtheexperience.Someothersweresimplylookingforinformationonatopicwhichcaughttheirattentionfordifferentreasons.

Secondly,inordertosecurethelargeandvariedaudiencewhichtheseremembrancepracticestargeted,theywerestronglypublicised.Wideningtheparticipationhadthepotential to dilute the Niños Vascos’ own specific agenda of transmitting theirexperiencesofforcedmigrationwithinalargerandmoreheterogeneousagenda.Forthis reason the organisers had to make choices, thus there was the potential forcomplicationsandstruggles.

Thirdly, there was a considerable presence of the media and representatives ofofficial bodies. This presented these agents with the potential ability to mould thecommemorativeprocessbyincorporatingandpromotingtheirownagendas.

Finally,whilstinspiteoftheirinternaldifferencesandindividualsubjectivitiestheideaofmaintainingaprivateannualreunionhasprovedtobeunanimouslyembracedbytheNiños Vascosapproachedforthisstudy,thishasnotalwaysbeenthecasewithregardtothepublicevents.Someindividualshaverevealedaprofounddisengagementwithpubliccommemoration,manifestingtheirdisapprovalofanumberofissues.Inthis respect, Ashplant et al. claim that ‘the enhanced public visibility of theseanniversaryoccasionshascreatedopportunitiesforcontestingaswellascelebratingreceived memories’ (Ashplant et al. 2000:4). This point is highlighted by negativeaccountsgivenbythreeinformantswhenIaskedthemduringourconversationswhytheydonotattendanypubliceventswhichcommemoratethemintheirroleasNiños Vascos andtheirexperiences:

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[Las conmemoraciones] no me gustan. Pasaron cosas horribles, padres luchandocontrahijos.Lasguerrassonmalas,peroéstafuelapeordetodas.Fuehorrible,¿Cómosepuedesepararalosniñosporpartidospolíticos?¿Quésabeunniñodetodoeso?Enunaguerrapierdentodos.Nosoloperdimosnosotros,sinotodoslosquelavivieronyamuchosnoselesestáteniendoencuentaentodasestascelebraciones.Losdosbandoshicieroncosasterribles,losdos.Yocreoqueunopeorqueelotro,peromientrasnosereconozcaesolascosasnomejorarán,eslomismoquepasaahora.85

Yonovoynuncaaesasceremoniasorganizadasporquequierenmantenerafloteconloshijos,lossobrinos,comosifueseunacosaespectacular.86

[withregardtotheevacuation]notuvimosnivoznivoto.Estoesunacosamuyseria,hubomuchagenteconmuchotrauma,ylaestántomandocomoteatro.Estándandounaversióndelahistoriaquenoesverdad.NohablandelasegregaciónporpartidosenEastleigh.87

A first impression points towards disengagement of these ‘dissidents’ from thepublicarena.However,acloserlookintotheirnarrativesdisclosesfirstly,disagreementwiththe‘officialline’.Forthepurposeofthisstudythisisunderstoodasthe‘officialmemory’whichAshplantetal. refer toas ‘thosedominantorhegemonicnarrativeswhichunderpinandhelptoorganizetheremembranceandcommemorationofwaratthe level of the nation-state’ (Ashplant et al. 2000:22). By no means do I intend topresent thatofficial lineassomethingunique,unitaryandhomogenous,butas thevarietyofnarrativeswhicharemoreimportantorinfluential,andhaveaccesstothebroaderpublicasaresultofhavinghighlevelconnections.

Secondly,thereisacriticismofhowthisprocessofmemorialisationisdealtwithmorethanoftheprocessper se.Thefirstinformantdisagreeswiththe‘exclusion’ofmanyothervictimsoftheCivilWarwithinthecurrentpublicdiscourse.Thesecondandthirdinformantscriticisethe‘theatricalisation’,thatis,thetrivialisationofsomethingwhichtothemisimportantandtheybelieveshouldbetakenmoreseriously.Authorssuch as Naharro-Calderón (2005) and Faber (2004) touch upon this subject of the‘trivialisationofmemories’andexploitationofarenewedinterestinthepastby‘mass-mediaandcultural’discourses(Naharro-Calderón2005:101)arguing:

Memories can be malleable […] Infra-memories which touch the kitch and thespectacular, the ‘exiliobusiness’ (‘exile-business’)withinanunstoppablecommercialandglobalisingtendency.

(Naharro-Calderón2006:12)

85 Translation:‘Idon’tlike[commemorations].Awfulthingshappened,parentsfightingwith theirchildren.Warsarebad,butthisonewastheworstofall.Itwashorrible,howcanchildrenbeseparatedbypoliticalparties?Whatdoesachildknowaboutallthis?Inawarall[parties]lose.Itwasn’tjustuswholost,buteveryone wholiveditandtherearethosewhoaren’tbeingtakenintoaccountinallthesecelebrations.Bothsidesdidawfulthings,both.Ibelievethatone[sidewas] worsethantheother,butwhilstthisisn’tacknowledgedthingswon’tgetbetter.It’swhathappensnow’(conversationwithaniñovasco,11.10.2007).

86 Translation: ‘Inevergo to thoseorganisedceremoniesbecause theywant tokeep itgoingwith [using] thechildren, thenephews,asifitweresomethingspectacular’(conversationwithaniño vasco,03.10.2009).

87 Translation: ‘We had no choice.This is a very serious matter, there were many very traumatised people, and it is beingportrayedasatheatreshow.They’re givingaversionofhistorywhichisn’ttrue[real].Theydon’ttalkaboutthesegregationby[political]partiesatEastleigh’(telephoneconversationwithaniño vasco, 19.09.2007).

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Hepointsoutthat it isparticularlythe‘divulgadores’(‘divulgers’)whousethosememoriestoreconstructthedarkestperiodsofthepast,namely‘journalists,directorsandaudiovisualmediaproducers’(Naharro-Calderón2006:5).Intheliteraturethereisaplethoraoftitlesandbookcontentswhichshowthistendencytoasensationalistand‘victimisationalist’ approach to the topic of the Civil War, particularly when theyconstructamemoryofthechildrenwhoexperiencedthewar.88Devillardindicatesthat:

Ifonepaysattention[…]tothemediacoverageatthistime,onenoticestheemergenceofthe‘victimised’ imageofthechildren of the war,arecurringimage[…]emphasisonabroken childhood,onthesufferingowingtowars,[this]willstarttobecomeprominentasadiscursivetopicwhich,indifferentcontextsandfordifferentreasons,evensomeagentswillcometoadopt.

(Devillardetal.2001:59)

Thethird‘dissident’quotedabovealsoshowedhispassionateviewsontheissuesunderdiscussionwhenhedeclaredduringatelephoneconversationthathewasnotattendingapubliceventtowhichhehadbeeninvitedbecause:

loorganizalaAsociaciónyyoestoymuyquemadoconellos,noquieroparticiparennadaquetengaqueverconellos.Ellosestánalosuyo.¿AquiénrepresentalaAsociación?Nolesinteresalagentenormal,sontodosdelmundoacadémico.Veteal‘ClubdeJubilados’.Cuandofueallíelministronoentrevistóaniñosvascos,sinoalosdelaAsociación,ymecerró lapuertacuandoquisehablar.Losde laAsociaciónorganizaronalgunacharlaconfotos;hemosdadofotos,elloslasutilizanypidendinero,tienenotrosmotivos,seestánforrando.Lasplacasnohacennadaalosniñosdelaguerra.Esunteatro.89

Inhisaccount,thisniño vascoraisesanumberofissueswithregardtothestrugglestaking place in the social spaces which are the subject of this discussion.Thus, the‘conmemoraciones’ (‘commemorations’) could be seen as ‘conmemoracciones’(‘commemoractions’).Thistermsummarisestheiractiveanddynamiccharacterasthesiteswherememory,thereforeidentity,isbeingconstructedbyanumberofagents,thatis,beingthe‘conmemoracción’acorepointofaparticulartypeofaction(‘acción’).Thisnewterm isalsoconnected to that ‘tendenciamercantilista’ (‘commercial tendency’)broughtupaboveandtoaworldofinvestmentand‘stocksandshares’oracciones(inSpanish),wheredifferentactorsinvesttheir‘capital’asitisdiscussednext.

88 Examples of this approach are observed in tabloid headings of book chapters such as Gángsteres en la retaguardia(‘gangsters in the rearguard’), Testículos retorcidos (‘Twisted testicles’), Orín sobre los muertos (‘Urine over the dead’),Devorados por las fieras (‘Devoured by beasts’), Martirizado ante su madre (‘Tortured before his mother’), Mentes depravadas(‘Depravedminds’),Aviador descuartizado (‘Butcheredaviator’),Violada ante su hermano(‘Rapedbeforeherbrother’),Senos amputados(‘Amputatedbreasts’),Fusilado por no blasfemar(‘Executedfornotblaspheming’).

89 Translation: ‘It’s being organised by the Association and I’m really disillusioned with them, I don’t want to participate inanythingthathastodowiththem.Theyhavetheirownagenda.WhoistheAssociationrepresenting?They’renotbotheredaboutnormalpeople,theyareallfromtheacademicworld.Gotothe‘ClubdeJubilados’[‘RetiredPeopleClub’].Whentheministerwenttherehedidn’tinterviewtheBasquechildren,butthepeopleoftheAssociation,andheclosedthedoortoblockmewhenItriedtotalk.TheAssociationorganisedsometalkwithphotos;wehavegiven[them]pictures,theyusethemandaskformoney,theyhaveanotheragenda,theyaregettingloaded.Theplaquesdonotdoanythingforthechildrenofthewar.It’stheatre’(telephoneconversationwithaniño vasco,19.09.2007).

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Itisnotmyintentiontodrawaclearlinetoseparatethevarietyofagentsbetweenthesupportersandmakersoftheofficiallineandthegrassroots.Onthecontrary,theaim of this study is to prove that their narratives are interconnected and they allsupportandhaveanimpactoneachother.Inthisrespect,theycouldallbeseenasdynamic‘transceivers’ofthesocialandculturalcapitalthatisatstake.Thismakesitdifficulttodecidewhetherdiscoursesaregeneratedfromthetopdownortheotherwayround.However,whatthoseconnectionsareandhowdifferentagentsputforwardtheirownperspectivesmaybeexplored.

Owing to the timeandspace limitationsof thisbook itwouldbe impossible toincludealltheagentsidentified,thus,thefollowingtwosub-sectionsofthischapterpresentthemostprominentagentsor‘conmemoractores’(‘commemoractors’)andtheroleswhichtheyplayedinthecommemorativeeventsor‘conmemoracciones’analysedhere.90Thetwoeventsweredistinctfromeachotherprincipallyduetotheirdifferentfociandapproaches.

Southampton

Jelin (2002b) observes the inclination towards the ‘fechas redondas’ (‘roundeddates’) with regard to major commemorations. From this perspective, the 70thanniversary of the evacuation of the Niños Vascos signified the most memorableoccasionamongstanyothersofanationalortransnationalcharacterwhichhadbeencelebratedsofar inrelationtothem.Onthis line,Eidsonpointsouttheimportancewhichinstitutionsandmembersofgroupsplaceon

Observingspecialanniversaries–forexample,the25th,50th,or100th–[which]hascometorepresentbothanobligationandanopportunitytoreflectontheconstitutionoftheirrespectiveinstitutionsandtopresentthem,oridealizedimagesofthem,tothebroaderpublic.

(Eidson2005:559)

Thus, in May 2007 the Basque Children of ’37 Association UK organised anelaborate commemorative event which marked this 70th anniversary. Owing to theimportanceofthemoment,theychoseSouthamptonasthesiteforremembrance,onthebasisofitssignificanceinthehistoryoftheNiños Vascos.InafirstletterwhichtheAssociationsenttotheprospectiveguestsitwasstated:

TocommemoratethearrivaloftheBasqueChildreninEnglandon22May193791,theAssociationisplanninganeventinSouthamptonon26May2007.

90 Theagentsconsideredinthefirsteventanalysed(70thanniversaryofthearrivaloftheNiños Vascos,Southampton2007),aretheNiños Vascos,thepoliticians,andthemedia.Theanalysisofthesecategoriesisofacomparativenature.Therewasalsoahistorianamongsttheguestspeakers;however,Ihavenotincludedtheanalysisofhisnarrativebecausehewastheonlypersonwhogaveaspeechwithinthecategoryof‘historians’.

91 DiscrepancieswithregardtothisarrivaldatewerediscussedinChapter2.

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Thiswasfollowedbyasecondletterwhichexplained:

WearealsoworkingtogetgoodmediacoverageandhopethattheSpanishandBritishTVwillbethere[…].Therewillalsobeastallsellingthe[…]book,theCD[…],theneweditionof the DVD […] and the second edition of […] book […]. There will also be a specialcommemorativeprogramme,socomepreparedtospend![...]Wearealllookingforwardtothiseventtremendously.Itisgoingtobeawonderfuloccasion–anopportunitytomeetoldfriends,makenewones,toeducateandinform,andenjoyspendingadaytogether.

Toacertainextent,thissecondinvitationshowedamoreenthusiasticapproachtotheeventthanthepreviousone,whichcouldleadustothinkthatitwouldbemoreengaging.However,itintroducedthenotionsof‘mediacoverage’and‘selling’,settinganagendawhichcouldpotentiallyactasadeterrent.Thus,thiscouldbeinterpretedas the moment when some Niños Vascos became disengaged for the reasonsdiscussedabove.

Inathirdlettertheorganisersrenegotiatethepurposeofthiseventintroducinganewfactor:

Weareseekingconsenttoplaceaplaquecommemorating our arrival and thanking the people of Southampton92,tobeunveiledduringtheproceedings.

Ontheonehand,theshiftofanimpersonal‘theBasqueChildren’ofthefirstletterto the use of the adjective ‘our’ on the third brings the event to a familiar ground,implyingthatthisevent isbeingorganisedbytheNiños Vascos themselves. Ontheother, expanding the agenda entails having a broader audience in mind, as theinvitationnowinvolves‘thepeopleofSouthampton’.Themediacoverage,whichnowalsoincludestheBasquepress,stillappearsasanimportantpointoftheagendaandtheletterhighlights:

The events commemorated are part of the history of our people and need to be known. Realistically, this will be the last and most important event commemorating this event. An occasion to educate and inform.93

Theprogrammeofthedayincludedanumberofacts,suchasvisitinganexhibitionofphotographsandothermemoryvehicleswhilesocialising;aseriesofspeechesbyrepresentativesofpublicbodiesandsomeNiños Vascos;theunveilingandpresentationof a plaque by the Spanish Ambassador; lunch; and the showing of the film The Guernica Childrenfollowedbyclosingwords.

Withregardtotheagents,inotherwordsthe‘who’, thefocusofthiseventwastheNiños Vascos,asstatedintheinformationpackdistributedtotheguestsontheday:

92 Inboldintheoriginaldocument.

93 Inboldintheoriginaldocument.

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WedecideditwasmostimportantthatalltheNiños VascosattendingshouldbeintheItchenlecturetheatreas,aboveall,itistheirday.

However,theorganisersalsonameotherparticipatingagents,whoatsomepointwillhavethefloortointroducetheirownparticularagendas:

Wehopethatthiswillprovetobeanenjoyable,informativeandmemorableoccasionfor all involved – the Niños Vascos, our special guests, our association members, theirfriendsandfamilies.

Regardingtheagenda,thatisthe‘what’,theeventwasheavilyadvertisedasanoccasion to remember and to ‘celebrate’, where people were invited to enjoythemselves. It was therefore marked by a predominantly festive tone. This joyfulcontext sets and facilitates an easier approach to remembrance, since in principlethere is no arena for political and controversial agendas. Nevertheless, when theorganisersselectedthespeakers,firstlytheyweregivingtheseindividualstherighttodecidewhattorememberandhowtodoit;andsecondly,theywerelegitimisingtheirdiscourses, trusting theywere theownersandcarriersofaparticularsymbolicandsocial capital. In Eidson’s words, this symbolic capital includes ‘the contents ofhistoricalrepresentation,themeaningsattachedtothem,andthewayinwhichthesemeaningsreflectonthosewhopromotethem’(Eidson2005:567).

The Niños Vascos

Thethemeof‘gratitude’hasbecomeincreasinglydominantwithinthenarrativesof the Niños Vascos and other relevant agents in recent years, and it was commontheme among the speeches at the 70th anniversary. The guest speakers constantlyrepeated the expression of ‘gratitude’ to the people of Southampton who hadwelcomed and helped the ‘Basque children’ in 1937 and to the British public ingeneral.94

Oneoftheguestspeakers,aniño vascowhoreturnedtoSpain,declared:

WestillhadtoputupwiththedictatoruntilGodcalledhimtohisside,andthetruthisthatourCreatortooksometimetodoso…Allthosetimesarenowbehindandwearehereagaintodaytoexpressouraffectiontothiscountrythatgaveussomuchatthetimeandwhichwewillalwayscarryinourhearts,asthethankfulpeoplethatweare.95

94 This is comparable to the current debate on refugees from Nazism, which similarly refers to the notions of ‘loyalty’,‘contribution’and‘gratitude’(seeKushner2006).

95 All thespeechesof thisanniversaryquotedherewereobtainedfromtheBasqueChildrenof ’37AssociationUKwebsitehttp://www.basquechildren.org/?q=node/49inSeptember2009.TheAssociationalsoproducedaDVDwiththehighlightsof this event: The Basque Children of ’37 Association UK. The Basque Children 1937 – 2007 Bilbao – Southampton – Commemoration.

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Anotherspeaker,thistimeoneoftheNiños VascoswhosettledintheUK,stated:

But, we are here today, to express our thanks and gratitude to all those wonderfulBritishpeoplewhohelpedinsomanydifferentways;tothankthemfortheirgenerosity,theirsolidarityandtheirhumanity[…]thankstoindividuals[…]whowagedsuchabattlewiththeForeignOffice,thatwantedtopackusallbacktoSpainwhetherwehadparentstogobacktoornot;soastoappeaseFranco:toappeaseabrutaldictator[…]Spanishexileswhohelped[…]Toallthesewonderfulpeople,toalltheseexceptionalpeopleandtomany,manyothers,thoseofuswhoareheretoday,whoarrivedinSouthamptoninMay1937asrefugees,wanttosay:thankyou.

Itisinterestingtoseethatwhilebothspeakersemitamessageofgratitude,theframeworks in which their narratives are embedded differ. Eidson brings up the‘antimemory’issuewhenhequotesYoungandalsoTorpey,notingthat‘citizensmayachieve reorientation and derive satisfaction by constructing new identities incontradistinction to discredited ones’ (Eidson 2005:569). This is highlighted by thefirstinformant,whosemessageofgratitudeisembeddedinacelebratoryandpositivediscoursewhichremarkablyleavesthenegativeaspectsofthepast‘behind’.

Comparatively, in his study of the contemporary representations of refugees,Kushnerwarnsusoftheriskwhichacelebratoryinterpretationofthepastmightimplystatingthat:

SuchacelebratoryreadingofthepastalsounderminesthesuccessoftheKinder,notbydenyingtheirundoubtedachievements,butbyunderplayingtheforcesofindifference,antipathyandconditionalacceptancethatforsolongtheyfacedandtheongoingimpactofthe forcedseparation fromtheirparents. It ignoreswhatwasdenied to theKinder - therightsofachild.

(Kushner2006:171)

Incontrast,thesecondspeakershowsacriticalapproachtothepastwhen,beforehegivesthanks,heinitiallydeclares:

it is a paradox, that whereas the people of Southampton and the British People,receiveduswithsuchwarmth,theBritishGovernmentdidnotwantus.Indeed,thepolicyofappeasement and of so called non intervention pursued by that government, wouldcontributetothedefeatofRepublicanSpainandtheoppressionof36yearsofadictatorship.

The politicians

WhenJelin(2003)discussesthestrugglesamongstmemoryagents,shehighlightstheprobablemultiplicityofthestatenarrativesduringaperiodof‘politicalopening’.Withregardtothisdiversityofnarratives,Eidsonnotesthat:

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official history often comes in multiple varieties, corresponding to the plurality ofofficesincomplexlyorganizedterritorialstatesortodifferencesamongtheforcesvyingforpoliticalpower.

(Eidson2005:557)

Toillustratethispoint,IanalysenextwhatwasunderneaththediscoursesofthetwopoliticianswhorepresentedtheSpanishGovernmentandtheBasqueGovernmentrespectively.

Whilst the Basque representative opened her performance with a few words inBasque,theSpanishAmbassadordidnotacknowledgethislanguage,andheopenedhis act with a reference to the ‘two’ languages, Spanish and English, which ‘themajorityofthoseheretodayspeak’.Thesignificanceofthisisthatbyacknowledging,orsilencing,thoselanguages,bothspeakersconstructthelinguisticprofile,thustheidentitiesoftheaudience,andfurthermore,oftheNiños Vascos.

AfterthatintroductiontheSpanishAmbassadorsetsacontextforthisevent.Inanattempttogaintheapprovalofapotentiallypoliticallybiasedaudience,heclarifiesthathehasattended‘many’othercommemorativeceremonies‘forexampleinJerseywheretheGermansemployedSpanishforcedlabourduringtheSecondWorldWarandatthemonumentoftheInternationalBrigades,amongstothers’.Hasheattendedpro-Francocommemorativeceremoniesaswell?

His initialstatementcould leadustothinkthathe isgoingtodeliverapoliticaldiscourse, however he then changes his register and moves on to a universe of‘emotions’withexpressionssuchas:

I feel extremely honoured to be here, being able to participate in this event, whichawakenssomanyemotions.

[…]inwhichtheterribleordealofthe‘BasqueChildren’isremembered,wherewecanrealisetheatrocitiesofwhathappened[…]duringahorrifyingcivilwar.

There is nothing more difficult for a parent than to give up their children […] heart-wrenchingactthattookalotofcourageandbraveryfromthosemothersandfathers.

Linguisticallythisishighlightedbythepredominantuseofthepersonalpronoun‘I’ throughout his discourse. He certainly moves away from that ‘could have beenpolitical’ discourse when he sets a parallel between the parents’ suffering and anepisodefromtheBible.Iarguethattheadherencetothe‘specificofficialline’ofthisanniversary, namely discourses of gratitude and celebration, was easier and morecomfortablethanfollowingthe‘doingjustice’linewhichsomemighthavehopedfor.Nevertheless,thetwopoliticiansunderdiscussionstillfoundaplatformforpermeatingtheir own different agendas with regard to contentious national issues beyond thespecificagendaofthisanniversary.

The Ambassador notes that ‘the memory of all this brings me to make threecomments’,ofwhichonereferstotheuseofa‘memento’ofmemory,namely‘theflagoftheSecondRepublic’,forwhichhehas‘agreatrespect’.Withregardtothishighlycontroversialmatter,his lackofacknowledgementfor ‘theBasque’continues,ashedoesnotmentiontheBasqueflagatanytime.ThethreeflagsdisplayedtotheleftofthespeakersweretheUnionflagontheleft,theSpanishflaginthemiddleandtheIkurriña (‘Basqueflag’)ontheright(seefigurebelowforarrangementofflags).TheRepublicanflagwasnotflowninthemainauditorium.Itwasdisplayedamongotherobjects in the exhibition which took place in a different room. Noticeably, theambassador is more concerned with ending a highly divisive dichotomy betweenFranco’sflagandtheRepublican,pronouncingthatthecurrentSpanishflagisneither.Hetriestosecurethefavouroftheaudiencebygivinghispersonalview:

TheSpanishflagthatishereinthisroom,isasymbolofthedemocraticSpainoftoday.ItisnottheflagofFranco.NeitherisittheflagoftheSecondRepublicbutIamconvincedthatdeepdown,inthesamewayasourflagoftodaymustlookwithreluctanceupontheflagofthedictatorship,itlookswithfriendshipupontheflagoftheSecondRepublic,asthelatteralsorepresentedademocracy.

Seating arrangement of guest speakers at the 70th anniversary of the arrival of the Niños Vascos in the UK. Southampton, 26.05.2007. SusanaSabínFernández.

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In his discourse he is obviously giving new meanings to a memory object. Inresponsetothissomeoftheparticipantsshowedtheirdisagreementasthiscommentdisregarded two things. Firstly, it was Franco who removed the Republican flag (atricolourfeaturingthreehorizontalbandscolouredred,goldandpurple)imposinghisown one (a bicolour featuring three horizontal bands coloured red, gold and red).Secondly, and more importantly, that is exactly the same flag (a bicolour featuringthreehorizontalbandscolouredred,goldandred)towhichtheAmbassadorrefersas‘itisnottheflagofFranco’.96

Whileitisnotthepurposeofthisstudytodiscussthisparticularissueindepth,itisneverthelessanexcellentexampleofmemoryengineeringandthestruggleswhichtakeplaceatthearenaofcommemoration.Italsounderlinesafascinatingtopicwhichmightbeconsideredforfutureresearch.

Finally,theAmbassadorstressesthenational-stateofficiallineofdemocracyandnationalunitydeclaring:

FortunatelynowadayswehaveonceagainademocraticSpain.ConstitutionallySpainisaParliamentaryMonarchyandourStateisdividedinto17AutonomousCommunities,oneofwhichisEuskadi.

Thisisthefirsttimeheacknowledges‘theBasque’.However,itisnotinrelationtothesubjectoftheday,buttoreinforcetheSpanishnational-statediscourseofunity.

WhilethediscourseoftheAmbassadorwassomewhatdirectedtotheheartsoftheaudience,therepresentativeoftheBasqueGovernmentregularlymaderemarkstoremindtheaudiencethatshewasthere inherroleasthevoiceofhergovernment.Thus,shemovedawayfromtheuseof‘I’toaninstitutional‘we’,whichmeant‘EuskoJaurlaritzarenizenean’(‘inthenameoftheBasqueGovernment’).

Thefocusofherspeechwason‘commemorationandgratitude,thosearethekeywords here today’, where she equated commemoration to the notion of‘acknowledgement’. These concepts were framed by a comprehensive quantity ofhistorical information with regard to facts, figures, and agency at the time of theevacuation,whichstressedtheleadershipoftheBasqueGovernment.

Incontrasttothepreviousdiscourse,whichdrewattentiontothe‘unity’ofSpainandthesubordinatepositionoftheBasqueAutonomousCommunity(placingitatthesamelevelastheother16AutonomousCommunitieswhichformtheSpanishState),theBasquespokespersonbrings‘theBasque’totheforefront.Bydoingsoadifferent‘official line’ from the one analysed previously is being set. This incorporates theofficialhistoryof‘politicaldiversityofthat[Basque]Governmentwhojoinedforcestodefendfreedomanddemocracy’.

96 Inthissensevariousremarksweremadeduringconversationsafterthespeeches.

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ThespeakerreinforcesthatBasqueidentityconstructwhenshecallsattentiontoabroadcastfromaBasqueradioin1937wheretheprogrammepresenterdescribedhisvisionofhisimaginedcommunity’sfuture:

Theunhappydayswillpassand fromthe ruinsofGernikawillariseanothercityassmilingandasendearingasshewas.AndwithherEuskadishallliveagain.Shewillrespondtotheimpulseofprogressandtheneedsoftime;shewillsingherpasthistoryandrenewherlifewhilstnothingwillberememberedofthosepeoplesandcountrieswhoestablishedtheir lawsupontheruleofviolenceandoppression.Gernikashall liveagain,Euskadibeforeverfreeandworlddemocracyprevail.

TheBasqueGovernmentrepresentativethendeclaresthatthisvisionisbecomingreal,butdisagreeswiththeforgettingthepast,asthismustberemembered‘becausekeepingthosetimesinourmemoriesisthebestwaytopreventthemfromhappeningagaineverinthefuture’.

Her message of gratitude also embraces the Niños Vascos and other agents ofmemorywithintheassociationsofBasqueChildren,legitimisingtherefugeechildrenas ‘marcasdenuestrahistoria’ (‘imprintsofourhistory’).Finally,sheconsiders thiscommemorativeeventinSouthamptonasa‘tributetoallofyouwhowereforcedtoleavetheBasqueCountry70yearsago’.However,whilesheacknowledgesthe‘debt’towardstheBritishpublicandanumberofpoliticianswhohelped,thisconceptdoesnot embrace the Niños Vascos. Therefore beyond the ‘tribute’ to the Niños Vascosembeddedinacelebratoryandfestiveline,thegovernmentdiscoursedoesnotfullyrecognise the hardship of the forced migration and rupture with ‘home’ which wasimposedonthem.Thus,itisalsokeepingawayfromthecommitmenttocompensatetheNiños Vascoswithinaninstitutionalframeworkandrepairapastinjusticenotonlyatasymbolicbutalsoatamateriallevel.

To summarise, looking at the narratives of the two politicians analysed, it isevidentthattheybothfollowtheparticularofficiallineoftheeventofgratitudeandcelebration,whichfacilitatesthemtoengageinanultimatelypositiveinterpretationofthepast.However,thewiderdiscoursesinwhichthesenarrativesareimmerseddifferintermsofboth‘what’istransmittedasthenationalorstateideologicalmatrix,andalso‘how’thisistransmitted.

The media

AtthecommemorationofSouthamptontherewasastrongmediapresenceashadbeen predicted by the organisers. Compared with previous years this was theanniversarywhichcaughtmostattention.Localjournalistsandtelevisionbroadcasterscovered the event, and some representatives of the Spanish and Basque mediatravelled to the UK. They interviewed some Niños Vascos very briefly and took

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photographs of them and of the event in general. Ashplant et al. discuss theproliferationof

anniversarycommemorationstomarkthebeginningandendingofwars,andtheirkeyepisodes.Thisisonecomponentofawideranniversaryboom,fuelledandamplifiedbythepublic communications media, which seize upon forthcoming commemorative dates tostimulate cultural production of all kinds. Not only are commemorative ceremonies andothereventsreportedin–andincreasingly,stagedfor–thenewsmedia[…]Inthisway,warcommemorationistransformedintoamediaevent.

(Ashplantetal.2000:4)

After a considerable ‘investment’ of resources with regard to their time andtravellingcosts,the‘profits’orfinal‘production’whichdifferentwebpages,newspapers,and television broadcasters offered to the public during the following days wasgenerallymarkedbyitsemotionalregister.Thiswashighlightedbyheadingssuchas‘Emotionalreunionforthecivilwarinnocents’97or‘Tearsflowinemotionalreunion’98.Therewasalsoanoticeableavoidanceofpoliticalconnotations.Forinstance,whilethenewsletter of a political group mentioned ‘nearly 4,000 refugee children arrived inBritaininMay1937andwerecaredforentirelybyvolunteersandpublicdonations’99,thelocalnewspapersevadedtheuseofwordssuchas‘refugee’.Inthisrespect,thepress release issued by the Spanish Embassy in the UK is marked by a strongde-politicisationofthesubject.Theymerelystated:

OnSaturday26thMayseveraleventstookplaceinSouthamptoncommemoratingthe70thanniversaryofthearrivaltothisBritishharbourofthesteamship‘Havana’,carrying3,826 kids on board, known as ‘The Basque children’, who fled from the effects of theSpanishCivilWar.100

This note leads the reader to think that the importance of the moment was tocommemoratethatship,anditpresentsthefactthattherewerethousandsofrefugeechildreninitinaratheranecdotalstyle.Indeed,theword‘refugee’doesnotappearinthe text at all. Furthermore, the use of the term ‘kids’ lifts the weight of a morepoliticallycommittedword,anditsregisterhardlyseemsappropriatefortheoccasion.

There is an example of an article in a Spanish newspaper which attempted toconnect its interpretation of the act to the current official discourse,101 and usedsubheadingssuchas‘Unentendimientocordialsobrelamemoriahistórica’(‘Acordialunderstandingofthehistoricalmemory’)and‘recordar,exhumar’(‘remember,exhume’).Althoughthisarticlegenerallyavoidedsensationalismandemotionalism,itstillused

97 Daily Echo,26.05.2007.

98 Daily Echo,28.05.2007.

99 International Brigade Memorial Trust Newsletter,Issue17,June2007.

100 SeenontheSpanishEmbassyofficialwebpagehttp://www.reinounido.informacion.la-moncloa.es,03.06.2007.

101 El Correo,27.05.2007.

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headings such as ‘Vida de un héroe’ (‘The life of a hero’) in order to secure publicinterest.Italsopresentedsomestorieswhichwerenotcharacterisedbytheiraccuracy.

Acommonfeatureoftherepresentationswhichdifferentnewspapersortelevisionprogrammesofferedtothepublicaftertheeventwastheirlackofaccuracyandrigourwithregardtowhatthe intervieweesandparticipantshadsaid;whotheorganisersandotheractorswere;whatthepurposeofthedaywas;andwhereithadtakenplace.Forinstance,severalofthemdeclaredthattheeventhadbeenheldatthe‘UniversityofSouthampton’whentherealvenuewas‘TheSolentUniversity’.

ThepressreleaseoftheSpanishEmbassymaintainedthat

Thecommemorativeevents,ensuedthroughouttheday,wereattendedbytheSpanishAmbassadortoLondon,Mr.CarlosMiranda,andadelegationofrepresentativesfromtheBasqueGovernment.

Firstly,thisexaggeratestheBasquerepresentation,astherewasonlyonepersonrepresenting the Basque Government, and secondly, it does not mention any othergovernmentrepresentativesandguestspeakerswhowerealsothere.

More interestingly, a newspaper announces that ‘La ceremonia de ayer fue unpactoamistosoentrehijosderefugiadosygobiernos’102.ThisinterpretationshiftstheownershipoftheeventtowardsotheractorsinsteadoftheNiños Vascos, atthesametime as it constructs a reconciliation discourse, which is different from the originalintention or specific agenda of the event. It also declares that the Mayor ofSouthampton‘reconocióayerquenohabíaoídolahistoriadelosniñoshastaquesevioenvueltoenlaorganizacióndelaniversario’103.Thisreinforceshisagency,thoughitisnotaccurate,ashewasnotpartofthe‘organisation’butaguestspeaker.

Thereisafurtherexampleofaparagraphwhichtranscribesafamilystorytoldbya former Basque child evacuated to France and which is full of inaccuracies.104Therelevanceofthisisthatwhenajournalistwaschallengedandremindedofthegenerallackofrigourofthepress,hisresponsewas:

Detodosmodos,creerqueloquepublicanlosperiódicosessiempredeprimerayverazinformaciónescomocreerque todoloquedicenlospolíticosesciertoylareligiónesbuenaparalasaludyencambio,ahíestamos,intentandotiraradelantecompartiendopisoconperiodistas,curas,policías,políticosydemásanimalejosdeestemundo.105

102 Translation:‘Yesterday’sceremonywasafriendlypactbetweenthechildrenoftherefugeesandgovernments’(El Correo,27.05.2007).

103 Translation: ‘Yesterday he recognised that he hadn’t heard of the children’s history until he became involved with theorganisationoftheanniversary’(El Correo,27.05.2007).

104 I can confirm the inaccuracies because the interviewee was my father and I was present at the moment when he wasinterviewedbythepress.

105 Translation:‘Inanycase,tobelievethatwhatthepaperspublishisalwaysfirsthandandtrueinformationislikebelievingthateverythingpoliticianssayistrueandthatreligionisgoodforyourhealthandontheotherhandthereweare,tryingto

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His resigned view of the role of the media and politicians accepts their lack ofrigour and furthermore, he advocates for a pragmatic approach which believes inadaptationandnegotiationamongstagents.

Social order

The previous point could be interpreted as a means to achieve reconciliation.However,agentsofmemory‘varyintheiraccesstopoliticalandculturalpower,andhence in the resources they command to develop and broadcast their narratives’(Ashplantetal.2000:17).Inadditiontothedissidentsdiscussedabove,therearealsosome other agents who do not take part in the negotiation which takes place atcommemorativepracticessimplybecausetheydonothaveaccesstothem,thereforetheirvoicesmightbelostintheprocess.Furthermore,theauthorityandpowerarenotequallydistributedamongstthoseagentswhotakepart.

In order to explore this idea, I will next look beyond the language medium,followingGoodwin’sargumentthattointerprethumanactionweneedtolookatthevariety of semiotic resources which concurrently operate while action takes place(Goodwin2000).Connertonenlightensusonthisrespectwhenhesustains:

The importance of postures for communal memory is evident. Power and rank arecommonlyexpressed throughcertainpostures relative toothers; from theway inwhichpeoplegroupthemselvesandfromthedispositionoftheirbodiesrelativetothebodiesofothers,wecandeducethedegreeofauthoritywhicheachisthoughttoenjoyortowhichtheylayclaim[…]inallcultures,muchofthechoreographyofauthorityisexpressedthroughthebody.

(Connerton1989:73-74)

Anexamplewhichillustratesthispointisthetablearrangementofthespeakersatthe event under discussion, in other words, the ownership of the place, whichtranslatesintoacommonunderstandingofwhotheauthorityis(seefigurepage207forseatingarrangement).

ThecentralpositionofthetablewasoccupiedbytheSpanishAmbassadorintheUK,whowasflankedbythespokespersonoftheBasqueGovernmenttohisrightandtheMayorofSouthamptontohisleft.AfterthesetheMayorofEastleighandahistorianwere sitting one on each side, followed by a niña vasca who settled in the UKpermanently and a niño vasco who returned to the Basque Country at each end.Outside the table, a niño vasco who settled in the UK was sitting on a chair. Thisarrangement can be seen as something within the etiquette of the situation and

get on; sharing flats with journalists, priests, the police, politicians and other nasty creatures of this world’ (Personalcorrespondenceviaemail,30.05.2007).

probablynobodywillquestionit;onthecontrary,adifferentarrangement,forinstanceif the Ambassador were sitting on the chair outside the table, would be seen as atransgression. Social memory is in essence performative, thus the centrality ormarginalityofthespeakersonthetableandthespaceeachpersonownsarephysicalmarkswhichhaveasocialeffect.

BlommaertandHuang’sviewonthisisthatthemovementsandpositionsofthebodytransmitculturalinformation.Theystudythe‘enskilled’formsofsocialconductsandtheircentralroleintheproductionofmeaning,claimingthattheexpectationtofind certain signs in certain places and knowing how to act appropriately is amanifestationofhowwehavebeenenskilledindistinguishingthespecificnatureofthoseplacesandourexpectedbehaviour(Blommaert&Huang2009).Inthisview,wecan say that in the previous example the ‘conventional’ interaction order of thatsemioticspacehasbeenpreserved,thusthesocialorderiskeptintact.

Moreover, the paraphernalia which some of the speakers wear, such as themedallionswhich theBritishMayorsworeas required forofficialperformances,areinterpretedbytheaudienceasamanifestationofpowerandhierarchy,whichpervadesatanunconsciouslevelandlegitimisesthestatus quoandthedistributionofauthority(seefigurebelowforofficialmedallions).

A former Basque child evacuated to France posing with the Mayor of Eastleigh (left) and the Mayor of Southampton (right) at the 70th anniversary of the arrival of the Niños Vascos in the UK. Southampton, 26.05.2007. SusanaSabínFernández.

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Theexaminationofthisparticularactionallowsustounderstandhowpowerandhierarchyareunderpinnedat thecommemorativearenabyacombinationofuseoflanguageandspeeches,andthepowerfulsemioticsignalsembeddedinthematerialworldandthemovementsandpositioningofthebodies.

Italsodrawsattentiontoaprocessofinstitutionalisationofmemorywhichcouldbeatriskofrelegatingthemainagentsordirectmemorycarriers,namelytheNiños Vascos,toasecondrank(Sabín-Fernández2010).

Duetotheinequalityofaccesstotheforumwhere‘memoryaction’takesplaceandisshaped, there isadangerofhomogenisingdiscoursesanddiluting thevarietyofmemories of the Niños Vascos within dominant discourses. Also, there is a risk oftrivialisingmemorieswhichthenbecomeamediaeventasnotedabove.Ultimately,thisshiftenablessocietyandparticularlythestate,nottoassumeresponsibilitiesforthe past, that is, it deviates from a political discourse based on justice, apology orcompensationforpastinjustice.

Eastleigh

In 2007 the Department of Arts of the Eastleigh Borough Council decided tocelebratethesignificantand ‘round’70thanniversary,asthatarea iswherethefirstcampwassetupfortheNiños Vascosin1937beforetheyweredispersedtoanumberof colonias in different counties.The initial idea of the organisers at Eastleigh wascalled‘TheBasqueProject’,whichwouldbe‘alargescalemultiartformcommemorationof the evacuation of nearly 4,000 children from the Bilbao region because of thebombingandtheNationalistblockadeofthenorthcoastofSpain’106.

TwentyyearsearliertheBoroughCouncilhadcelebratedthe50thanniversary inMay,andthenthe60thalsoinMay.Forthe70ththeystartedaprojectwithschoolsinspringtoraiseawareness,andthecentralevent–fourdaysofavarietyofacts–washeldinOctoberatThePointArtsCentre.Inthewordsoftheorganiserthiswas‘purelytimingwhenwecouldget it togethertodo it, Idon’tthinktherewasanyparticularreason.IwouldhavelikedtodoitwhentheSouthamptoneventwasgoingon’107.

Ironically, they chose Friday 12th October as the key day of the week of events,which is a highly controversial date in the Hispanic World. This is the ‘Día de laHispanidad’ (‘Day of Hispanicity’), not exactly celebrated by everyone for reasonsconnectedtotheideaofabygoneempirewhich,atthesametimeascelebratedwithpridebysome,isconsideredareasonforembarrassmentbyothers.Previously,during

106 ‘Aprogrammeofliveperformance,filmandexhibitionrememberingtheBasquechildrenrefugeesof1937’.Asexplainedonemailof14.08.2007.

107 Interviewedon26.06.2009.Unlessstateddifferentlyallhisquotesrefertothisinterview.

Franco’sdictatorshipthisdaywascalledthe‘DíadelaRaza’(‘DayoftheRace’)andwasalso,andstillis,the‘DíadelaGuardiaCivil’(‘DayoftheCivilGuard’).Itisobviouslyacontentiousdate,but,weretheyawareofthisatEastleighwhentheychoseit?Whentheorganiserwasaskedhedeclared‘Idon’tknowwhocameupwiththat,thatwasn’tme.Iwouldn’thaveknownthat’.However,theheadingofthatdayappearsas‘OntheNationalDayofSpain’intheprogramme(seefigureabove).

DespitethefactthatthiseventatEastleighwasorganisedbyadepartmentoftheBorough Council and funded by this council108, it had a low profile with regard toinstitutionalpresenceincomparisonwiththeeventanalysedintheprevioussection.This isalsoconfirmedbythemainorganiserwhenheidentifiedhimselfmoreasan‘artisticdirectorthananythingelse’.

Ashplant et al. remind us that the artistic productions as opposite to theinstitutionalchannels‘mayoperatetodrawtogethersharedorcommonmemoriesintoa wider narrative within civil society’ (Ashplant et al. 2000:29). In this respect, theorganiser stressed the fact that he did not have ‘much involvement with the Niños

108 Itwasco-fundedbytheNationalLotterythroughtheHeritageLotteryFund.

Detail of the programme of the week of events organised at the arts centre The Point, in Eastleigh, in October 2007, to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the arrival of the Niños Vascos.

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Vascos’ashewasawareofhowoftentheyhadtoldtheirstories,thereforethecentralelementoftheweekofremembranceeventswasthat:

Althoughthememoriesbelongtothem[theNiños Vascos],it’ssoimportantforustorecord and disseminate these memories … it’s important to historically, contextually, torememberthesethingsforfuturegenerations.It’ssoeasytosaythewarandtheJewsandthingslikethat,butactually,therearesomanyotherstories,thereisanawfullotofpeoplewhowereinthesameboatandstillare.That’soneofthereasonswedidtheschools’work,theeducationstuffwiththeplay,beforetheevents,toremindthechildrenthatthosestoriesarestillgoingon,nothingmuchhaschangedintheworld.

Furthermore,Ashplantetal.observe:

as the generation which fought the war approaches the end of its life, and theirgrandchildren enter adulthood, agencies of civil society together with the state havedeveloped new initiatives, […] these continue to transmit memory of the war, and thenationalnarrativeitunderpins,butthroughtheratherdifferentchannelsofeducationandentertainment.

(Ashplantetal.2000:28)

Onthisline,Naharro-Calderónequatesmemorytoaclaimofidentitywhichsofarhasbeenpresentedasoralmemoryandalsowrittenorvisualmemory.However,hedefendsthat‘thesedaysthechannelsoftransmissionaremainlyaudiovisual’(Llanes,2006).109 In order to explore this theme the next two sections analyse firstly, therationale behind the commemoration at Eastleigh and secondly, the agency andagendasinvolvedinthetransmissionofmemoriesbymeansofartisticchannels.

Rationale

The programme of events at Eastleigh included four days of remembranceperformanceswiththeprojectionofthefilm‘TheGuernicaChildren’onthefirstnight;a double bill of a theatre play and a dance performance on the second night; anaudiencewithaformerMPfollowedbyamixtureofatheatreanddanceperformanceon the third night; and finally, on the last day, a symposium which explored theexperienceofexile.Duringtheeventstherewasalsoanexhibitionofphotographsandothermemoryobjects.AlltheperformanceswerebasedontheexperienceoftheNiños Vascos, thus those different representations of the past could be best viewed as‘varieties’ofthesamesymboliccapital(Eidson2005:556).

Theweek’sartistic finalehadbeenprecededbyan ‘extensiveeducationprojectandtour[ofthetheatreplay]tolocalschools’,asstatedintheprogramme.Thefocus

109 Naharro-Calderón.CursodeExtensiónUniversitariadelaUniversidaddeAlcaládeHenares,De los niños de la guerra a los nietos de la memoria(‘Fromthechildrenofthewartothegrandchildrenofthememory’).Llanes,Spain,23-25August2006.

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wasthelocalcommunityandtherationalebehindtheprojectwasontheonehand,toengagethelocalcommunitythroughart,andontheother,toinformandeducatesothatthestoryisnotrepeated.

‘To engage local communiTy Through arTs’

Theartisticdirectorhighlightedthatwhathemostlikedabouttheprojectwas

thenewworkwithideas,alsoworkingwithpeoplewhohadnotheardthestorybeforeandgetexcitedbyit,andtheplaywright...Thatkindofemotiveeventsparksthestrongestemotioninart,that’swherethestrongeststimuluscomesfrom.

Heacknowledgedthatarts,andparticularlyhiswork,areaboutpublicengagement,since‘ThePointexistsforpeopletocomeheretoseeshows’.Healsoobservedthatwithpreviousprojectshe learntthatpeopleare ‘very interestedin localstoriesandheritage and history’. This underlines the idea that a project like this provides theopportunitytoestablishandstrengthenastrongconnectionbetweenthecommunityandthearts,sincefirstly,‘itgetspeopleinvolvedwiththeirstories,theircommunity,what’sgoneon’andsecondly,

inadvertentlytothem,beinginvolvedwithartswithoutthemknowing…thatwasourprimaryaim.BycomingtoseeKukaitheywerecomingtoseeadanceshow.Theywouldnevernormallyseeadanceshow,butbecauseofthelocalinterestintheproject[theydid].Myinterestisininterestingstories,thekindofstoriesweshouldberemembering.

Inadditiontothosetwocentralpurposesoftheorganisers’agenda,aninteractiontakes place between members of the community and others who shared pastexperiences with them as a result of the encounter. For instance, the organiserremarkedthatattheexhibition:

ImetNiños Vascos,naturalisedEnglishpeoplewholiveinEastleigh,andthentheysaid‘IwasoneofthoseNiños Vascos’andthey’dneverhadanycontactbeforewithit.Itwasinterestingtogetthatstorybutalsotospeaktolocalpeoplewhosaid‘oh,yes,Ihelpedonthatsite,ohIrememberthat!’Thatwasmostinterestingforme,tosparkthatmemoryfromlocalpeople.

From this a double function of the commemorative practice emerges. First, itservesasa forumcharacterisedbyboth its informativeanddisseminative function.Second, it welcomes actors to play an active role by bringing their own individualmemoriesatthesametimeasitstimulatestheirremembering.

Afurtherconnectionmentionedbytheorganiserwastherelevanceoftheeventwithinthebroadersocialcontext,whichheidentifiesas:

the time of refugee, with immigration and things like that, specially in 2007, it wasnevermorecurrent,itwasalwaysontheagendabutitwasmoreabouteducationtolocalpeople, not only arts education, but also education about what is the definition of the

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refugee, what is the definition of an immigrant, so the whole project was about raisingawareness,notonlythestorybutalsoraisingawarenessofartsandraisingawarenessofcurrentissueswithpeoplefromothercountries.

At thispoint, lookingat the twopublic representationsunderanalysis,onecanattempttoplacetheeventheldinSouthamptonwithinafestivecontextofcelebration.Thisisconnectedtoapredominantdiscourseof‘gratitude’tothehostland,whichinafirstinstancecouldhavebeenassumedwouldalsobethecaseatEastleigh.However,nowthediscourseincorporatestheimportantnotionof‘raisingawarenessofcurrentissues’. This takes us to the next fundamental point of the agenda, namely theeducationalintentionoftheproject.

‘To inform and educaTe so ThaT we don’T forgeT’

Ithasbeenpointedoutbysomeinformantsofthisstudythatthehistorybookscurrentlyusedhaveyet togiveanew interpretationof theCivilWaraway fromtheofficialnarrativespresentedthusfar,andalsothatepisodessuchastheexperienceoftheNiños Vascosneedtobeincludedinschoolprogrammesandcurricula.Acentralperformance of what was originally titled ‘The Basque Project’ was conceived as ameanstofillthisgap,asitwasstatedinthefirstdraftoftheprojectoutline:

Inresponsetorequestsfromlocalschools,ThePointYoungPeople’sTheatrewishestolaunchatouringshowforKeyStage2.Thisspeciallycommissionedplaywillusetheeventsof1937asastimulusandinspirationtostudyrelevantcontemporaryrefugeeissues.Theperformanceprovidesavehicleinwhichwemovefromthepasteventstoacontemporaryunderstandingofhumanrightsanddifferences.110

Thiseducationalpurposeof theprojecteventually transcendedtheremembrancespaceofThePointleadingtonewinitiatives,suchastheformationofagroupofmemoryagentswholookedintothecontinuityofit.Thiswastheseedofnewdevelopmentssuchas an educational pack for use in schools, an oral history archive and a travellingexhibition amongst others. It also generated a number of academic papers and theartisticdimensionhadcontinuitythroughsomecollaborativeworkandevents.Finally,the media were also present and a television documentary was produced. Thus theorganiserconsideredthat‘itwasverysuccessfultheproject,ithadlastingeffects’.Thisisillustratedinamessagewhichhedistributedafewdaysaftertheeventstookplace:

Ijustwantedtothankeveryonewhowasinvolvedintheprojectlastweek.Ithinkitallwentamazinglyandsawsomegreatperformances,discussionsandexhibition.Itworkedonsomanylevelsanddrewinmanypeopleassociatedwiththestoryaswellasthosewithnoknowledgeatall,arealengagementofcommunityinthetruestsense.111

110 Draftoutlineproposedtopotentialco-organisingpartnersinNovember2006.

111 Emailof15.10.2007.

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The consensus of opinion amongst organisers, participants and other peopleinvolvedwashighlypositive.Nevertheless,attentionneedstobedrawntothefactthatthere is a risk that mere agents of memory become conmemoraccionistas(‘commemoractionists’) as a result of the investment of social, symbolic and othertypesofcapitalwhichoccursinthecommemorativearena.112Theycouldultimatelybeseen as memory entrepreneurs or memory brokers who carry out their roles at an‘artisticenterprise’113andgainaprofitoutofrecyclingandcontinuingastorywhichintheprocessmightloseitsmeaning.Thisterm‘memoryentrepreneurs’hasalsobeendiscussedbyBrubaker,whoinadifferentlightpointsoutattheriskwhichconstructivisttheories pose of ‘sliding into a voluntaristic overemphasis on the malleability andmanipulability of the past in the hands of contemporary cultural and politicalentrepreneurs’(Brubaker2004:162).

Acciones and agendas

InthelastpartofthischapterIanalysetheconceptofagencybylookingattheacciones(actions) andtheagendasbehindtheweekofperformanceswhich‘fabricated’memory at The Point. The terms acciones and conmemoraccionismo refer to theactions which take place at the commemorative practices in the sense of activity,actuación or performance, and also activation and gestation of identities (Sabín-Fernández2010:17).Theyarealsoconnectedtothatentrepreneurshipandbusinessworldbroughtupabove.

film

The firstactof theweekwas theprojectionof the film ‘TheGuernicaChildren’,whichwasadvertisedbytheproducersthus:‘ThereisanotherchancetoseethehighlyacclaimeddocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children114onthebigscreen’115.Theofficialprogrammehighlightsanumberofawardswonbythedirectorforthisfilm,andalsobyadocumentarywhichhehadproducedonthesametopicearlierintheyear.Afirstreading would suggest that the investment of resources is resulting in the profitsexpected,particularlywhenwelookatthefiguresofattendanceatthisevent.Alltheticketsweresoldandthiswastheonlyperformanceoftheweekwheretheattendancewas100%.

However,aninterviewwiththedirectorofthefilmrevealedamultilayeredagendawhichneedstobeexploredatadeeperlevel.Heexplainedhispersonallinkstothe

112 ForananalysisofthesetypesofcapitalseeBourdieu(1986).

113 ThisisthetermusedbytheMayorofEastleighfortheintroductionwhichappearsintheofficialprogramme.

114 Incapitallettersintheoriginal.

115 Emailof10.09.2007.

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topicoftheSpanishCivilWarandthereasonswhyhebecameinterestedinthestoryoftheNiños Vascoswhenhelearnedaboutit.Ultimately,thereasontomakethefilmwasthatthiswas‘agreatstorythathadnotbeentoldandshouldbetold’towardswhichhis‘politicalleaningsweresympathetic’andhewas‘keentomakeagoodfilm’inhissearch forpersonal recognition ina ‘highlycompetitive fieldofwork’.By thispointtwotypesofinvestmentcanberecognised,namelycapitalinvestmentandalsoprestigeinvestment.

In2007thisdirectoralsomadethedocumentary‘ElbombardeodeGuernica’(‘ThebombingofGernika’),whichwasbroadcastinSpaininAprilforthe70thanniversaryofthe bombing, and he describes as ‘the first attempt to give a definitive account ofexactly[myemphasis]whathappenedinGernikaonthedayofthebombing’.However,whenthesubjectofhistoricalrigourwasdiscussedduringourinterviewheadmittedthat primarily, he had an ‘artistic agenda’ since ‘film making is about picturesultimately’, thus it isallowedtomake‘generalisations’andit ischaracterisedby its‘superficiality’atthesametimeasbeing‘emotionalandpowerful’.

Thisadmittedlackofdepthofboththefilmandalsothedocumentarydeprivesthisrepresentationofthepastofitspoliticalanglesince,accordingtothedirector,‘politicsaretoocomplicatedforadocumentary’.ItalsotransmitsaparticularrenderingofthestoryoftheNiños Vascos,asitistheoriginofanabstractionwhichrepresentstheirmemory and creates a pattern for future representations. This rendering was alsosupportedbytheintroductionofthescreeningbythefilmmakerandaquestionandanswersessioncarriedoutattheend.Finally,itpointsoutsomestrugglesamongstthesubjectsinvolvedintheproductionofthatrepresentation,whicharenoticeableinthefact that the background to the story which the director originally mounted wasconsiderablylongerthanthefinalonepresented.Thisreductionoffactualinformationwasimposedbythe‘commissioningeditor’withthepurposeofmakingthefilmmoreappealingtoabroadaudienceunfamiliarwiththetopic.Alsoforpopularityreasons,itwasrequiredthatthefilmhada‘happyending’,whichmeantan‘ethicalcompromise’with which the director felt uncomfortable. As he declared, he addressed somecriticismsdue to this ‘happyending’ ina later longerversionof the filmwhichwasproducedwithamoreknowledgeableaudienceinmind.

FollowingBrubaker’sideaoftheoveremphasisonthemanipulabilityofthepastbysomeconstructivisttheoristsdiscussedabove,wecanseethispointasanexampleofpowerregainedbyinitiallydisempoweredagents.Notonlydosomeofthemhavetheopportunity tobecome ‘stars’ ina film,butalsosomeof theNiños Vascosbecomeagentsofchangewithaninputonthecinematicrepresentationoftheirstory.

TheaTre/dance

Thefirstshowofthenextdayhadbeenspeciallycommissionedfortheeventandconsistedof‘apieceoftheatrebasedontheaccountsoftheLosNiños’asstatedinthe

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reportwrittenbytheartisticdirectoraftertheevents.However,thehistoricalrigourofthisrepresentationwaschallengedbyaniño vascowhenhewasconsultedprivatelyaftertheshow.Hedeclaredthathedidnotliketherepresentationverymuch,because

algunas de las cosas que salen no son verdad. Cuando vinimos éramos niños y nopensábamosenesascosasdesexualidadquehansalidoenlaobra.Essoloenelteatro,enrealidadnohabíanadadeeso,éramosmuyniños,todoeranuevo,todoeranuevo.116

Thisexampleillustratestheintroductionofnewidentitymarkerswhicharemoreconnected to the parameters which frame current social issues than to the past towhichtheperformancerelated.

Thesecondpartofthatnightwasalsoashowwhichhadbeencreatedespeciallyfor the event by a local dance company in conjunction with a Basque dancer andchoreographer. The following day this Basque choreographer’s company staged adanceworkwhichtheyhadbeenperformingforfiveyears,andthatwasbasedontheexperienceoftheNiños Vascos.Thechoreographerdeclared:

ThefactofrecognisingandrememberingthehistoryofthousandsofBasquechildrenthathadtobeevacuatedin1937touchedmyheart.Inadditiontopayingtributetothese people, IwasmotivatedtobepartofaprojectwherehistoryandBasquedanceareputtogether, especially in a country like the United Kingdom. Apart from these emotionalmotivationsIcannothidemypersonalpleasureinhavingtheprivilegeofworkingwithacontemporarydancecompanyintheUK.

Inthisstatementthereisfirstly,anelementofrecognitionandtributetotheNiños Vascoswhichiscarriedoutbymeansoftheart,andsecondly,anattempttohistoricisethisartproduction.Thirdly,theinvestmentofprestigeisalsopartoftheagenda.Yetlookingatthewholevarietyofperformances,themostremarkableaspectwithregardtothetransmissionofmemory isthattheyaredifferentrepresentationsof thepastwhichcoexistinaparticularcommemorativeperiodoftimewithinauniquespaceofexperienceandofmemory.Aspectatorremarkeduponthecomplementarityamongsttherepresentationsbywritingthefollowingcommentontheevaluationquestionnaireprovidedbytheorganisers:‘ithasbeengoodtoseethelinksbetweenthedifferentpresentations-film,talk,music,danceandexhibition’.

Furthermore,notonlydotheyportrayamixtureofoldandnewinterpretationsofthatpast,butalso,mostinterestingly,theygenerateanintersectionofmeaningswhichareofabi-nationalcharacter,sincebothBasqueandBritishperspectivesarepresent.Moreover,newrepresentationsarecreatedwherebothperspectivesmerge,givinganewextradimensiontothetransnationalcharacteroftheevent.

116 Translation:‘Someofthethingsthatcomeoutarenottrue.Whenwecamewewerechildrenandwedidn’tthinkaboutthosethingsaboutsexualitywhichhaveappearedintheperformance.It’sonlyinthetheatre;inrealitytherewasnothingofthat,wewereverylittle,everythingwasnew,everythingwasnew’.

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Although this node can initially be seen as an enriching characteristic, it isinterestingtonotethatitisalsoasourceofstruggles.Thisisrevealedbytheorganiserataninterviewwhenhedeclared:

TheonlythingIfeltuncomfortablewithwasmylackofknowledge,mylackofculturalunderstandingofaverydifferentpeople…frustratedtonotknowabouttheBasquepsyche–Iknewmorethanmostpeoplebutnotenough.ForexampleIalwaysfeltfrustratedthatIdidn’tspeakSpanish,letaloneBasque.Ihadaninterpreter.Iwasalwaysveryconsciousthatthe Niños Vascoshadrepeatedtheirstory,thattheywereold, Ididn’twanttopushanythingandIdidn’twanttoupsetanybody.That’ssomethingthatwasalsocontentious,noteverybodywasfromtheBasqueCountry.ItwasharderbecauseculturallyIhadalimitedknowledge;thewholethingwasquitetricky.

audience wiTh The broadcasTer

Withregardtothesestruggleswhichoccuratthecommemorativearena,themostcontroversialtopicwhichemergedamongsttheinformants’accountswas‘who’waschosentopresentthelastnightofperformances.Thishadalreadybeenanticipatedwhen it was announced in the programme that the host was a ‘controversial [myemphasis]formerMPforKensingtonandChelsea’117.ThispersonisconnectedtothetopicoftheNiños Vascosforpersonalreasons,ashisfatherwasanexileoftheCivilWarandhismotherwasanEnglishvolunteerwhohelpedtheevacueesatoneofthecolonias. Also, he is a well known public figure as a broadcaster and as a formercabinet minister of Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative Government. His presenceprovokedsomeoppositionanddistresstotheextentthataniña vascawholivesinthearearefusedcategoricallytoattendtheshowsofthatspecificnightifhewasthehostowingtohispoliticalleanings(Sabín-Fernández2010:29).Thefollowingexcerpttakenfrom an interview with the organiser illustrates his struggle to justify why he wentaheadandhiredthecelebrity:

alsowithMrM.P.…thereasonIdidthat…somepeoplewerevery…Icanunderstandwhy,buttherewereacoupleofpeoplewhowere…butalsoIwasquiteuncomfortablewiththewholeprocessbecauseI’mjustanEnglishartsguydoingaproject,Idon’tknoweverything.WehavehadsomestrugglesinEngland,butnotstrugglesforoursurvivalandournationalityliketheBasquepeoplehavehad,theSpanishpeoplehavehad.ThethingwithMrM.P.wasobviouslyhislinkwithhismotherandfather,butalsothefactthatIhadtokeepthinkingforaudiences and for relevance. He’s a big man, gets interest straight away. If it’s slightlycontentiousitgetsmoreinterestbutinrecentyearshe’sbecomelessrightwingandhe’salsodoneworkwiththeBBCaboutstoriesandhe’sactuallyoneofthemajorexponentsintheUKofkeepingthestorygoingdespitehispastcomments.ItwasquitecontentiousandIdidfeelalotofthetimenotknowing,notbeinganexpertyou’realwaysgoingtoupsetsomeone.

Initiallyhehesitatesenormouslytryingtocomposethefirstfewsentences,thenhejustifieshis‘action’owingtolackofknowledgeandthenhemovesontovalidate

117 IrefertohimasMrM.P.inthisstudy.

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thatperson’spresenceowingtothelinkbetweenhimandtheNiños Vascos.Finally,heopenlyrevealshisownagenda,whichisprimarilytoattractalargeaudience,buthesoftens the callousness of his statement by bringing the disputed subject’s stanceclosertowhatisperceivedaspoliticallycorrectforthattypeofevent.

Onceagaintheinvestmentproducedtheexpectedsuccess,and94%oftheticketswere sold.118Yet the amount of time dedicated to the topic of the event within thisformerpolitician’stalkwasminimal.Asaresult,somesignificantissueswereraisedinthefeedbackquestionnaireswhichsomeoftheattendantscompletedattheendofthenight:

Fantastic-boththespeakerandthedancers.Perhaps[MrM.P.]couldhavetalkedmoreaboutGuernica,hetalkedaboutBritishpoliticsandhiscareer.Interesting-butIcametohearmoreaboutSpainandespeciallyGuernica.

I didn’t really appreciate the opening jokes. Interesting, articulate speaker, but IthoughttherewouldbemorefocusontheCivilWarandhiscontactwithSpain-itseemedthiswasalmostaconvenientcoincidence.

[MrM.P.]isagoodandarticulatespeaker.Althoughitdidn’tneedsomeofthejokesorpartypoliticalelement.

Farexceededmyexpectations! [MrM.P.] isaverypolishedraconteur,but Iwouldn’tnormallycomeoutandpaytolistentohim.

Theseobservationsproblematisetheuseoftheeventbythespeakerasavehicletotalkabouthimself,hispolitics,andhiscareer.Throughthisacciónthesonofanexileandavolunteeracquirestheidentityofashowmanwhoinvestsonprestigeandhastheopportunitytoreachanunusualaudiencetothedetrimentofanattempttomakemeaningofthepast.

To conclude, the common characteristic which the remembrance performancesanalysed in this chapter share is that they all focus on a past historical event.Theinterest in these commemorative practices is socially shared by the subjects whoparticipated in that historical event, their descendants, and a variety of agents ofmemory.Thusfar,thedistinctionbetweentheprivateandpublicnatureofanumberofpractices,andalsodifferentapproachestothepublicrepresentationsofthepast,hasbeendiscussed.

BycomparisonwiththeotheractsperformedatThePoint,themainparticularityofthesymposiumheldonthelastdaywasthevisibilityoftheNiños Vascos,whohadamoreactiveroleasagroupthaninthepublicrepresentationsanalysedsofar.Thiseventwasalsosingularintermsofitsnon-artisticcharacter,despitethefactthatitwas

118 Amongthekeyfindingsofthereportwrittenaftertheweekoftheevents,withregardtoattendanceitwaspointedoutthatthere was ‘a further spread than average and people travelled from London, Kent, Essex, Bath, Swindon, Salisbury andTunbridgeWells’.

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part of a week of an artistic enterprise, where to a certain degree the artisticrepresentationshadanelementoffictionandartisticlicenseintheirapproachestothetransmissionofmemory.Somefindingsofmyanalysisofthiseventareembeddedinthecriticalanalysisofthenarrativesprovidedinthenextchapter,wheremyattentionturnsfromcommemorativepracticestotheNiños Vascos themselves.

Summary

Theaimof thischapterwastoanalysethenatureanddirectionofanumberofcommemorativepracticeswhichhavetakenplaceintheUKinrecentyears,andtheimpactthattheseceremonieshavehadintheprocessofmemoryconstructionofthegroup under examination. By contrasting the narratives, discourses, spaces andbehavioursobserved, ithasbeenpossible to recognise the relationshipswhich theNiños Vascos maintainanddevelopamongstthemselves,andalsowithotheractorsandinstitutions,withinthecurrentsocio-politicalcontext.ThechapterdiscussedthreespecificeventswiththeaimofsheddinglightonthedifferencesbetweencommemorativepracticesorganisedbytheNiños Vascos themselvesandcarriedoutataprivatelevel,andthoseorganisedbyavarietyofmemoryagentswhichhavebeenenactedinthepublicsphere.InthischapterIproposedanewterminologyandgrammarwithinthearea of the study of remembrance which designates the various actors and actionsidentified within the arenas where they operate, paying particular attention to whothosememoryagentsareandtheagendasbehindtheiractions.

InChapter4,Iwillproblematisethelabelslos niños de la guerra (childrenofthewar),los niños vascos (theBasquechildren)andlos olvidados (theforgotten),whicharethemaincategoriesnormallyusedbytheactorsdistinguishedinChapter3,andwill followitwithadiscussiononthedevelopmentofamythologyparticular tothegroupunderstudy.Finally,Iwilllookintotheconceptof‘home’whichhasconsistentlyemergedthroughoutthedatacollection.

(04)

Themeani ngofbeing theBasqu erefugee childrenof theSpanish CivilWar intheUK

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Themeani ngofbeing theBasqu erefugee childrenof theSpanish CivilWar intheUK

The Basque refugee children

AuthorssuchasMalkki(1995),Barutciski(1998)andKushner(2006)discussthecomplexityandvarietyofexperienceswhichthetermrefugeeencompasses.Echoingthisview,inChapter1ofthisbookIarguedthatthelossofhomeistheuniquecommoncharacteristic shared by all refugees, therefore we cannot consider them to be ahomogeneous group. Although the Niños Vascos correspond to this theoreticallydisparategroup,ithasbeenobservedthatdespitetheirdiverseideologicalandsocio-economicbackgrounds,theyoftenappearasahomogeneousgroup,whichtheycall‘family’,asdiscussedearlier.

Inthisrespect,attheinaugurallectureoftheBasqueChildrenof’37AssociationUKthehistorianspeakerstressedthelackofasinglenarrativeoftheNiños Vascos’experience.However,withregardtothenatureofthegroupassuch,hestated:

WetalkabouttheBasqueChildrenandit’sveryhardtogeneraliseaboutthisgroupofchildren, but they tend to be lumped together. One always sees them photographed ingroups; they are always together, on the move together, in football teams, in concert

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parties.Youneverseethemontheirown.Onehasthesensethattheymoveeverywhereverysociallyinagroup.119

Based on ethnographic observations, I have traced this gregariousness anddetectedastronginclinationtogrouptogether.Forinstance,theytendtogatherasthegroupofNiños Vascoswhentheyarepresentateventswhichincludeotherparticipants.Aninformantexplainstheircloserelationship:

We’reallpartofafamily.IfyougototheSpanishpensionerscentre,youwillfindtheBasque Children section sitting there and in fact the others admire the way we haveremainedtogetherandwehavealwayshelpedeachotherasonelargefamily.Thishasbeenaveryimportantaspectinourlives.120

From2005until2011, IhaveattendedanumberofmealsandothercelebratorypracticeswhichwerenotstrictlyparticulartotheNiños Vascos,bothintheUKandinSpain.Ifoundremarkablethatthereareanumberofritualswhichtheypermanentlyperform at these events, such as insisting in sharing their tables with other Niños Vascos;conveningtheNiños Vascospresentattheeventtohavepicturesof‘nosotroslosniñosvascos solos’(‘justus,theniñosvascosonourown’);andchoosingotherNiños Vascosasdancepartners.Takingpartatthesepracticesandexhibitingpubliclytheirbonddevelopsacollectiveidentitywhichstrengthensboththecoherenceofthegroupanditscontinuity.

This group was brought into existence as a consequence of war and then itremainedasone,despite the fact thatsome individualsmoved todistant locationsincludingothercountries.Althoughthereisnoapparentevidenceofanychallengetotheacceptanceofthegroupassuch,therearediscrepancieswithregardtothenamingof it, a fact which to a certain extent challenges that existence by itself, given theimportantrolethatanameplaysasanidentitymarker.FollowingSchneider’sview,itisarguedherethatsocialidentitiesarenotstaticbut‘areconstructedthroughtheuseofcategories,boththosepeopleseektoputthemselvesintoandthoseothersimposeuponthem’(Schneider2003:187).

Categorisation

IntheirstudyoftheSpanishrefugeechildrenwhowereevacuatedtotheformerUSSRduringtheSpanishCivilWar,Devillardetal.pointoutthatthey

stand out because of their awareness that national and international events haveconstructedtheirhistory;andalsothatatindividualandcollectivelevel,theseeventshave

119 London,03.10.2009.

120 Eastleigh,13.10.2007.

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beenobjectivisedastheplaces,fortunes,misfortunes,separations,decisions,elections,restructurings,etc.thathaveshapedtheirlives.

(Devillardetal.2001:189-190)

Thishighlightsanumberoffactorswhichhavesimilarlycoincidedandhavehadanimpactontheformationandpermanenceofthegroupofthe Niños Vascos.However,whilstrecognisingtheidentifiablenatureofthecollectivewhichtheystudy,Devillardetal.problematisetheuseofthephraseniños de la guerra whichisoften‘usedbythedifferent media, it appears on the name of some associations connected to thecollective’ (Devillard et al. 2001:37). They discuss the implicitly socio-politicallychargedconditionofthisexpression,maintainingthatitsusecreatesdifficultiessuchas those related to the extent to which it can be applied to identify a variety ofcollectives.Thus,itcanbeinterpretedasanhistoricalandconceptualconstructwhichbelongstoaparticulardiscourse.

ThisnomenclaturecontroversyisaconstantwithregardtothechildrenwhowereevacuatedduringtheCivilWarregardlessofwheretheyweresent,andwhichposesaconsiderablemethodologicalchallengetothoseauthorswhohaveaninterestinthetopic in their attempts to use ‘neutral’ terminology. For instance Naharro-Calderónopened the course ‘De los Niños de la Guerra a los Nietos de la Memoria’ (Llanes,2006)byquestioning theaudiencewhether ‘¿deberíanser losniños de la guerraodeberíanserniños del exilio?’121

Therangeoftermsgenerallyusedbythesocialactorswhohavebeenpresentedin this study, and also by the media and by those who write on this topic, spans anumberofcombinationsof thewordsniños (children), vascos (Basque), evacuados (evacuees), guerra (war), exilio (exile), generación (generation),Gernika and refugeesmainly. It includes expressions such as the Basque refugee children, niños vascos (Basquechildren),niños de la guerra (childrenofthewar),niños del exilio (childrenoftheexile),la generación del exilio (thegenerationoftheexile), the Guernica generation,los niños de Gernika (the children of Gernika) and los niños, amongst some otherssuchasnenes orbabies whichhavebeenexceptionallyobserved.Whilsttracingandanalysing the multiple variants which have been historically constructed anddocumented could be a highly stimulating exercise, what is most relevant for thepurposeofmyenquiryistoanalysewhyindividualsorpublicbodieschoosetouseoneoranother.Also,IexaminethelevelofidentificationoftheNiños Vascoswiththesetermswiththeaimofuncoveringwhatdiscoursesaresupported.

The‘artisticagenda’hasbeenpointedoutbyinformantswhotookpartattheweekofeventsatThePointinEastleigh,whichisanalysedinChapter3.Oneofthem,afilm-maker,explainedhisselectionofwords:

121 Translation:‘Shouldtheybethechildrenofthewarorthechildrenoftheexile?’.

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ItdependswhoI’mspeakingto.Irefertothemasthe‘Basquerefugeechildren’orthe‘Spanishrefugeechildren’,itdependsontheaudience,itdependsifyouarewritingascript.Ifyouhavejustusedtheword‘Basque’inthepreviousparagraphyoumightnotwanttosayBasquerefugeechildrensoyoumightput‘Spanish’.Again,it’sanartisticthingasmuchasapolitical.Well,theremightbesomepoliticalagenda,butit’slessimportantthanthescriptandthesounds.122

Hisquoterevealsthatheindistinctlyusesdifferentterms,whosechoiceisdictatedbytwomainelements.Firstlyhementionstheaudience,andsecondlyliteraryreasons.He also introduces the political factor, yet this is immediately downplayed incomparisonwiththeothertwo.

Anotherinformantexpressedhischoiceofaspecificexpressionasa‘sellingpoint’.Theorganiserofthisweekofremembrancewrote‘Los niños de Guernica’andincludedapictureoftheBasqueflagontheprogrammethinkingof

anewaudiencefortheartandthestory.BymentioningGernikapeoplethink‘Iknowthatword’and‘I’vealsoseenthisflagsomewhere’.Thereasonisthatitwouldpopupwhenitwasinarack,inthelibrary.PeoplewithaninterestinBasqueculturethat’sthefirstthingthey’dseeandtheywouldpickitup.Awayoftryingtogiveasymboltoasmanypeopleaspossiblesoasitmeantsomethingtothem.Alsopeoplewouldsay‘whyinEastleighthis“Los Niños”…?’andthe‘Guernica’wasrelatedtothepainting.123

The‘Basque’themeincludedinhisagendageneratessomecontroversywhichwillbeexploredlaterinthischapter.

Niños de la guerra

Thephraselos niños de la guerrahasbeenwidelyusedatpubliceventsanditalsoappearsintheliterature.124However,thistermisnotacceptedunanimouslyaswecanseeinthenextexcerptextractedfromanethnographicconversationmaintainedwiththe historian Gregorio Arrien in 2008. He interprets the expression in terms oftemporalityandrejectsit,owingtoitslackofaccuracy:

Yonolesllamoniños,nolesllamoniños de la guerra,no,porqueyotambiénsoyniño de la guerraporquenacíenlaguerra.Esgeneración del exilio,paramísonexiliados,queesoesdiferente.Haydostiposdeevacuaciones,lasevacuacionesanivelinterno,yaquíenesohasufridocasitodoelmundo,esosparamísonexiliadostambién,peroanivelinterno,porqueesos tambiénsufrieronel tenerqueabandonarsuhogarsinsaberenmanosde

122 Conversationof18.06.2009.

123 Conversationof26.06.2009.

124 Somebooktitleswhichillustratetheuseofthistermare,forexample:Los niños de la guerra de España en la Unión Soviética. De la evacuación al retorno (1937-1999) (AltedVigiletal.1999);Los Niños de la Guerra ya somos Viejos (JiménezBlanco1994);Los Niños de la Guerra(Pàmies1977).

quién iba a quedar.Yo propendo a llamar generación del exilio, no niños de la guerra,porqueniño de la guerraeselquehanacidoenlaguerra;segúnesoyotambiénsoyniño de la guerra.Niños vascos de la guerra somostodoslosquehemosnacidoenlaguerrayhemossufridolasconsecuencias.125

A further semantic issue is highlighted by an informant who at an informalconversation during an annual reunion of the Niños Vascos (London 2006) showedgreatconcernabouttheuseoftheexpressionniños de la guerratoidentifythem.Hestressed:

Nosotrossomoslosolvidados,somosniños vascos evacuados.Nosomoslosniños de la guerra,puesesopodríanserconsideradosinclusolosniñosNazis.126

125 Translation:‘Idon’tcallthemchildren,Idon’tcallthemchildren of the war,Idon’t,becauseI’m alsoachild of the warbecauseIwasbornduringthewar.It’s[called]generation of the exile,formetheyareexiles,whichisdifferent.Therearetwotypesofevacuation,theevacuationsatinternallevel,andherealmosteveryonehassufferedbecauseofthat,tomethosearealsoexiles,butataninternallevel,becausethey alsosufferedhavingtoabandontheirhomeswithoutknowinginwhosehandsthey wouldendup. I tendtocall it thegeneration of the exile,notthechildren of the war,becauseachild of the war issomeone whowas bornduringthewar;that makes me alsoachild of the war.Basque children of the warinclude allofuswhowerebornduringthewarandsufferedtheconsequences’(conversationof24.06.2008).

126 Translation:‘Wearethe forgotten,weareBasque evacuee children,we’renotthechildren of the war,becauseeventheNazichildrencouldbeconsideredtobe that’.

Web page advertising the week of homage and

commemoration of the ‘Niños y niñas de la guerra

vascos’ held in Bilbao in June 2008.

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Thisniñovasco alsointerpretsthephraseintemporaltermsandstayswithinthecoordinatesofwar time.Additionally,he raises the issueof theexcessivesemanticfieldwhichitcouldpotentiallycoverifappliedmeticulously,totheextentthatvictimsandperpetratorscouldbepartofthesamecollective.Notwithstandingtheseissues,thistermwaschosentobeusedpubliclyattheweekofeventsadvertisedasHomenaje a los niños y niñas de la guerra vascos (‘HomagetotheBasqueboysandgirlsofthewar’)whichwasheldinBilbaoinJune2008(seefigurepage131).

In this occasion it was interpreted in a comprehensive sense, which includedBasque children from several countries that hosted child evacuees who departedfrom theBasqueCountryasa resultof thewar.However,duringanethnographicconversation, the organiser of the acts gave details of a niña who had beenapproachedandinitiallyinterviewedasaprospectiveattendee,buteventuallyshewasnotinvited:

Aesaleentrevistamosperoalfinalnovinoporqueellanoeraniña de la guerra.Estafueconsufamiliamástarde.Yocreoquefuecomorefugiadamástarde,nosésiconlafamilia.Enprincipiolegrabamosporquecreímosqueeraniña de la guerrayluegoalverlagrabaciónvimosquenoeraniña de la guerra.Enesotambién–igualqueenlodevascosono vascos–, quisimos ser super-estrictos, porque si abres el abanico a otro tipo derefugiados,claro,entoncesya loshomenajeablesseconviertenenmiles.Habíaquesersuper-estricto,yalosiento,peroniño de la guerraesniño de la guerra,queeseltérminoquesehaacuñadoparalosquesalieronentalescircunstancias.127

In contradistinction to the previous accounts this one defines the expressionniños de la guerra basedonthecircumstancesofthedeparture.Thesecircumstancesarenotexplicitlyexplained,buttheyappeartoberelatedtothetimeofdepartureandalsotothefactthatthispersonprobablyleftthecountryaccompaniedbyherfamily.Yettheultimatereasonnottoincludeherasamemberofthecollectiveoftheniños de la guerra wasthefactthatthenumberofguestshadtoberestricted,owingtoaquotaimposedbythefundingavailable.Ironically,Ihavetracedthispersonandshepresentsherselfandisconsideredbyothersasaniña de la guerra,asshewasachildduringtheCivilWarandshewasevacuatedtotheformerUSSRasaresultofthewar.

Inadditiontothecontroversygeneratedbytheattributede laguerraduetoitslackof specificity to a clearly defined group, this contended expression of niños de la guerraistheoriginoffurthertensions,asthewordniñosisalsoasourceofdispute.

127 Translation:‘Weinterviewedherbutintheendshedidn’tcomebecauseshewasn’tachild of the war.Shewentwithherfamilylateron.Ithink shewentasarefugeelateron,Idon’tknowif[shewent]withherfamily.Inprinciplewerecordedherbecausewethoughtshewasachild of the warandthenwhenwesawtherecordingwesawthatshewasn’tachild of the war.Inthataswell,-aswith[whethertheywere]Basqueornot-,wewantedtobevery strict,becauseifyouopenthedoortoothertypesofrefugees,well,thenthepeopletopayhomagetobecomethousands.Wehadtobeverystrict,I’msorry,butachild of the warisa child of the war,whichisthetermwhichhasbeencoinedforthosewholeftundersuchcircumstances’(conversationof03.07.2008).

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In Bilbao there are two associations of evacuees of ’37, which, as indicated by aninformant, evolved from an initial group which was called Asociación de niños evacuados el 37 (Association of evacuee children of ’37). During a telephoneconversation this informant explained that this association had the opportunity toapplyforpublicfundingifthewordjubilados (retiredpeople)werepartoftheirofficialname. After some discussions and owing to the lack of agreement, some of themembersdecidedtofoundanewassociationwhoseofficialnamewouldnotcontainthewordniñosbutitssubstitutejubilados.Thus,currentlytherearetheAsociación de niños evacuados del 37andalsotheAsociación de jubilados evacuados de la guerra civil (Association of retired evacuees of the CivilWar), both in Bilbao.Whilst I havefoundnootherdeclarationsofinformantswhichconfirmthesereasonsforthedivision,it issurprisingthat ina relativelysmallplace likeBilbaotherearetwoassociationswhosemembershipshavesuchsimilarcharacteristicsandaremainlyformedbyniños evacuadoswhoreturnedfromtheUK.128Thefactthattheyconstructarepresentationofthemselvesasniñosorjubiladosrevealswheretheyplacetheemphasisofwhoandwhattheyare.

Notallofthem,though,professsuchastrongopinionaboutthetermniñosandthisishowtheyusuallyrefertothemselves(addingvascos,evacuados,de la guerra,orexiliadosafterit).Inmanyinstancestheydisplayahumoristicapproachtoitwhenspeaking in public, making jokes at the fact that they are still being called niños despitetheirage.Interestingly,thephrase‘Toda una vida siendo niños’(‘Anentirelifebeingchildren’)(seefigurepage134)wasthetitleoftheexhibitionwhichopenedtheweekofhomageactsinBilbao.Thisstatementisparticularlyremarkableasametaphorofthekeyissueofthisdiscussion.Whilesomeindividualsofthiscollectiveareinclinedtomoveonintheirlivesandbecomeretiredjubilados,thepublicdiscoursemaintainsaunitedrepresentationofthemastheniñoswhowereoncedeprivedoftheirchildhoodasaresultofawar.

Inresponsetothis,theNiñosVascos followtheofficialordominantlinewhichinturngivesthemanidentityasagroupanditisthegroundwheretheyfeelsafe,theircomfort zone. This identity is reinforced by repetition, thus they tend to repeatanecdotesoftheirchildhood,particularlytheepisodewhichmarkedthestartoftheirexperienceofforcedmigration,thatis,theevacuationfromSanturtzi.Also,bystayingwithintheboundariesofchildhood theyachievefourpurposes:

– First,atthisstagetheystillhadastrongsenseofbelongingandtheyfeltthattheyhadahometoreturnto,whichgivesmeaningtotheirpast.

– Second, by presenting themselves as a part of a larger entity they are notindividuals on their own, which means that there is a network that providesthemwithsupport.

128 InBilbaothereisathirdassociationofniños evacuados,thisonecomposedofthosewhoreturnedfromtheformerUSSR.

– Third,theypresenttotheiraudiencethetypeofstorieswhichtheyassumethisaudiencewantstohearbymeansofengagingindescriptiveaccounts.Thesearelessdistressingthandeepreflections.

– Finally, by doing so, they avoid the difficulty of presenting themselves asindividuals who had to make difficult choices in their life. Thus, they avoidhavingtojustifythosechoices.

TheorganiserofthehomageinBilbaoprovidesanaccountwhichisanexcellentexampletoillustratethesepoints.Afterhelistenedto60interviewsofBasquechildrenwhichwerecarriedoutforhisprojectinanumberofcountriesincludingtheUK,heobserved:

Miimpresiónfuequesonunosprofesionalesdecontarlaaventuradelbarco.Esatelacuentancontodolujodedetallesliterariosyadornos,peroencuantoquieresirunpocomásallá…quelaideaeraesa,quelasentrevistassebasaranenun20%enlaaventuradelbarcoperoqueelotro80%que fueraya lodedespués,esdecir, ‘cómohasido tuvidacuandoyadejasdeserunniño de la guerra,cuandoyatedascuentadequenovasavolvery tienes que buscarte las alubias donde estés’. Desde ese momento… tanto su vidapersonal,profesional,suretorno,cuandovolvieron,sureencuentro,cómofue,hastaquépuntohamantenidoelvínculo,sisesientenmásdeaquí,másdeallí,sihubieranmandado

Poster advertising the exhibition which opened the week of homage and commemoration of the ‘Niños y niñas de la guerra vascos’ in Bilbao in 2008.

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ellosasushijosestandoenlasituacióndesuspadres…deesonolessacas,encuantointentasqueentrenunpoquitomásenprofundidad tevuelvenacontar laaventuradelbarco.Esahídondesesientenasalvo,entrarenunareflexióndevida,deesoyano.129

These observations provide a remarkable insight into a methodological issueinvolvedinthestudyofmemory.Itsummarisesageneraldispositionwhichfavoursadescriptive account of a particular time in their lives, which in some cases wastraumatic,insteadofananalysisoftheissuesandtheeventswhichconfiguredtheirlifetrajectoriesseenfromamoreholisticperspective.

The interviewergives the interviewees theopportunity tomoveaway from thataccount when he shows an interest in a variety of issues central to their lives; heactively urges them to do further identity work. Nevertheless, the interviewees areunwillingtoenterthosegrounds.Itappearsthattheydonotwantto‘stopbeinganiño de la guerra’,as therepresentationswhich theyhaveconstructedof themselvesasindividuals and also as a part of a collective are based on that key element, theevacuation,whichiswhentheircollectiveexperiencestarted.

Whilstthisattitudehasbeenobservedamongstinformantsofthisstudy,thereisalsoevidenceof reflectiveapproachesandattempts tomakesenseof thepast, forinstanceinthememoirswrittenbysomeNiños Vascos.AtthispointitisimportanttomentionthatduringthetimewhileIhavebeencollectingthedataforthisstudyIhaveobserved that the Niños Vascos have constructed and reconstructed their storiesdeveloping deeper narratives; these increasingly include more elements of theirordinarylives,andhowtheyrebuiltthesebeyondtheirexperiencesoftheinitialyearsas ‘refugeechildren’.However,duringour recordedconversations theNiños Vascoshaveusuallybeenreluctant todeviate fromthestoryof theirchildhoodwhich theyhavenarratedtoother interviewers.Theyusually ignoredmyrequest to focus theirreflections on the current commemorative upsurge and invariably put the accent indescribingtheirboattriptotheUKandtheirlivesinthecolonias.

Niños vascos

From the information which I gathered at ethnographic observations andconversations,itemergesthattheinformantsofthisstudydescribethemselvesasthe

129 Translation:‘Myimpressionwasthatthey’reallprofessionalsattellingtheboatstory.Theytellthat[story]withallsortsofliterarydetailandembellishment,butassoonasyouwant togoa littledeeper,whichwasthe idea, that the interviewsshouldbebased20%ontheboatadventurebuttheother80%onwhathappenednext,thatis,‘what’syourlifelikewhenyoustopbeingachild of the war,whenyoufinallyrealisethatyou’renotgoingtoreturnandyouhavetomakeyourlivingwhereveryouare’.Fromthatmomenton…[Iwasinterested]asmuchintheirpersonalandprofessionallife,theirreturn,whentheyreturned,theirreunion,whatitwaslike,towhatextenttheyhavemaintainedthelink,iftheyfeelmorefromhere,morefromthere,iftheywouldhavesenttheirchildrenawayiftheywereinthesamesituationastheirparentswere…youcan’tgetthemawayfromthat,assoonasyoutrytogetthemtogodeepertheytellyoutheadventureoftheboatagain.That’swheretheyfeelsafe,theydon’twanttobereflectiveabouttheirlife’(conversationof03.07.2008).

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Basque ChildrenorNiños Vascos.ThatisalsothenamebywhichtheyareidentifiedbyothersintheUKasitappearsintheliterature,filmsandmediabroadcasts.Itisalsothetermgenerallyusedbyassociationsandinstitutions,whoatapublicleveloftenaddtoitcommentssuchas:

niñosvascos(basquechildren),astheystillcallthemselvesdespitenowbeingallintheir70sand80s130.

Whilst theexpressionniños de la guerraconnotesa largesemantic fieldwhoseboundariesareperceivedasparticularlyimpreciseasithasbeendiscussedearlier,thetermniños vascos isusedspecificallyforthechildrenwhowereevacuatedfromtheBasqueCountry.ItdistinguishesthemfromthechildrenwhowereevacuatedfromanyotherlocationwithintheSpanishterritoryduringtheCivilWar.Itis,therefore,usedinitsgeographicalsenseinrelationtothepointofdeparture,regardlessoftheoriginandfamilybackgroundofthechildrenwhoareknownbyit.

Itisnoteworthythattheadjectivevascosusedinthedestinationcountryinorderto identifytheniños,placescentrality inthepointofdeparture, that is, theBasqueCountry.Atthislocationofdeparturethough,theattributevascosisnotperceivedasnecessary, thus theyaresometimes identifiedas theniños evacuados, inageneralsense which also includes children evacuated to any other countries, or the niños ingleses (English children), more specifically. This shows a semantic shift whichtransfersthecentralityoftheconceptfromthepointofdeparturetothepointofarrivalorvice versadependingonwherethespeakeris.131

Adistinctioncouldbemadebetweenthedifferentmeaningswhichtheinformantsattach to the word ‘Basque’. With a few exceptions, besides the geographicalinterpretation the general tendency of the Niños Vascos who I approached for thisstudywasthat theyconsider it fromaculturalperspective.However,one informantascribedapoliticalmeaningtoit,understanding‘theBasque’asapoliticisedconcept,andthusquestioningthesuitabilityofcallinghimselfniño vasco inthatsense.

Foralongtime,particularlyduringthelastfewdecades,thepoliticisationoftheconcept the Basque has generated enormous controversy. It has become such acomplextopicthatitisnotpossibletodiscussitindepthinthecontextofthisbook.Nevertheless,toacertainextentthiswiderdebateneedstobetakenintoaccountinordertoexaminethelabelniños vascos.

Istructuremyanalysisfollowingachronologicaltrajectoryofitsappearanceandfurtheruse,withtheaimofestablishingwhenandbywhomitisusedandthereasonsbehindit. Itcanbearguedthatthereisalsoanagendabehindthediscoursewhich

130 IBMT newsletter,autumn2009.

131 Interestingly,intheprologueofabookofmemoirswrittenbyaniño vasco,theexpression‘niños vascos rusos’(Santamaría2008:10)isusedtorefertothosewhowereevacuatedtotheUSSR.

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erasesthistermandsubstitutesitbyothersmorevague,suchasniños de la guerraorsimplyniños.

From the early days after the evacuation, there are examples of the use of theexpressions ‘Basque children’ and ‘Basque refugees’ in the press by journalists andreaderswhowroteinrelationtothearrivalofthechildrenandtheirstayatthe‘BasqueCamp’ of Eastleigh. Furthermore, there is documentary evidence of this use whichpredatestheevacuation.Forinstance,theHampshire Chronicle publishedalettertotheeditoron20May1937wheretworeadersfromWinchesterwrote‘Inconnectionwiththecampnowbeingestablishedforabout4000BasquechildrenatNorthStoneham’.

Otherearlyexamplesincludeletterstotheeditorandarticlesof6and9June,2and13 July,11August,and6and29October,allof themof1937, inThe Times.Sixmonthslater,on26March1938,theSalvationArmy’sweeklyTheWar Crypublishedanarticleentitled‘“Basque-ing”inthesunshine’,withpicturesofthechildrenwhoaredescribedasthe‘BasqueRefugeeChildren’.

Withafewexceptionswheretheyarepresentedas‘SpanishrefugeeBoysfromtheSpanishChildrens’Home,Almondbury’132or‘QuartetofSpanishChildrenatWhersteadParkcentre,Ipswich’133,allthedocumentaryandphotographicevidencegatheredforthisstudy(andwhichisrelatedtotheactsorganisedthroughouttheUKtoraisefundsforthechildren),presentedthemasthe‘BasqueChildren’.Infact,theentranceofthecamp in Stoneham, Eastleigh, was signalled with a big placard which announced‘BasqueChildren’sCamp’(seefigurepage138andHCCn.d.video).

TherearevariouswrittentestimoniesofNiños Vascoswhoconfirmtheuseofthislabel:

Íbamosbastantealcineenelpueblo.Entrábamossinpagar,sólohacíafaltadeciralportero:Basque Children,yélcontestaba:Walk in.134

(Eizaguirre1999:154)

Duranteuntiempomividatranscurríaentreelinstituto,lanuevacasaymisvisitasalcine.Josechuysusamigossemovíanenunpequeñogrupo,aisladosdelrestodelosniños vascos,queeracomonosllamaban,yaúnhoynossiguenllamandoasí.135

(Santamaría2008:173)

132 ThisisaposteradvertisinganeventwhichwasheldonWednesday7DecemberandSaturday10December.Theyearisnotdisplayedontheadvert,howeverIassumeitwas1938,asthatistheonlydatewhenthe7DecemberwasaWednesdaybetweenthedatewhenthechildrenarriveduntil1949.

133 Thisposterdoesnotexplainwhattheeventisorwhenitwasheld.However,itbelongstothearchivesoftheBasqueChildrenof’37AssociationUKanditisassumedthatitadvertisesaneventsimilartotheothersprovidedhere.

134 Translation:‘Weusedtogotothecinemaoften.Wedidn’tpaytogetin,itwasonlyneededtosaytothedoorman:Basque children [originallyinEnglish],andheusedtosay:Walk in[originallyinEnglish]’.

135 Translation:‘Forawhilemylifewasspentbetweenthecollege,thenewhomeandmyvisitstothecinema.Josechuandhisfriendshungaroundinalittlegroup,isolatedfromtherestoftheBasque children,whichishowwewerecalled,andstillare’.

Theterm‘Basquechildren’alsoappearsinthefirsttwobookspublishedintheUKinrelationtothetopicasearlyas1937and1938.YvonneCloud’sbookpublished with the title The Basque Children in England gave an account of the life of thechildrenatthecamp,explainingthat‘TheProceedsfromtheSaleofthisBookarebeingdevotedtotheBasqueChildren’sCommittee’(Cloud1937:4).In1938,thewarcorrespondent George Steer wrote ‘The feeling of ordinary English people for theBasquechildrenwasreflectedintheirgifts’ inhisbookThe Tree of Gernika (Steer2009:263).136

As emerges from these examples, the Basque Children were known by thisexpressionevenbeforetheirarrivalintheUKinMayof1937.Toacertainextentitisperplexing that in a foreign country the adjective ‘Basque’ was used instead of‘Spanish’,whichonewouldassumewasthemorewidespreadandrecognisablebytheBritishpopulation.Inordertodeterminethereasonsforthisunexpectedchoice,theevacuationcannotbeconsideredasanactinisolationanditneedstobeplacedinthecontextofthatperiodoftime.Fourmainfactorscanbeindicatedasthemostsalientcausesofthisunpredicteddetailedknowledge:

136 ThebookusedforthisstudyisareprintoftheoriginalbookwrittenbySteerinEnglishwhichwaspublishedin1938.IhavealsoaccessedaSpanishtranslationpublishedin1963.

Part of an informative poster by the Basque Children of ’37 Association UK.

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– Firstly, as discussed in Chapter 2 there were well established links betweenBritainandtheBasqueCountryduetostrongcommerciallinksbetweenthetwocountries; thus the British, particularly the people from Southampton (whichwasthemainportofarrivalanddepartureofcargo),wererelativelyfamiliarwiththeBasque.

– Secondly, the Civil War was closely followed by a considerable sector of theBritish public, who was aware of the hard situation of the Basque provinces.Furthermore, when volunteers such as Leah Manning became involved in theorganisation of the evacuation, they started negotiations with the BasqueGovernment.Thus,thecampaignaimedatanevacuationof‘Basque’children,from the ‘Basque’ Country pressured by a ‘Basque’ government desperate tosenditschildrentoasafeshelter.

– Thirdly, thenewsof thebombingofGernikaalso reached thosewhohadnotpreviously been interested in the war mainly through the reports of GeorgeSteer,whowasalsoaBasquesympathiser.

– Finally, when the British Government gave permission for the evacuation, theBasqueChildren’sCommittee(BCC)wassetupandtookresponsibilityforthechildren in the UK. It is not surprising that this organisation used the word‘Basque’torefertothechildreninalltheirofficialprocedures,andattheeventswhichtheyorganisedthroughoutthecountryinordertoraisefunds.

Inrelationtotheseevents,BellpointsoutthattheBasqueDelegationinLondonhadrequestedfromtheBCCthat:

ratherthandispersingthechildrenindividuallyintoEnglishfamilies[…]theybekepttogether,preciselysothattheymightretaintheirculturalidentity.Onepracticewhich,inmany colonies, certainly helped to reinforce that sense of collective identity was theformation of groups to perform traditional Basque songs and dances in ‘homemade’costumesinthehalls,andtheatresthroughouttheirlocality.

(Bell1996:77-78)

TheparadoxisthatalthoughintheUKthechildrenwerecategorisedasBasqueinrelationtomainlygeographicalparameters,alargenumberofthemdidnotbelongtothatcategoryaccordingtosomepredominantethnicnationalisticparametersofthattime.Inthisrespect,Arrienexplains:

ElPNVloasumió[eltérmino‘vascos’]yenaquellaépocavascoseranprácticamentelosdelPNV.137Losotroserangente inmigrante.Muchosde losque fuerona Inglaterraeranhijosdeemigrantes;castellano-parlantes.Yvonne[Cloud]cometeesedisparate;ensulibro

137 Partido Nacionalista Vasco(BasqueNationalistParty),thepartywhoheldthemajorityofvotesintheBasqueGovernmentwhenthewarstarted.

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diceque‘enrealidadlosvascosquehanvenidoaquísonpocos,ylosquehablaneuskerasonmenos’.Ahíseequivoca,porquetodoslosqueerannacionalistascreoquehablabanalgodeeuskera.Sabersabían,otracosaesquehablaranenpúblico.Paramítodoelqueviveaquíesvasco.Yoenesesentidosoymuyamplio;paramítodoslosquehanidodeaquíaunquehayanvenidodedondesea.PorquenotodoslosqueevacuaronaInglaterraeranoriundos de Bizkaia y Gipuzkoa; sino que habían venido de otros sitios. Pero yo comosalierondeaquílesllamovascos.Cloudconfunde‘vascos’conlosquehablaneuskera.Esoes un equívoco, porque aquí somos bilingües y siempre hemos sido. Parece que eracostumbreentonces,servascoerasereuskaldun.138

On the one hand this account illustrates the informant’s agreement with thegeographicalinterpretationofthe‘Basque’discussedabove.Ontheother,ithighlightsthe confusion created by a construction of a Basque identity based exclusively onethnicity and language which excluded those whose background was not originallyBasqueandwhodidnotspeaktheBasquelanguage.

AlltheNiños VascoswereintheBasqueCountryatthetimeofdeparture;however,informationgatheredfromconversationswithparticipantsrevealsthatsomeofthemhadnotbeenbornintheBasqueCountry,orthattheyhadbeenborntheretoparentswhohadmigratedfromotherareaswithintheSpanishstate.

Threeconsequencesofthiscanbehighlightedwhichhadamajor impact intheperceived sense of belonging of the subjects of this study. First, many of theminternalisedtheprevailingnationalisticconstructof‘theBasque’andgrewupeitherfeelingexcludedorexcludingotherswhodidnotconformtothatcategory.Thisisathemewhichemergesinconversationsamongstinformants encapsulatedincommentssuch as ‘ese es maketo‘ (‘that one is maketo’)139 or ‘yo soy maketo. Solo tengo elúltimoapellidovasco’140.

Second, some of them experienced xenophobic incidents when they were stillliving in the homeland, which developed a feeling of exclusion and of resentment

138 Translation:‘ThePNVassumed[theterm ‘Basque’]andinthattimetheBasqueswerepractically[only]themembersofthePNV.Theotherswereimmigrants.ManyofthosewhowenttoEnglandwerechildrenofemigrants;Spanishspeakers.Yvonne[Cloud]makesthatmistake;inherbookshesaysthat‘inrealitytheBasqueswhohavecomeherearefew,andthosewhospeakBasque,evenless’.She’swrongtosaythat,becauseIbelievethatallthenationalistsspokesomeBasque.AlthoughtheyknewBasque,anotherthingwaswhethertheyspokeitinpublic.AsfarasI’mconcerned,everyonewholiveshereisBasque.I’mveryopeninthatrespect;[even]thosewhohavegonefromherenomatterwherethey’vecomefrom.BecausenoteveryonewhowasevacuatedtoEnglandwasoriginallyfromBizkaiaorGipuzkoa;somehadcomefromotherplaces.Butas they left fromhere Icall themBasque.Cloudconfuses [theterm] ‘Basque’with thosewhospeak it.That’samistake,becauseherewearebilingualandalwayshavebeen.Itseemsthatitwasthecustomthen,thatbeingBasquemeantyouwereaeuskaldun’ (conversationof24.06.2008).Euskaldun istheBasquewordwhichhastraditionallydefinedaBasqueperson.Itisanabstractionofeuskera duena,whichliterallymeans‘(s)hewhohastheBasquelanguage’.

139 Translation: ‘That one is maketo’ [used to identify immigrants who migrated to the Basque Country from other Spanishregions. Itwouldbe toocomplex toanalysehere thepejorativenomenclaturewhichwasusedtodefineboth thenativepopulationandtheimmigrantsduringtheperiodunderinvestigation.However,itisanoutstandingtopicwhichhasnotbeensufficientlystudiedanditiscallingforscholarlyresearch].

140 Translation:‘Iammaketo.OnlymylastsurnameisBasque’[ThiscommentrelatestothefactthatSpanishcitizenshavetwosurnames;thefirstoneistheirfather’sfirstsurnameandthesecondoneistheirmother’sfirstsurname.Thus,whentheinformantsmakethiscommentitmeansthatalthoughtheirmother’ssurnameisBasquetheirfather’sisnot].

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towards‘theBasque’,asthisconceptwasequatedtoexclusion.Thememoriesofaninformantepitomisethealienationexperiencedbyhisfamily:

They felt resentment thatanoutsidershouldencroachupon theirdomain.Notonlythat,wewere‘maketos’--immigrants.Myparentsweresimplepeopleandverypoor.TheyhadcometoVizcayafrom[…]Theyhadcomehopingtofindworkandtoescapethemiseryandpovertyofsubsistencefarminginthesierras.Thisdreadfulbehaviourtowardsthem,Ifoundcontemptible.Itwasbasedonignorance,envy,narrowmindedBasquenationalism,andalackofhumanity.141

Finally, ironically once they arrived in the receiving country they all came to beknownas‘Basques’,whichgavesomeofthemanidentitythattheymighthavebeendenied earlier at home. Furthermore, this also meant that some were somewhatdeprivedoftheiridentity,sincetheymighthavenotconsideredthemselvesasBasquesbefore, for instance those who had not been born in the Basque Country. During aconversationwhichwehadatanannualmealaninformantclaimed:

Yonotengoidentidad.Yonosoyvasco.Yonacíyvivíen[…]durantelosprimerosañosde mi vida, y después cuando vine a Inglaterra me llamaron alien, me robaron miidentidad.142

Another informant confesses that he is ‘proud to be a maketo’ and during ourconversationshasalwaysrejectedhisalleged‘Basque’identity,despitethefactthatheispartofthecollectiveunderstudy,andalsoheisonamissiontodisseminatetheexperienceofexileofthiscollectivebymeansofgivinglectures,talks,interviewstothe media, and participating in a number of events related to the Niños Vascos.Paradoxically,inhispublicappearanceshealwaysidentifieshimselfasaniño vascowithstatementssuchas:

He estado indagando e investigando sobre esa organización a ver lo que hizo pornosotros,losniñosvascos,yloquehacehoydía.143

Nosotros,losniñosvascos(We,theBasquechildren).

Sometimestheuseoftheterm‘niños’onitsownhasbeenobserved,butwhilstaninformantdeclaredthatit‘tendstobeusedaffectionatelyorinpassingconversation’,theNiños Vascos(andtheirchildren)144approacheddirectlywithregardtothismatterunanimouslyexpressedtheirdisapprovalwithcommentssuchas:

141 Writtentestimonybyaninformant.

142 Translation:‘Idon’thaveanidentity.I’mnotBasque.Iwasbornandlivedin[…]duringthefirstyearsofmylife,andthenwhenIcametoEnglandtheycalledmealien [originalinEnglish],theystolemyidentity’[Foranonymityreasonstheplaceofbirth,whichisoutsidetheBasqueCountry,hasbeendeleted.Thiscommentwasmadeattheannualreunionof21May2006.Ialsoheardthispersonmakeasimilarcommentattheannualmealof25May2008whenwesatatthesametable].

143 Translation:‘I’vebeenmakinginquiriesandinvestigatingthatorganisationtoseewhatitdidforus,theBasquechildren,andwhatitdoestoday’.

144 TheexamplesgivenhereareonlyasampleofthemanyresponsesIreceivedwhenIaskedmyinformantsabouttheuseoftheterms‘niños vascos’and‘niños’.Alltheexamplesshownwerereceivedinwriting.Ihavenotincludedoraldatacollectedinpersonorfromtelephoneconversations.

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Idonotliketheterm‘Niños’.Wehavealwaysbeenknownas‘TheBasqueChildrenorlosniñosvascos’.145

Mumsaysthechildrenalwaysrefertothemselvesas‘niñosvascos’.146

Mimadrees‘NiñaVasca’ytodosquevinieronenelHabanaeranysiempreserán‘NiñosVascos’.147

Iwassurprisedthattheywerereferredtoas“LosNiños”throughout.Theyhavealwaysbeen known as “Los NiñosVascos” because they all came from the same region, notbecausetheywerethechildrenofBasquedescendants.148

Ithinktheyshouldbe‘niñosvascos’aswehavealwaysknownthem.149

Veryrecentlyaniño vascoshowedhisprofounddiscontentregardingthismatterwhen he declared in public that he is not going to take part at an importantcommemorativeeventwhichwillbeheldnextyeartomarkthe75thanniversaryoftheirarrival,owingtothefactthat‘esosmequitanelnombre’(‘theystealmyname’).

Theissuesoutlinedabovehaveanimpactindiscursiveproduction,andalsorevealsomeoccasionalcontradictionsbetweentheprivateandpublicpersonas.Whilstataprivate level some Niños Vascos maintain that they are not Basque, publicly theyacceptbeingcategorisedassuchbyothersandthusconstructapertinentdiscourse.I regard this as an excellent example of the conflicts and contradictions betweenoperatingparameterscharacterisingcollectivememory.Interestingly,ithasemergedfrom conversations that informants do not see this issue as problematic. ThisstandpointisidentifiedbyDaviesandHarre,whomaintain:

Whooneis,isalwaysanopen-endedquestionwithashiftinganswerdependinguponthepositionsmadeavailablewithinone’sownandothers’discursivepracticesandwithinthesepractices,thestoriesthroughwhichwemakesenseofourownandothers’lives.

(Davies&Harre1990)

InspiteoftheperceivedresignationofsomeNiños Vascosinacceptingwhatcouldappeartobeanimposedidentity,theyarealsosocialactorswhosediscourseshaveimplicationsinthesocialspaceswheretheyoperate.Theyareagentsofchangewhohavethepowertobothchangediscoursesandalsotointroducenewones.Wecanseeagoodexampleof this inamessagewhichwasdistributedtoadvertiseoneof theeventsheldatThePoint,Eastleigh,inOctober2007:

Please findattachedanelectronic flyerdetailingaseriesofculturalevents thataretakingplaceatThePointArtsUnitinEastleighbetween10thand13thOctober2007.These

145 Emailof02.08.2010.

146 Emailof22.07.2010.

147 Translation:‘Mymotherisaniña vascaandallwhocameontheHabana wereandalwayswillbeNiños Vascos’(emailof24.07.2010).

148 Emailof30.07.2010.

149 Emailof29.07.2010.

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eventsarepartofthe70thAnniversaryCommemorationofthearrivalintheUKofnearly4,000BasqueandSpanishevacueechildrenfromtheSpanishCivilWar.150

ThisexcerptstandsoutforitsnewapproachtotheidentitarianpresentationsoftheNiños Vascos.Thusfarwehadseenadichotomybetweenthe‘Basquechildren’andthe‘Spanishchildren’whichwithfewexceptionsgravitatedtowardstheformer.However,thepersonwhowrotetheemailabovefoundathirdwaybystating‘BasqueandSpanish’.

Thedichotomisation‘BasqueandSpanish’mightbeinterpretedasasimpleanswertothecontestedaccuracyofthephrase.However,itraisestwocriticalissues.Firstly,itthreatensthecohesionofthegroupbymeansoffragmentation,thuscontributingtoitsinvisibility.Secondly,itintroducesanewdiscoursewhichtheoreticallydoesnotimposeanyidentity,howeveritbringsanissuetotheforeandconsequently,oncechangehashappened,othersocialagentsmightfeelpressuredtoactuponit.Whataretheygoingtosay,theBasque Children?TheSpanish children?TheBasque and Spanish children?

IfollowedthisupandthusfarhavenotfoundevidenceofchangeofnomenclaturewithinthecollectiveoftheNiños Vascos.Yetthereareexamplesofprojects,academicmaterial and oral evidence which show that within some circles they are nowoccasionallysimplylabelled‘niños’.Iinterpretthissimplificationasawayouttoavoidhavingtomakeadifficultchoiceonasubjectthatmightbeperceivedascontroversial.Asaconsequence,themostuniqueaspectofthiscollectivedissolvesandgets lostwithin a wider discourse of niños de la guerra or similar, thus losing meaning asdiscussedabove.Moreover,therearenumerousexamplesofacommonmisspellingoftheword,whichbecomes‘Ninos’owingtothefactthattheEnglishalphabetdoesnothavetheletter‘ñ’andmanypeopledonotknowhowtoobtainitwhenusinganEnglishkeyboard.Whilethepublicingeneralmightbeabletorealisethemistakewere‘NinosVascos’ written like that, that is, misspelled, it is highly unlikely that any averageperson will rightly guess what the word ‘ninos’ (on its own and without a context)refersto,forinstanceonaflyerorashortadvertofanevent.

A metamorphosis of the precise expression ‘Basque refugee children’ into ameaningless ‘ninos’ does not seem to fully support the theoretical purpose of theso-called‘recuperationofthehistoricalmemory’.Also,thereisashiftofframework,whichtakesthediscourseawayfromthefieldofBasquemigrationanddiaspora,andalso Basque identity, discussed by scholars such as Totoricagüena (2005) andOiarzabal (2007), to the wider discourse of the Spanish exile, thus sanctioning thestateofficiallineofunitarismdiscussedinChapter3.

Anexampleofthisshiftisthatthisbookisbasedonmydoctoralthesiswhichhasthetitle‘TheBasquerefugeechildrenoftheSpanishCivilWarintheUK:memoryand

150 Emailof21.09.2007.

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memorialisation’;however,mythesishasbeenpresented,andstillis,asa‘PhDbasedon the experiences of Spanish refugees who were evacuated to the UK during theSpanishCivilWar’onmyUniversity’swebsitedespitemyeffortstohavethatvaguecharacterisationchanged.Itisinterestingtonotethatthesamesourcewhichusedtheterm‘Basquechildren’151inanadvertplacedinMarch2007,hasforthelastfewyearsre-labelledthose‘BasqueChildren’as‘Spanishrefugees’.

By merging this collective and putting the emphasis on the wider and highlyheterogeneousphenomenonofthe‘Spanishrefugees’thereisariskthatthenarrativesoftheNiños Vascosasauniquegrouparelostandtheybecomeinvisible.Thethemeoftheirpublicinvisibility,whichhasgeneratedaperceptionofbeing‘los olvidados’, hasbeenrecurrentlyhighlightedbymanyofmy informants in theirnarrativesand Idiscussitnext.

Los olvidados

Ashplantetal. (2000)observetheincreaseofa‘transnationaldiscourseoftrauma,victimhoodandhumanrights’sincethemid-1970sandespeciallysince1989.

Thelabellos olvidadosiscontemplatedhereaspartofa‘victimhood’ discoursethat apparently contradicts the agentive character of the Niños Vascos discussedabove. Nevertheless, their perceived vulnerability, particularly during childhood, isalsoacentralaspectoftheirnarratives.Victimisationisreinforcedwiththeuseofanumberofpowerfulanddramatickeyelementsintheaccountsofpersonalexperiences,to the extent that we are observing the process of construction of this group’smythology.Thistranslatesintoasharedlanguagewhichstrengthenstheidentityofthegroupassuch.

Ashplant et al. expose the function of myths (amongst other ‘pre-memories’ or‘templates’oftheremembranceofawar)as‘theframesthroughwhichlaterconflictsareunderstood’astheyshapepersonalmemoryoperatingattheindividuals’psychiclevel(Ashplantetal.2000:34).Oncetheseindividualshavea‘common’languagetheyareinapositiontotelltheiraudiencewhotheyare.AccordingtoAlonsoCarballés:

Thefinalresultisanincompletecollectivememory,withlacunas;attimeswithacertainamountofmyths,but[amemory]whichhasbeenaccepted,internalisedandassimilatedastheirownbythemembersofthegroup.

(AlonsoCarballés1998:190)

151 Thecompletetextoftheadvertwas‘VOLUNTEERSDoyoustudySpanish?¡¡NECESITAMOSTUAYUDA!![weneedyourhelp]WearerecruitingvolunteerstohelpwiththeCommemorationofthearrivaloftheBasqueChildreninSouthamptonwhowereescapingthehorrorsofGuernica’.

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Threemainaxescanbeconsideredinordertogroupthesupportingelementsofthevictimsdiscourse,namelyexperiencespriortothejourney,thejourneyin-betweencountries itself, and the aftermath, including the Niños Vascos’ perception ofthemselves being ultimately forgotten by the public without recognition orcompensationfortheirsuffering.

Prior To The journey

Firstly, it is noticeable the emphasis which the informants put in the refusal ofadmittancebytheBritishGovernmentandtheproblemsrelatedtotheorganisationoftheirevacuation.Theyalsoaccentuatetheirexperiencesofseparationandshreddingofroots,andthelossoffamilyandhome,instatementssuchas:

Carmen,ÁngelandIenjoyedanidyllicchildhood[…]WetravelledtoPortugaleteon20May1937.Wewereallcryinganditwasawfultobetornawayfromourparents.Ididn’twanttoletgoofMamá’shand.

(Benjamin2007:15)

Tolookbackovereventsthatturnedachildintoanadultisnoteasy.Theybeganasanightmare,sayinggoodbyetoparentsandfamilyandthelongjourneythatawaitedus.

(Benjamin2007:19)

Nuestra salida fue en un día hermoso y claro, diría que de los mejores de aquellaprimavera,perotristísimoalmomentoenquetodaslasfamiliasdebíansepararsedesushijos.ViajamosportrendesdeBilbaoaSanturce.Enlaestacióndeltrenyenelpuerto,elambienteeradegritosyllorosdesgarradores,¡quédespedidamáshorrible!¿Volveríamosaveranuestrasqueridasfamilias?152

(Benjamin2007:296)

In theseaccounts, theuseof termssuchas ‘crying’, ‘nightmare’and ‘tristísimo’(‘very sad’) which identify and emphasise the intensity of the negative emotions isnoteworthy.Furthermore,inthefirstexampleatheatricalimpressioniscreatedbytheliterary contrast between the idealised beginning of the sentence with ‘idyllicchildhood’andthelater‘tornaway’.

Thiseffectisalsoachievedinthethirdexamplebytheuseoftheoppositeterms‘de los mejores’ (‘of the best’) and ‘gritos y lloros desgarradores’ (‘screaming andharrowing cries’),and‘despedidahorrible’(‘horriblegoodbye’).TherelevanceofthisisthatnotonlyhavetheNiños Vascosconstructedarepresentationofthemselvesasthecasualtiesofawar,thus,the victims,butalsotheyhaveconstructedamythoftheiridyllicchildhoodpriortotheevacuationwhichmagnifiestheirloss.

152 Translation:‘Ourdeparturewasonabeautifulandclearday;I’dsayoneofthebestthatspring;butverysadatthemomentwhenall the familieshadtobeseparatedfromtheirchildren.Wetravelledbytrain fromBilbaotoSanturtzi.At thetrainstationandthedock,theatmospherewasofscreamingandharrowingcries,whatahorriblegoodbye!Wouldweeverseeourbelovedfamiliesagain?’

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Itisremarkablethatwhilstoneinformantdescribesthedayofdepartureas‘claro’(‘clear’)andoneofthebestofthatspring,anotherinformantrecallsit‘siladespedidaeratriste,eldíatambiénloeraporquerecuerdoquellovía’153(Benjamin2007:288).Aninformanttouchesuponthissubjectconfessinghis‘romantisation’ofhischildhood,whichisnotsharedbyhiswife,owingtothefactthatshewastooyoungatthetimeoftheevacuation:

Imean,Feli–shewasonlysix;shedoesn’tknowanythingaboutSpain.WhenIstarttoromanticiseaboutmychildhoodinSpain,shecan’tdoanyofthatbecauseshewasonlyababy.

(Bell1996:196)

Connected to the notions of pain and rupture, and the creation of a mythologyparticulartothegroup,theideahasbeenconstantlyrecordedthattheNiños Vascoswereleaving‘onlyforthreemonths’whichtheyrepeatintheiraccounts.AsdiscussedinChapter1, thiscanbe interpretedasaconstructwhichhasbeendevelopedasastrategytocopewiththedistressoftheseparation.Italsohelpedthechildrentomakemeaningofsuchatraumaticeventasthedecisionoftheirparentstosendthemaway,whichwasconstruedbysomeasbeingabandoned(Benjamin2007:13).154

The journey

The second axis can be exemplified by numerous explicit quotations of theirsuffering,bothphysicalandpsychological,duringtheir‘nightmarish’and‘horrendous’seacrossingona ‘labyrinthic’ship fullofseasickchildrenwhowerescared,amongother reasons, because ‘Nos perseguía un barco franquista y todavía oigo el boomboom de sus cañones disparándonos al abandonar aguas españolas’155 (Benjamin2007:266).

Thisisdocumentedinbooks,memoires,filmsandaccountswhicharecharacterisedby the amount of graphic detail in which the informants base the relation of theirtravellingexperience.

Anevacueewritesinhermemoirs:

Seríanaproximadamente lascuatrode lamañanacuandoelnavíoparececrearvida.Pulsaextrañamente.Ruidossordoshacentemblarlosfrágilestabiques.Lasanclassonizadasylapequeñaciudadflotante,consuinauditacargadesufrimientoyesperanzaseponeenmovimiento.Lospequeñosviajantes,comomovidosporunúnicoimpulso,despiertan.Nos

153 Translation:‘ifthegoodbyewassad,thensowasthedaybecauseIrememberitrained’.

154 During a conversation with Gregorio Arrien when I explained to him my doubts about the historical rigour of this ‘now’unanimouslyspreadexpression,hepointedoutattheinconsistencyofthisideaof‘onlyforthreemonths’owingtothefactthattherewasaninitialagreementofsixmonthswiththeBCC(conversationof24.06.2008).

155 Translation: ‘A Francoist boat chased us and I can still hear the boom boom of its cannons shooting at us while we leftSpanishwaters’.

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dirigimos todoshacía lascubiertasparaunúltimoadiósanuestraqueridapatriadondequedanlosmejoresrecuerdosdenuestrainfanciaynuestrosseresmásqueridos.156

(Barajuán2005:67)

Thisaccountisagoodexampleoftheissueshighlightedabovewithregardtoanarrativewhichreliesontheuseofavarietyofdramatictermsandliteraryresourcesinordertopoeticiseanddramatisetheexperience.

The afTermaTh: life as a refugee/exile/alien

The final axis in which this victimhood discourse is based is the negativeexperienceswhichmarkedthelivesoftheNiños VascosaftertheirarrivalintheUK.This includes a perceived sense of public invisibility which crystallised into theadoptionofthetermLos Olvidadostorefertothemselves.

Negative feelings are reported with regard to the division to which they weresubjectedatthecampimmediatelyaftertheirarrival(seeChapter2fordivisiononthebasisofpoliticalaffiliation/segregation).Thismeantthatthechildrenweredeniedthepossibilitytosharetheprivatespaceofthetentswheretheysleptwithotherchildrenwhomtheymighthavechosen.Also,thesechildrenwereaccustomedbothtospendallthetimeandalsotoparticipateinallactivitieswiththeirsiblingsandfriendsregardlessoftheirgender.Nonethelessthegirlsandboysweresegregatedinseparatetents.

Despitethefeelingsprovokedbythesegregationthatoccurredatthecampsite,thechildrenwerenotdeterredfrommixingtogether:

Elcampamentoestabadividido,aun ladoestaban losnacionalistas,consutienda-capilla,alotrolosnonacionalistas.Nuncapudeentenderelporquédeestaseparación,nisupedequiénfuelaidea.Queyosepa,enningunaotrapartedeGranBretañaestuvimosseparados en los Basque Children Centres, e incluso había un Comité Central Vasco enLondres. Pero la gente cruzaba aquella división de vergüenza. Y aparte de políticasmezquinas, estaban los periódicos sensacionalistas ingleses. Algunos fotógrafos seacercabanalaalambradaexterioryrepartíanunospeniquesentrelosniñoscuriosos.Lesanimabanajugarapostandoeldineroyentonceslessacabanfotos.Hevistoesasfotos,enprimeraplana.Deasco.157

(Eizaguirre1999:53)

156 Translation:‘Itwouldbeapproximatelyfourinthemorningwhentheshipseemstogivebirth.Itpulsesstrangely.Deafeningthudsmakethefragilepartitionstremble.Theanchorsareliftedandthelittlefloatingcity,withitsunprecedentedcargoofsufferingandhopestartstomove.Thesmalltravellers,asifmovedbyasingleimpulse,wakeup.Weallheadtowardsthedeckstosayalastgoodbyetoourbelovedhomewherethebestmemoriesofourchildhoodandourmostlovedonesremain’.

157 Translation: ‘Thecampwasdivided;toonesidetherewerethenationalists,withtheirchapel-tent;totheotherthenon-nationalists.Icouldneverunderstandthereasonforthisseparation,norwhoseideaitwas.AsfarasIknow,weweren’tseparatedinanyotherpartoftheUKintheBasque Children Centres,therewasevenaBasque Central CommitteeinLondon.Butpeoplecrossedthatdivisionofshame.Andapartfrompetty politics,therewerethesensationalistEnglishnewspapers.Somephotographersusedtogetclosetotheperimeterwireandusedtodistributepenniesto thecuriouschildren.Theyencouragedthemtoplayandbetmoneyandthentheytookpicturesofthem.I’ve seenthosepictures,onthefrontpage.Disgusting’[TheitalicsareEnglishwordsoriginally].

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Somechildrensoonfacedyetanotherfamilyfracturewhentheywereseparatedfromtheirsiblingstobesenttodifferentcolonias.Testimoniesprovideexamplesofstrategies developed by the children, which sometimes helped them to avoidexperiencing,onceagain,ruptureandloss:

Algodespuésempezaronatrasladarnosacolonias.Yomeapuntéconmihermanoauna.Peroresultóqueamímellevabanyaélno,porserpequeño.Eldíaenqueyodebíapartirmeescapéymeescondíenunbosquecercanoalcampamento,juntoaunpueblollamadoEastleigh.Allíestuvehastaquecreíqueelautobúsyahabríasalidohacialaestacióndeferrocarril.158

(Eizaguirre1999:108)

Inordertobeallowedtostaywiththeirsiblingssomechildrenresortedtolyingabouttheirage:

Empezaronarepartirnosengruposparaenviarnosaotroslugares.Paranosepararmedemihermana,yodijequeteníaonceaños,dosmásdelosqueenrealidadtenía,yquecuidaríadeella.159

(Eizaguirre1999:121)

ThepreviousaccountsbringtolightanagentivedimensionoftheNiños Vascos,who from an early stage showed their resilience and their capability to developstrategies which challenged their role as mere passive victims of a world of adultswheredecisionsweremadeforthemwithoutconsultation.

However,issuesofsocialdislocation,confusion,andanxietyareregularlyraisedwhichstressthefactthatinformantsweredeprivedofa‘normal’childhoodintermsofboththeirrupturewithhomeandalsotheconstantchaosofdisplacementinthenewcountry.Thesefeelingsaresummarisedinthefollowingcomments:

NowandagainwhenIfeelabitmelancholyIrealisehowhiggledy-piggledyourliveshavebeen[…]Mostofusweretooyoungtobeseparatedfromourfamiliesatsuchanearlyage,becauseitmarksyoufortherestofyourlife.

(Benjamin2007:130)

BythetimeIwas19,I’dhad8yearsofwars.160

In addition to anecdotes which express some initial awareness of being in adifferentcountry,therearealsosomedeeperidentitarianissuesraised.Aniña vasca cheerfullyrecountssomefirstimpressions:

158 Translation:‘Alittlelatertheystartedtomoveustocolonias.Iputmynameandmybrother’sdownforone.Butitturnedoutthattheyweregoingtotakemebutnothim,becausehewaslittle.OnthedayIwassupposedtoleaveIescapedandhidinaforestclosetothecamp,nearatowncalledEastleigh.IwasthereuntilIthoughtthebushadleftforthetrainstation’.

159 Translation:‘Theystartedtodivideusintogroupstosendustootherplaces.Soasnottobeseparatedfrommysister,IsaidIwas11yearsold,twomorethanIreallywas,andthatIwouldlookafterher’.

160 Eastleigh,13.10.2007.

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Seeingthestrangehatstheladieswerewearingandthedouble-deckerbusesmadeuslaughandrealisehowdifferentlifewasinthisland!WeweretakentothecampatEastleigh,andwhenwesawthefieldsfulloftents,wesaid:‘Indians!’Wehadneverseenatentinourlives,letalonethoughtofsleepinginone.

(Benjamin2007:15)

However,hersisterstates:

Whenwearrived[atthenextdestinationafterthecamp]weweretakenupgreatironstaircases, through long corridors. It was also big and dark, it seemed like a prison […]Eventually,someofusweresenttoanotheroftheSalvationArmy’sorphanagesinBrixton.Itwasalittlebetter,butthefoodwasnot.Ijustcouldn’teat.MysisterCarmenwouldeatherfoodandthenminesothatwecouldgettwohelpingsoffruitthatshewouldgivemetoeat.ItwastheonlythingIlikedanditremindedmeofhome.

(Benjamin2007:16)

WhilstIamnotgoingtoanalysetheissueofadaptationtothenewdietindepth,it calls for researchers’ attention, since this topic provides an excellent angle fromwhichtoexploreidentity.Itisraisedindetailbynumeroussubjects,forwhomhavingto eat the unfamiliar food which they found bizarre, and in many cases repulsive,epitomisesthefeelingofbeingobligedtochangesomethingessentialtotheirsenseofself.Theprofoundimpactofthisatapsychologicallevelisexpressedintheaccountofthehusbandofaniña vasca:

Generally,thetreatmentbytheteachersandthenunswasprettybadatthisconvent.Thechildrenwerepunished,beingmadetostandinthecornerofthedormitoryatnightwiththeirhandsabovetheirheadsiftheydidn’tfinishtheirmeal.Theterriblefoodwasservedupwiththe pudding slopped on to the remains of the main course. All this led to Mari Carmensleepwalking,untilonenightshewasfoundtryingtoliftaheavysashwindowtoescape.

(Benjamin2007:11)

Aniña vascatouchesuponthesubjectoftheunfamiliarfoodandalsointroducesafurtherissueinconnexiontotheresponsibilityplacedupontheoldersiblingswhocaredfortheyounger:

Nos llevaron a un lugar lleno de tiendas de campaña, incluso había una grande,cuadrada,quehacíadeiglesia.Miprimeraimpresiónfuemala,nomegustabaaquelsitio.Además,lacomidameparecíatanraraquepenséquememoriríasicomíaaquello.Porunacosaoporotra,agarréunacolitisymepasabalosdíasyendoyviniendodelaszanjasquehacíandeletrinas.Menosmalqueteníaconmigoamihermanomayor.161

(Eizaguirre1999:117-118)

161 Translation: ‘Theytookustoaplacefulloftents;therewasevenabigsquareonewhichwasusedasachurch.Myfirstimpressionwasbad,Ididn’tlikethatplace.Furthermore,IfoundthefoodsoweirdthatIthoughtI’ddieifIateit.Fordifferentreasons,Iendedupwithcolitisandspentthedayscomingandgoingfromthetrenchesthatwereturnedintolatrines.ThankgoodnessIhadmyolderbrotherwithme’.

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The parents were concerned anticipating insufficient adult supervision for theirchildren, thus the need to develop strategies to minimise the risks. First, parentsstressedhowimportantitwastostaytogetherallthetime,andsecond,theyinsistedthattheolderoneslookedaftertheothers:

IremembermothersayingtomysisterCarmenandsayingtoher‘nowyoulookafteryour littlesister’and I rememberpapasaying tomybrother, ‘nowyou’re theeldestandyou’vegottheresponsibilityofyourtwosistersandyou’vegottolookafterthemaswell,you’vegottosticktogether’.162

Anevacueerecallsthatassheexceededtheprescribedagelimitforchildrentobeevacuated,herparentsresortedtolyingaboutherageinordertosecureaplaceontheboatforher,sothatshecouldtakecareofheryoungersiblings:

Yohabíacumplido16.Hicierontrampamispadresporquequeríanquevinieraporquemishermanoseranmáspequeñosqueyoyparaquelescuidara.163

Thislinkstothetopicofthenecessityofthemotherfigurewhichisbroughtupinsomenarratives:

VerdaderamentelopasamosfatalalrecordarlostiemposvividosenInglaterra,sibiensobretodonosfaltabalapresenciadeunamadre,tanimportanteaesaedad.164

(Benjamin2007:221)

Manyoftheolderchildrentookuponthemselvestheresponsibilityoffillingthatrole.However,thisrolemeantextrapressurefortheolderones,whoobviouslywerealso in need of assistance. Some informants acknowledge the fact that the oldersiblingsweremoreawareofwhatwasgoingonowingtotheirage,andthatbeingstillchildrenthemselvestheyweretheonesinmostneedofcomfort:

Certainlylateronthoughthegeneralideawasthathe[mybrother]wouldumbeingfouryearsolder,wouldbelookingafterme,inactualfacthefelttheseparationfromhis[our]familysomuchthatperhapsheneededmorehelpthanIdid.165

Aniño vascoreflectsonhisroleasthe‘parental’figure,whichwasimposedonhimdespitehisinabilitytofulfilitproperlyowingtothefactthatbeingachildhimselfhealsoneededsomeonetoberesponsibleforhim:

Conmigoibandosprimosmíosalgomenoresqueyo.Antesdeembarcar,suspadresyelmíomeencargaronconmuchainsistenciaquecuidarabiendeellos.Vistodespuésdelos

162 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

163 Translation:‘I’dreachedtheageof16.Myparentscheated becausetheywantedmetocomesothatIcouldlookaftermyyoungersiblingswhowereyoungerthanme.’(Los Niños de Guernica tienen memoria,filmdocumentary).

164 Translation:‘WehaveareallybadtimerememberingourlivesinEngland,particularlysincewelackedamother’spresence,soimportantatthatage’.

165 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

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añoselencargoteníagracia,porquelostreséramosunosniñosyeraatodosaquiendebíadecuidarnosalguien.Noobstante,creoquehicetodoloquebuenamentepudeyquefuiparaelloscomounhermanomayor.Medabacuentadelaresponsabilidadquehabíacontraído.166

(Eizaguirre1999:31-32)

Bellpresentsanexampleofoneof theolderchildrenwhowas inchargeofhersiblings and which illustrates well the amount of distress that playing such a roleengendered.Heobservesthefeelingofanxietywhichthisgirlexperiencedhavingtolietoherlittlebrotherinordertocomforthimfortheabsenceoftheirmother,andalsoherfeelingofguiltforherpastcomplaintsabout‘theburdenofresponsibilityputuponher’(Bell1996:57).167

Aconstantinthenarrativesisthelackofstabilityandthesenseofuprootednessexperiencedduringtheyearswhenthechildrenwereinthehandsof institutionsorfosterparents.Thisunsettlinghazeisillustratedwithstatementssuchas:

IhavenoideahowlongIwasthere.ThenIwenttoLiverpoolbecauseoneofmyoldersisterswaslivinginLiverpoolwithafamilythereandIwenttofriendsoftheirs[…]andtheytookmein,youknow,astheirown.Then,whenthebombinggotbadinLiverpoolduringthewar,theysentmebacktoCambridge.IwentbacktoCambridgeandIthinkIhadthreestopsthere.Isn’titawful–likearollingstone,aren’tI?

(Bell1996:147-148)

There are also many accounts which emphasise the feelings of sadness andlonelinessexperiencedafterbeingremovedfromtheplaceswhichhadbecome‘home’inthehostcountry:

WhenIarrivedthere,Iwassadandlonely,missingCambriaHouse,whichhadbeenhomeforalongtime.Ialsomissedmyfriends,butthenImadenewfriendsattheschoolandbecameveryinterestedintheworkIhadtodo.

(Benjamin2007:7)

Inadditiontothis,therewasalsoanelementofuncertaintywithregardtowhethertheywouldberepatriatedornot.ManyaccountsandalsodocumentaryevidencestressontheonehandthedesireoftheBritishGovernment,andparticularlyfromtheCatholicauthorities,torepatriatethechildrenasquicklyaspossible.Ontheother,themessagesfrommanyparentswerethattheirchildrenshouldstayinthesafetyoftheUK.Thus,the

166 Translation:‘Goingwithmeweretwoofmycousinsalittleyoungerthanmyself.Beforeembarking,theirparentsandmineinsistedverymuchIlookafterthemwell.Lookingback,thiswasfunnybecausethethreeofuswerechildrenwhoallneededlookingafter.Nevertheless,IbelieveIdideverythingIcouldinthebestwayIcouldandthatIwaslikeanolderbrothertothem.IwasawareoftheresponsibilitythatI’dtakenon’.

167 Thispointiselaboratedinthefollowingexcerpt:‘CanItellyousomething?Well,Ibecameamother,andIhadthesejobstodo,theseworryingswithmybrotherandsister,somuchsothatIusedtowritetomymotheralotandtellher,that“Iexpect”,youknow,“howgoodforyou”,youknow,“yougotridof”,[laugh]Iwasreallyunkind.Luckilyshedidn’treceivethem.Isaid“oh,they’redrivingmecrazy;youmusthavenicepeacetherewithoutthem”(excerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children,Bowles2005).

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childrenwereplacedinthemiddleofcompetingdemands,andusuallyinapowerlesspositionwithouttheabilitytodecidetheirownfutureinonecountryortheother.

Therearenumeroustestimonieswhichillustratethesadnessofthosewhowererepatriatedandhadtosaygoodbyetothehostcountryandthefamilieswithwhomtheylived:

Llególadespedida,yaquellofuetristísimo,entrellorosypromesasdequealgúndíavolveríamos.168

(Eizaguirre1999:29)

EnEnerode1940mipadrenosreclamódesdeFrancia.MedolióenelalmatenerquedespedirmedeMrs.Swinden,quehabíasidoparamíunaauténticamadre.169

(Eizaguirre1999:24)

Entoncesnosreclamómipadreamihermanoyamí.Mecompraronropanuevaparalavueltaacasa.Peroyonoqueríavolver.Llorémucho.170

(Eizaguirre1999:133)

Theseaccountsmirrorthefirstdeparturefromhometosuchagreatextentthatthey lead us to think that the children had found a ‘new and happy home’ in thehostland, which deviates from the ‘victims discourse’ analysed in this section.Furthermore,therearenumeroustestimoniesofNiños Vascoswhowererepatriated,whodescribetheirexperienceintheUKas‘paramíhansidolosdíasmásfelicesdemivida’171.Thusthequestionnowiswhetherthosewhowerenotrepatriatedexperiencedthisnewhomeassuch.

TheinitialhighlywelcomingreceptionbytheBritishpublichasbecomepartofthegroupmythologyinthesensethattheNiños Vascos persistentlyemphasisehowwellthepublictreatedthemattheirarrival.Thisdevelopedacollectivesenseofgratitudewhichhasbeendiscussedearlierandisobservedinavarietyofaccounts:

PrefieroacabarrecordandocongratitudaaquellaInglaterrayasugente,quesupieronacogernosenunmomentotandifícil,quesupierontratarnoscomoloqueéramos,comoasereshumanos,ensutierradelamantequilla.172

(Eizaguirre1999:25)

168 Translation:‘Itwastimetosaygoodbyeanditwasreallysad,amongthetearsandpromisesthatsomedaywewouldreturn’.

169 Translation:‘InJanuary1940myfatherreclaimedusfromFrance.ItbrokemyhearttohavetosaygoodbyetoMrsSwinden,whohadbeenarealmothertome’.

170 Translation:‘Thenmyfatherreclaimedmybrotherandme.Theyboughtme newclothesforthereturnhome.ButIdidn’twanttoreturn.Icriedalot’.

171 Translation:’Formetheyhavebeenthehappiestdaysofmylife’(Menéndez2008).

172 Translation:‘Iprefertofinishrememberingwithgratitudefor thatEnglandanditspeople,whothoughttogiveusrefugeinsuchadifficulttime,whothoughttotreatusaswhatwewere,ashumanbeings,intheirlandofbutter’.Noticethemetaphoroffoodbeingusedasanidentitymarkerwhichepitomisesthereceivingforeigncountry.

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Tambiénmeacordarésiempredelespléndidopuebloinglés,quenosrecibióynostratódemaravilla,hastaconseguirhacernosolvidaramenudonuestratristesituación.173

(Eizaguirre1999:34)

However, there isa fundamentalshiftof thepublic responsewith regard to theNiños Vascoswhichimpactsgreatlyontheirperceptionofthehostcountryandtheirfeelingofbelonging.Thetwomaincontributingfactorsaretheclosureofthecoloniasandthechangeoftheirrefugeestatus.

Anumberofaccountsshowthecontradictionsinvolvedinthechangesoftheirlegal status. They also reveal the negative implications of the change of status.Whilst theNiños Vascoswere labelledas refugees itwasacknowledged that theycould not return to their country of origin and therefore deserved the public’ssympathyandsupport;butoncetheywerere-categorisedas‘aliens’andparticularlyas ‘enemy’ aliens, they started to be seen in a more negative light. Kushner callsattentiontothenegativeconsequenceswhich involvestherelabelling ‘refugee’ to‘undesirablealien’or‘enemyalien’.Hepointsoutthat‘Newlabelsarebeingused,notonlytorecognizethecomplexityofforcedmigration,butmoreasinstrumentsofcontrol, restrictionismanddisengagement’ (Kushner2006:7).Therearenumerousaccounts which show how disruptive this was with regard to the rhythm of theireveryday lives, particularly because they were having to face the challenges ofgrowing up and transition to adulthood at the same time as they were losing thepublic’sbacking.

DuringaconversationwhichIhadwithaninformantatanannualreunion(London,May2006),hepointedatsomeoftheissueswithwhichtheyhadtocope:

Somoslosolvidados,nonosdieronpasaporte,éramosenemigosaliens.CuandonoscasamosenelReinoUnidoFranconoreconociónuestrasbodas,puesnoerancatólicasnireligiosas,yconsideraronanuestroshijosbastardos.174

ThispointisalsoraisedbyaninformantwhorecountsthequestionshewasaskedattheSpanishConsulateinLondonwhenhewenttheretorequestSpanishnationalityinordertohaveapassport:

SheaskedifIwasmarriedandIsaidIwas.‘Atchurch?’‘Yes.’‘Atthecatholicchurch?’‘No,attheprotestantone’.InthatcasemymarriagewasnotlegallyrecognisedandIwouldhavetohaveasingleperson’spassport.[…]‘Haveyouchildren?’Isaidyes,Ihadason,butofcourse,hewas‘unbastardo’.175

173 Translation:‘IwillalsorememberforeverthesplendidEnglishpeople,whoreceivedusandtreateduswonderfully,tothepointthattheyoftenmadeusforgetoursadsituation’.

174 Translation:‘Wearetheforgotten,theydidn’tgiveusapassport,wewereenemy‘aliens’…whenwegotmarriedintheUKFrancodidn’t recogniseourmarriages,astheyweren’tcatholicorreligious,andtheyconsideredourchildrenasbastards’.

175 Publictalk,Southampton12.03.2007.

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HistestimonyexposesthehumiliatingtreatmenttowhichtheNiños Vascosweresubjectedbythestateapparatus.ThisapparatusnotonlydowngradedtheirstatusinBritain,butalsofailedtorecognisetheircivilianrightsinSpain.

These statements are poignant examples which combine a number of factorsdiscussedabove.Theyimplythatthemuch-neededsenseofreassurancementionedearlierdidnotfullymaterialisefora longperiodoftime. Italso inpartexplainsthenumberofstorieswhichdrawontheinvisibilityoftheNiños VascoswithintheSpanishandtheBritishcontexts.

Todiscussthispointinmoredetail,finallyIexamineatopicwhichwasmentionedbyinformantsonaregularbasis,thatis,theirperceptionofthegroupfeelingexcludedfromhistory.Furthermore,callingthemselvesLos Olvidadosisanexpressionoftheirperceivedinvisibilityinpubliclifewhichisasourceofdistresstotheextentthatoneof the primary aims of the Basque Children of ’37 Association UK is ‘To place theexperienceoftheexilewithinitsrightfulhistoricalcontext,sotheniñosshouldnotbelos olvidados’176.

Authors highlight the little attention that has been paid to the children in thecontextoftheSpanishexile:

ThereisnodoubtthatthechildexileisthegreatunknownandthegreatabsenteeinthehistoryoftheSpanishexile,wheretheyhavefeaturedverylightly[…]thechildexile,apassive subjectofthishistory, onlyaddedtragicbrushstrokeslackinganyideological andrepresentativecharge;fromthisfollowsthattheyhadandhavehadaplaceofasecondorderinthestudiesoftheSpanishexile.

(AlonsoCarballés1997:167)

Whilstnotcompletelyindisagreementwiththisstatement,Icontestthe‘passive’characterofthechildren’srole,particularlywithregardtomyspecificcasestudy.AsdiscussedinChapter2,thesechildrenweretheultimateincarnationofanumberofpoliticalissuesandparadoxeswhichoccurredduringtheCivilWarataninternationallevel.Thereisfactualevidencethatinmanyrespectstheirrolehasbeenanhistorically‘neglected’and‘obscure’177subject.Theyhavenotbeenincludedinhistorybooksorschool curricula, and their presence in the British landscape has been nearly non-existentformanyyears.

LalaIslawritesinherbookoflifestoriesAventuras en la Nostalgia(whichincludestestimoniesofavarietyofSpanishmigrantsandaniño vascoamongstthem):

En2004sepublicóBloody Foreigners(jodidosextranjeros)aludiendoeltítuloaunodelosinsultosquesedecíanenestepaísalosextranjeros.Enélsemencionanlasdiferentes

176 TakenfromthelistoftenAimsoftheBasqueChildrenof’37AssociationUKwhichappearsintheadvertisingpamphlet.

177 TermsusedbyseveralintervieweesduringtheweekofremembranceheldatThePoint,EastleighOctober2007.

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emigraciones que han contribuido a hacer de este país lo que es, empezando por laprehistoria,yasombraalleerlocuantodeloquehoyseconsideracomolaesenciadelReinoUnidoesaportaciónforánea.Loqueesmás¡Enningúnmomentodesuscasiquinientaspáginashayunasolamenciónalosespañolesyespañolas!178

(Isla2008:16)

Inthisrespect,aniñovasco summarisestheviewsofmanyotherswithasimple,yethighlypowerful,‘Englandforgotaboutus’(Bell1996:188).ThislackofattentiontotheNiños VascoshasbeenpointedoutbyspecialistsinthetopicsuchasArrien(1991),Bell(1996),Fyrth(1986)andBenjamin179,andithasalsobeenclaimedatcommemorativepractices,innewsletters,andbyothermeansofcommunicationwhichhavegivenavoicetothemembersofthecollective.Aninformantwhoforthe last fewyearshasbeen involved inavarietyofacts todisseminate thisparticularexperienceofexile,declaredhis firmaimtouncoverthis ‘stillunknown’episodeof thehistoryofSpainduringaconversationwhichwehadinMarch2007.Hestated:

Éstaeslaúltimaocasióndedaraconocerloquepasó,dequesesepalatragediadeEspaña.Todavíahaygentequenoquierequesesepaloquepasó.En40añosdehistoriadeEspañatodavíafaltauncapítulo.180

However, during the last few years there has been a considerable increase incommemorativepracticesinrelationtotheCivilWaranditsconsequences,withinthewidercontextofwarcommemoration.InthisclimatetheNiños Vascoshaveincreasinglymade their mark and have found a space in which they can tell their stories to anaudience.Theyfeelthattheybelonginthissocialspaceandatthesametimethatthisspacebelongstothem.

Thehostofanightofperformancesduring theweekofcommemorativeeventswhichwasheldatThePoint inEastleigh(October2007),remarkedthatdespitethefactthatinthepastithadbeen‘anobscuresubject…nowthisincidentoftheBasqueChildren arriving in England has become quite well known, quite celebrated’. Thisdevelopmentisevokedbyaninformantinaletterwhichhepostedtotheorganisersofthe70thanniversaryofthearrivalatSouthampton:

SupermagnificentblueplaqueunveiledbytheSpanishAmbassadorHisExcellencyCarlosMirandaanindeliblehomageforposterityinmemoryof4,000warwearyrefugee

178 Translation:‘In2004Bloody Foreignerswaspublishedwiththetitlemakingreferencetooneoftheabusivetermswhichweresaidtotheforeignersinthiscountry.Initismentionedthedifferentmigrationswhichhavecontributedto makingthiscountrywhatitis,startingwithprehistory;anditissurprisingtoreadhowmuchofwhattodayisconsideredastheessenceoftheUKisofforeigncontribution.Moreover,initsalmost500pagesthereisn’tasinglementionoftheSpanishmenandwomenatanytime!’

179 Conversationof22.09.2009.

180 Translation:‘Thisisthelast[opportunity]occasiontomakeknownwhathappened,tomakepeopleawareofthetragedyofSpain.Therearestillpeoplewhodon’twantwhathappenedtobeknown.In40yearsofthehistoryofSpainthereisstillachaptermissing’.

Basquechildren‘TheGuernicaGeneration’nevertobeforgottenthattheywerehistoricalmonuments of adversity in bombardment hunger and besiegement from air sea andland.181

The relevance of this is that not only did this niño vasco send the letter to theorganisers, but he also distributed it among other Niños Vascos and one of theseforwardedittomewithanotewhichsaid‘Temandolacopiadelacartaque[…]haescrito, qué bien lo ha puesto, me la mandó […]’182. Firstly, the way this letter wasdisseminatedhighlightstheexistenceofasocialnetworkwhichpermitsindividualstomaintaintheirlinkswiththegroup,andalsotoshareinformationwhichmightthenbespreadtoagreateraudience.Thusthe‘invisible’becomes‘visible’.

Secondly,theseindividualsagreeontheirnewidentityas‘historicalmonuments’whichestablishestheirhistoricalvalueandindicatesamajorshiftfromthe‘alien’and‘forgotten’position.Furthermore,theyareengaginginanewapproachwhichmovesawayfromthevictimsdiscourse.

181 Letter,28.05.2007.

182 Translation:‘I’msendingyouthecopyoftheletterwhich[…]haswritten,howwellhe’sputit;[…]sentittome’[Thetwonameswhichappearintheletterhavebeendeletedforanonymityreasons].

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TheNiños Vascoshaveappearedindocumentaryfilms;havebeeninterviewedbythepressandthemediaingeneral;havepublishedtheirmemoires;andhavebeeninvitedtogivetalksbothatinstitutionalandatprivateevents.Theamountofresourceandmediacoverageinvestedinthem(seefigureaboveasanexample)revealsanewphaseinthetrajectoryoftheNiños Vascosinwhich,duetotheprotagonistroletheyplay,itisattheveryleastcomplex,ifnotcontroversial,tocontinuetousethelabellosolvidados (Sabín-Fernández2010).

Sense of belonging

ThusfarmyanalysisoftheNiños Vascos’identityconstructionprocesshasfocusedupon their identity as members of the distinctive group to which they belong. Afterexploringwho theyareasagroupandthegroup’squesttobecomevisibleinpublic,mynextquestionistofindoutwho theyareasindividualsandwhattheirperceivedsocialplaceisassuch.IntheprecedingsectionIhavepresentedsomeinsightsintotheNiños Vascos’ understanding of a changing home during their childhood and adolescence.However,thiscentralaspectneedstobefurtherexaminedfromananglewhichfocusesonthefluidityoftheseindividuals’senseofbelonginginrelationtoboththehomeland

A niña vasca at an event which paid tribute to the ‘Niños y niñas de la guerra vascos’. Santurtzi, 14.06.2008. SusanaSabínFernández.

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andalsothehostland.Inordertouncoverthecomplexityoftheideaofhome,Inextexaminethisconceptbylookingathowithasbeenconstructedovertime,andwhatdifferentmeaningsofitarepresentedintheNiños Vascos’narratives.

Imagined home: ‘Home is where one starts from’: Stable and Safe? Place to return to?

Theuseoftheterm‘Niños Vascos’remindsthemofwhattheywereattheprecisemoment of their evacuation. Furthermore, it freezes time at the point when theirexperienceofforcedmigrationstarted.Toacertainextent,thiscompensatesforthedisorienting fracture with home by giving them some sense of fixed and essentialidentity prior to that moment; yet conceptualising this home from which they werebeingseparatedassomethingstaticandstableintheirexistencesisratherproblematic.Naficypowerfullymaintainsthat

todaymorethanever,theempiricalandmetaphoricalhouse,home,andhomelandareincrisis.Millionsofpeopledonotorcannotliveintheirownhomeland,manyothersarehomelesswithintheirnativelands,andmanyofthosewhoownhousesaresoafraidofwhatliesbeyondthattheyhaveturnedtheirdwellingsintofortresses.

(Naficy1999:6)

The theoretical instance inwhichhomecanbeconceivedasmost immobileandunchangingiswhenitisdefinedwithintheparametersofaphysicalspace.However,whenthearchitecturalhistorianJosephRykwert(1991)posesthequestionofwhethera home needs to be ‘anything built at all, any fabric’, he maintains that this is arequirementfora‘house’,butnotfora‘home’.Subsequently,heconnectsthenotionofhometothe‘situation–withitsimplicationofwell-being,stability,ownership’(Rykwert1991:54). Still within the realm of physicality and place, we can interpret his broaddefinitionof‘Homeiswhereonestartsfrom’(Rykwert1991:51)torefertothehomeland.

AsRapportandDawsonpointout,homehasbeentraditionallydefinedas

thestablephysicalcentreofone’suniverse–asafeandstillplacetoleaveandreturnto (whetherhouse,village, regionornation),andaprincipal focusofone’sconcernandcontrol.

(Rapport&Dawson1998:6)

However,theseauthorspostulatethat:

A broader understanding is possible and necessary, one concerned less with theroutinization of space and time than with their fluidity and with individuals’ continuousmovementthroughthem.

(Rapport&Dawson1998:7)

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Thisisparticularlyrelevanttothepresentdiscussionfortwomainreasons.Foranumber of years the place from which the refugee children departed could beconsideredneitherstablenorsafe.Itwasawarzone,whichmeansthatlargepartsofthepopulationfoundthemselvesobligedtomigratefromoneplacetoanotherlookingfor safety; sometimes more than once. Some informants report internal relocationswithintheBasqueCountrybeforetheywerefinallytakentoBilbaotobeevacuated,hencehomeasaplaceofrefugeandsafetyhadbecomeunfamiliarandunsafe.

Second,asMalkkiindicates:

if‘home’iswhereonefeelsmostsafeandatease,insteadofsomeessentializedpointonthemap,thenitisfarfromclearthatreturningwhereonefledfromisthesamethingas‘goinghome’.

(Malkki1995:509)

During the post-war years the Niños Vascos were in principle able to return,however,thehomewhichtheyhadleftduringtheirchildhooddidnotexistanymore.Thefollowingtestimonyillustratesthemainreasonwhichmarkedthedisappearanceofthathome,namelythatsomeoftheparentswerenolongerthere:

ManyofushavenorealhomeinSpaintogoto,asourparentsweredrivenawayandthey,too,arelivinginforeignlands.183

Also,thenewpoliticalcontextplacedthematadisadvantaged,ifnotdangerous,position insociety.As timewentonandthedangerdiminished, theywentback forshortperiodsoftimetoseetheirfamiliesandintroducetheirspousesandchildrentotheir family. However, some informants express their disengagement in commentssuchas‘Ifeellikeastrangertherenow’;homehadbecomeaforeignplaceforthem.Wheninformantsareaskedabouttheirthoughtswithregardtoreturn,theiraccountsfrequentlyconveyfeelingsofdetachment:

wehadsettleddowntotheEnglishwayoflife[…]Forsomanyofthechildren,returntoSpainwasalmostimpossible.Forsomeofus,repatriationwaspossible,butnotuntilaftertheSecondWorldWar.Lifeasweknewithadchanged.

(Benjamin2007:19)

Theemphasisplacedonfeelingsintheprevioustestimoniesshowsashiftfromatraditional view of home framed within restrictive bi-dimensional time and spatialcoordinates.Thistraditionaldualisticandstaticdefinitionoftheconceptofhomeisinsufficientinthecomplexandrapidlychangingworldoftodaycharacterisedbythetransnationalmovementofpeople.Thus,Iconsidermoreappropriatetoengageinamultidimensional analysis of home which also takes into account ‘feelings’ of

183 Carshaltonchildren’sowninternalnewsletter,intheCroydonAdvertiserin1945–personalarchivalmaterial.

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belonging,andtracesthedynamics,intricacy,andcontradictionsoftheseinadditiontothetensionsoriginatedbyitschangingnature.

Constructed home

Parameters: Space? Time? Feelings?

Urkizuraisesthequestions‘Whatisexile?Aplace?Atime?Afeelingofsadness?Atypeofmelancholy?’(Urkizu1995:nopage).Thesereflectthemultiplenatureoftheexile, namely space, time, and also the feelings of sadness and melancholy ornostalgia. As refugees the Niños Vascos experienced a feeling of loss which wasintensifiedbytheperceivedabandonmentdocumentedinsomeaccounts:

Afteralltheyearsofthinkingherselfabandoned,thepost-waryearswereahappytimeforher.

(Benjamin2007:13)

Beingseparatedfrommyparentsatsuchtenderageandfeelingabandonedaffectedmegreatly.

(Benjamin2007:126)

Thefeelingoflosswasreinforcedandamplifiedbyrepetition.AfactwhichhadaconsiderableimpactinthelivesoftheNiños Vascos wasthatnothingpermanentcouldandwouldbeestablishedforyears,asveryoftenwhentheywerestartingtodevelopabondofmutualaffectiontheywereabruptlyseparatedfromitandtakensomewhereelse.Thisisstressedbyanumberofinformants,whomentiontheemotionalproblemsand loneliness originated by the impossibility to forge any affective relationshipsowingtothefactthattheywereconstantlytransferredfromoneplacetoanother:

aftersomemonthstherewhereIfeltterriblylonelybecauseIlostallmyfriendsandthisisthethingthatumstartstocomethroughintomylife,asenseoflonelinessandseparationandumonceonthebeachatTynemouthwonderinghowIcouldescapeandjoinmyotherfriends.184

I feltofcourseallmy friendships Ihadmadewassimplyshatteredand I rememberfeelingextremelyumlonelyandextremelysadandtryingtoseetherewasawayinwhichIcouldrejoinmymanyfriendsthatIhadmadeinSwansea.185

Inadditiontotheissueoflossvoicedintheseaccountswhichisintrinsictotheexileexperience,akeycharacteristicobservedspecifictochildexileistheconfusionand lack of understanding of the reasons why they were moved from one place to

184 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

185 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

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another.Thefollowingaccounthighlightsthedistressinganddisorientingeffectwhichthelackofexplanationshaduponaniño vasco:

Yes,itwasobviouslytheumbeingwithoutfamilybutalsotheconstantseparationfromother children that one established some sort of relationship and friendship with andsuddenlybeingseparatedfornoreasonthatIcouldunderstand.Nothingwasexplained,onewassimplyumputonaplaneandumarrivedatanotherdestination.Therewasatotallackofexplanationastowhatwasgoingon,soitwasoneoftotalbewildermentbecauseumevenfromaBrampton,um,againIthinkitwasfourofus,yesthat’sright,fourofuswetravelledallthewaydowntoMargate,[…]inMargate,thatiswhenIwasfinallyseparatedfrommybrotherandonceagaintherewasjustnoexplanation.186

Testimoniespoint towardsasenseofnot-belongingwhich isaggravatedby thesense of vulnerability and insecurity caused by old age. A niña vasca explains theimpactwhichherlackofhealthandheroldagehavehadonherfeelingsoflongingforthehomecountry:

Pornoestarbien,ylaedadtambién,nosales,nopuedeshaceresto,nopuedeshacerlootroydespuésestáspensandoenloquetepasócuandoeraspequeña,lodeveniraInglaterra,tequedassolayestáspensando,pensando,yyomepongomuytriste.Españatellama.Yocreoquelosniñosvascos,cuandoleesellibrodelasmemoriasyocreoqueellostambiénpiensan,Españasíquelesllama.Yocreoquecuandotúvasaotropaísdespués,comotúporejemplo,sitequedasaquíconMarkyteponesvieja,Españatellamará.Ahorano,yono,bueno,yosíquepensabamucho.Siteponestúviejaytequedasaquíyocreoquemuchasvecesestaráspensando‘Españamellama’.Porqueyocreoquedondeunapersonanaceesepaístellama.187

ItcanbearguedthatthisdoesnotimplylackofbelonginginBritain,butafeelingof‘longing’forSpainwhichisexacerbatedbyheroldage.However,thereareaccountswhichexplicitlyemphasisethefeelingoflackofbelonginganditsstrongconnectiontooldage,whichfirstly,makestheNiños Vascosmoreawareofitanditsnegativeimpactontheirlives,andsecondly,reinforcesit:

firstofallthereisacertaindegreeoflackofsecuritythroughoutmylifeum,asenseofumuneasinessithasumasIgetolderIrealisedtheeffectthatithashaduponmemoreandmore,thoughIgettheimpressionofbeingapersonofdecisionIknowdeepinsidemethatthisisn’tsoandumIdofeelthatumin,whilstinmanywaysIhavebeenabletoadaptmyselfapparently toBritishSociety,emotionally I feel Iamnot… Ihave readextensivelyaboutSpanishliteratureandhistory,IfeelreallythatIdon’tbelong.IamveryfortunateinthatapparentlyIamabletodealwithtwodifferentculturesfairlydeeplythroughmyeducation

186 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

187 Translation:‘Becauseyou’renotwell,andalsoyour age,youdon’tgoout,youcan’tdothis,youcan’tdothatandthenyouthinkabout whathappenedtoyouwhenyouwerelittle,comingtoEngland,endingupon yourownandyou’rethinking,thinking,andIgetverysad.Spaincalls you.IbelievethattheBasquechildren,whenyoureadthebookofmemoriesIbelievethattheyalsothink,Spainreallycallsthem.Ithinkthatwhenyougotoanothercountry,afterwards,likeyouforinstance,ifyoustayherewithMarkandgrowold,Spainwillcallyou.Notnow,Idon’t,well,Ididthinkalot.IfyougrowoldandstayhereIthink thatyou’lloftenthink “Spaincallsme”.BecauseIbelievethatthecountryyouwerebornincallsyou’(conversationwithaniña vasca,11.05.2009).

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butIdonotbelongtoeitherandthisisasIgetolder,Ifeelthismoreandmorestronglyandstillthesenseofinsecurityandlonelinessreally.188

Authors such as Clifford (1994) and Said (2000) have discussed the frequentlyindividualisticfocusofexile,raisingtheissueoflonelinesswhichisillustratedintheaforementionedtestimonies.Feelingsofisolationanddetachmentatanationallevelpervade thenarratives,butarealsoobserved inconnection topersonal issues.Forinstance,somesubjectsmentionthattheydidnotfeelthetemporaryhomestowhichtheyweretakenduringtheirchildhoodandteenageyearstobetheirrealhome:

Youneverhadthelibertyofaskingpeopleroundtoyourhome.IneverfeltIhadthefreedomtosay,‘Comewithme.’Youalwayshadtowaittobeasked.

(Bell1996:149)

However,acommoncharacteristicamongstthenarrativesoftheNiños Vascos isthecontradictionsandchangesofopinionwithregardtowhethertheyconsiderthehost country as home. Despite the disengagement shown at times, there are manyinstances when they consider Britain as home, particularly when the narratives areframedwithinthediscourseofgratitude:

Asachildyoudidn’treallyrealisetheresponsibilitythey[allthepeoplewhohelpedus]weretakingon,butlookingbackonmylifeasanolderperson,it’sapitymostofthemarenotheretoreallygivethemabigthankyou,becausetheydeserveit,forthekindness,forbeingsohelpfulgivingusahomeinEngland.189

Dichotomy: Spanish? English?

The feeling of not-belonging is sometimes reinforced by how the displacedperson’spresenceisconfrontedby‘theothers’,whoexplicitlymarktherefugeeasanoutsider or a ‘dumb foreigner’190. This is highlighted by an informant in a brief buteloquentcomment‘AquíenInglaterradicenquesoyespañolyallíquesoyinglés’191whichhemadeduringaconversationthatwehadon11October2007 inEastleigh.Remarkably, when we said goodbye to each other his farewell was ‘agur, que es laúnicapalabra[inBasque]quesé,asíquetengoqueusarla’192.Thisshowsthatinspiteofthealienationexperiencedinbothhiscountryoforiginandalsothecountrywhichreceived him, he has a strong will to keep an identity link with his native home,expressedinthiscasebymeansofalinguisticmark.

188 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

189 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

190 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

191 Translation:‘HereinEnglandtheysayIamSpanishandtherethatIamEnglish’.

192 Translation:‘Agur(goodbye),thatistheonlyword[inBasque]whichIknow,soIhavetouseit’.

A niño vasco at an event which paid tribute to the ‘Niños y niñas de la guerra vascos’. Santurtzi, 14.06.2008. SusanaSabínFernández.

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Another excellent and more explicit example of native home identity display isrevealedbymeansoftheikurriña(Basqueflag)andtxapela (traditionalBasqueberet)thattheniño vascowearsinthefigureonpage163.TheseitemswereahabitualpartofhisoutfitatalltheeventswhichIobservedthroughoutmydatacollectionperiod.

ManystatementsofNiños Vascosprovideexcellentinsightsintohowdifficulttheyfindittoidentifythemselveswithregardtowheretheybelongwhentheirnarrativesareframedwithinadualisticapproachtotheconceptofhome.

I don’t know what I am – neither one thing, nor the other – and I think practicallyeveryonewilltellyouthattoo.

(Bell1996:197)

Wefeelaforeignerinbothcountries.

(Bell1996:197)

Otroproblemaeseldenuestraidentidad.EnInglaterrasomosextranjeros,apesardetodo el tiempo que llevamos viviendo aquí, pero cuando volvemos a nuestra tierra nosconvertimosen‘ingleses’.193

(Santamaría2008:186)

Totellyouthetruth,we’remisfitsinbothplaces.

(Bell1996:197)

Itwasnotaneasytimeforanyofus.Welostandatthesametimegainedagreatdeal.Ilostmyidentity.IamneitherSpanishnorEnglish.

(Benjamin2007:136)

Itisclaimedherethatthispolarisationandtheneedtochosewhethertheybelongtoonecountryortheothercomesfromthefundamentaldichotomywhichcharacteriseshowthehumanbrainworks,whichstructuresthequestionsandanswerstobigissueswithayesorano,usorthe othersorone thingortheother.Thereisalsoasocietaldemandwhichremainsattachedtoatraditionalconceptionofhomeandforcestheseindividualstochooseinthoseterms.ThisbecomesevidentwheninterviewersasktheNiños Vascosquestionssuchas‘doyoufeelWelshorSpanish,whatisyouridentity?’or‘atthisstage,didyouthink“nowEnglandismyhome”?’194InthisregardCardelúsandPascualindicatethepsychologicaloraffectivecomponentstating‘eachpersonisfromaplace,has their village, their city, their regionand their country’ (Cardelús&Pascual 1979:244). This dichotomising approach to identity issues permeates toindividuals and requests them to choose between two primary aspects which are

193 Translation:‘Anotherproblemisouridentity.InEnglandweareforeigners,despiteallthetimewe’vebeenlivinghere,butwhenwereturntoourland webecome“English”’.

194 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

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presented as opposites and exclusive. This type of discourse, in which the Niños Vascos’ narratives are embedded, has a highly negative impact. It jeopardises theindividual’s sense of self as a whole entity and leads to a feeling of mutilationdocumentedinstatementssuchas:

Tefaltaalgo,tesientesmitaddeaquímitaddeallí.195

Italsogeneratesproblemswhichultimatelyleadtoaconflictofloyaltiesmoreinconnectiontothestateintereststhantoreal individualconcerns.Aconsequenceofthis isthat,byhavingtopronouncetheirallegiancetoonestateor theother,theseindividualsareforcedtomakeachoicethatimplicitlyproclaimstheirforeignnessinoneofthem.Thus,theyaredeprivedofthepossibilitytohavemorethanonehome.On this, the following account presents a good example of how far a niño vasco ispreparedtogoinordertoprovethatheisnotamere‘foreigner’,andhowhenegotiatedhiscommitmentto‘defendKingandCountry’:

ThentheymademetaketheOathofAllegiance,whichIrefused[…]AndthenablokefromtheAirMinistrycamewithadocument,andhesaystoreadthis.AndIreadit.‘Youagreetothat?’Isays,‘Yes,Iagreetothat.’‘Well,signhere.’AndIsignedthere.IwassigningthatIwaswillingtoserveintheBritishforcesandobeyallordersandcommandsandalltheotherthings,duringthedurationoftheWar.Only!Onlyfortheduration.Also,iftherewasgoingtobeawaragainstSpain,Irefuse!

(Bell1996:139-140)

Atfirstreading,hisstatementcouldbeinterpretedtoexpressthatSpainiswhereheultimatelybelongs,thatisthesubjectofhisleaningandloyalties.However,lookingmorecarefullyitbecomesevidentthatheisnotchoosingwherehebelongs,butwherehedoesnotultimatelyandunconditionallybelong.AllherevealsisthatinthecaseofawarbetweenbothcountrieshewouldnotbeontheBritishsidetofightSpain,buthedoesnotsayhewouldbeontheSpanishside,fightingBritain,either.

Theconflictwhichthestate’sdichotomisingrequiremententailsisrevealedinthehesitancy shown by a niña vasca to give a straight answer when she is questionedaboutherallegiances:

Iwasveryveryverybusy,soSpainwasinthebackground,itwasovertheremycountry,Icomefromthere,but…sometimesIhavebeenaskedthathereandthere,whereisyourloyaltieslie,ifyouareagainstthewarorwithit…whereyourloyaltieslie.Iwouldhavetosay,itwilldependonthecircumstances,IfindmyselfthenthatIwouldsayIamhere,orIamnothere, Icouldn’t reallyuntilmaybethatpointmightcomeoneday Idon’tknow, Idoubtit,Iamverysettledherenowafteralltheseyears.196

195 ‘Translation:‘Youlacksomething,youfeelhalffromherehalffromthere’(conversationwithaniña vasca,11.06.2005).

196 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

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She does not wish to take part, and thus legitimise, a dualistic discourse thatcommandsshechooses‘one’countryor‘theother’,asshefindsthisdistressingandunnecessary,whichreflectsmyobservationthatarequirementforstrictaffiliationismorethestate’sconcernthanthatofindividuals.Whatismostrelevantinherreflectionis that by declaring that she has different selves which she discloses according tocircumstances,shemovesawayfromaconceptualisationofanindividual’sidentityassomething fixedandstatic intoadynamicandorganicconstructionof it.Schneiderraisesthispointandobservesthat‘identityissomethingthatmustbeaccomplishedoverandoveragain,ineverysocialinteraction,constantlynegotiatedandmaintainedthroughcommunicativepractice’(Schneider2003:188).

Thisleadstothesubjectofcitizenship,whichatsomepointintheirlivesbecamea question that the Niños Vascos inevitably had to confront. Kearney indicates thatrefugeesanddisplacedpersons‘arebecominganincreasingpercentageoftheworldpopulation,withidentitiesthatmakeconceptssuchascitizenshipandresettlementproblematic’ (Kearney 1995:559). This is reflected in the number of paradoxesdiscussed earlier with regard to the changing status of the Niños Vascos, whichspannedfrombeingrefugeestostatelesspersons.

While informants generally disclose a lack of inclination towards a specificnationality,theyreporttheneedforapassportforanumberofpracticalreasons.Itemerges from testimonies that sometimes this was an official requirement if theymarried a British subject. Some informants explain that they applied for BritishnationalityinordertoavoidtheriskofbeingtakentojailwhentheyvisitedSpainduring Franco’s dictatorship. Nonetheless there were also those for whom havingSpanish citizenship was important and they campaigned to obtain it during the1960s.Finally,therearesomewhoinordertoprovehowirrelevantthissubjectistothem, when they are asked about their nationality and passport make commentssuchas:

Iamacitizenoftheworld.197

MineisEuropean.IamaEuropeancitizen.198

Ihavetwopassports,oneSpanishandoneEnglish,butIdon’tcare,Idon’tknowiftheyarebothvalid.199

In October 2007, I accompanied a niño vasco to check in at a hotel.When thereceptionist asked him whether he was a British citizen his answer was ‘No, I’mSpanishandaEuropeancitizen,ifIwereBritishI’dbeaservantoftheQueen!’Thenhestartedtolaughloudlyexplainingthathisbirthdaywasonthe21stApril,thesameday

197 Eastleigh,12.10.2007.

198 Eastleigh13.10.2007.

199 London05.06.2009.

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astheQueen’sandthatshehadsenthimabirthdaycardforhis81stanniversary.Therelevanceofthisisthattheimportantissueforhimwasthathedidnotwanttobea‘servant’,whilethequestionofnationalitywasimmaterial.

Anotherconsequenceofunderstandingidentityindualisticandexclusivetermsisthe difficulty of dealing with existentialist questions, for instance those related todeath.SomeinformantsdeclarethattheyhavemadetheirlifeinEngland,which‘aftersomanyyears’theyconsidertheirhome.YettheyconfessthattheirdreamwouldbetoreturntotheirplaceoforiginorthatiftheydieintheUKtheirbodyistakenback.Nevertheless,mostinformantsmanifestsuchastrongattachmenttothefamilywhichtheyhaveraisedinBritainthattheyhavedecidednottoleavethecountry,asthatiswhere their children and grandchildren have been born and live. Furthermore,sometimes the dichotomy is between their biological family and the Niños Vascosfamily.Thosewhohavemovedawayfromthelattertobenearertheirchildren,whowant to lookafter them in theiroldage,showsignsofsadnessdue toyetanotherseparationintheirlives.Aninformantexpressesherconcernaboutaniña vascawhoacceptedhavingtomovenearherchild:

Yclaro,silahijatienequeiratrabajar,sisequedasola,estátriste,estádandofaltaalosniñosvascosamigos.200

Theconstantstruggleswhichtheseindividualshavetofacewhentheyareputinapositionwhichdemandsthattheyhavetodecidewhichhomeis‘more’homecallforanewapproachtothisconceptwhichneedstotakeintoaccountmobility,memories,and desires, and also the fact that many people have more than one home. Forinstanceinthefollowingaccount,theadversativeconjunction‘but’showsatensionwhich originates from the fact that the informant interprets her double identity ofhavingtwohomesasconflictive:

WehavenowbeeninEnglandfor70yearsandwewouldliketosayagreatthankyoutoeveryoneforthecareanddevotiontheyshowedusataverysadtimeinouryounglives.ButinmyheartthelittletownofBerangowillbewithmealways.

(Benjamin2007:19)

Thecomprehensiveapproachproposedhereentailsashiftofidentityspeakfromantithetical‘but’stoconstructive‘also’s,thatis,‘double’or‘multiple-belongings’whichbettercorrespondtothe‘newformsofsocialbelonging[which]ariseoutofthedualprocessesoftechnologicaladvancesincommunicationsandthegeographicmobilityof populations’ discussed by Bernal (2005:661). This subject is examined in moredepthinthelastsectionofthischapter.

200 Translation: ‘Andofcourse, ifherdaughterhastogotowork, ifshestaysonherown,shegetssadandshemissestheBasquechildrenfriends’(conversationwithaniña vasca,11.05.2009).

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Other approaches

Art–creatingaworldoftheirown

Inordertocopewiththeissuesdiscussedsofar,someindividualsoptforathirdoption, and create a new space where they can express themselves freely andconstruct their personal paradigm of home by means of artistry. Said (2000) callsattention to the tendency amongst exiles to construct worlds of their own, thusnovelists, intellectuals and language teachers are frequent among them. It hasemergedfrommyresearchthatasignificantnumberofNiños Vascoschosecreativeprofessions such as painters and dancers, and also teachers, or have spent asignificantpartoftheirlivespaintingandwriting.Aniño vascodescribestheexperienceofexileas‘It’sinspiring’.201Iarguethatatthesametimeastheyconstructedahomebymeansoffantasy,thewritingandpaintingthemselvesalsobecamehomeforthem,providingcontinuitytoanimaginary‘stable’past.

Onthisline,Rushdieemphasisesthedualnatureoftheidentityofrefugeesandexilesassomethingpluralandpartialatthesametime,consideringthattheambiguousground they inhabit ‘is not an infertile territory for a writer to occupy’ (Rushdie1992:15). Agosin, an exile writer herself, maintains that her homeland is ‘language,memory, the inventionof it’whileshe reflectsonheroccupationclaiming that ‘Thewriter in exile tries to recreate what has been drastically lost’ (Agosin 1995). ThisphenomenonisobservedintheconstantreferencestothethemesofexileandhomeintheworksofartcreatedbyoneoftheNiños Vascos.Furthermore,thisniño vasco providesanexcellentexampleofthepowerfulmediumwhichartcanbewithrelationtoidentityconstruction,ashemadeuptwoartisticnamesforhimselfdependingonthedomaininwhichthesewereused.Hisname‘JoseMaríaMartínezCastillo’becomes ‘Coqué(orCoquë)Martínez’inhispaintingsand‘KokëMarkiniz’whenhewrites,whileheisknownasKokebyhisrelativesandfriends(seefigurepage169withthedifferentaliasesusedbyhimselfinoneofhisself-portraits).

Kokewasamulti-talentedprofessionalartistknownasapainter,asapoetandasasculptor.Sadly,hediedwhilethisstudywasbeingcarriedout.InApril2009,duringhis humanistic funeral, the minister of the ceremony mentioned some significantfeaturesofhislife,includingthat‘thetraumaofhisearlylifeandtheCivilWarmarkedhimfortherestofhislife–andwaseverpresentinhispaintingsandwritings’202.

InJanuary2008,Kokewithtwootheramateurartists,oneofwhomwasalsoaniño vasco,exhibitedsomeoftheirworkatanexhibitionofpaintingsinLondon.Whilethe

201 Eastleigh13.10.2007.

202 Thisisillustratedintitlessuchas‘Warlustwardust’(1944),‘Paradiseallegory’(1946),‘Iberiantransfiguration’(1946-47),‘Iberiaparamí’(‘Iberiaforme’)(1948),‘Familyinexile’(1953),‘ArcadiainNavarraSpain’(1957),‘Ourdarkesthour’(1965)and‘Desertidyll’(1964)amongothers,particularlyinhisearlierpaintings.

artdisplayedbyKokeincludedavarietyofrepresentationsofhislifeasanexilewithsomedarksymbolsandillustrationsinit,theotherniño vasco’s paintingsweremainlycalm and had light placid colours. When I asked about the topics of these serenepictures, the artist declared that they were the places of his childhood, explainingthemindetail.

Thesignificanceof thiscase is that,despite theirdifferent interpretations,bothinformants touch upon the same subject and construct the lost home in their ownartisticlanguage,totheextentthatthislosthomewasthethemeofmorethanhalfofthepaintingsexhibitedbyoneoftheartists.

A legendary image of mother home is highlighted by some references whichfrequentlyappearinaccountsoftheNiños Vascosforexamplewithregardtohumanrelations, people’s sense of hospitality, the landscape, food and other everyday lifetopicsandstereotypes.However,thisisusuallyassociatedtothepast,particularlytoanidyllicrecreationoftheirchildhood.

Detail of a self-portrait by Koke Martínez, a niño vasco professional painter.

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Makingone’shome

It has also been observed that some informants, whilst still staying within theconventionaldualisticapproachtothenotionofhome,attemptamoreopenapproachbyallocatingdifferentareasoftheirpsychetoeachoneoftheperceivedoptions.Belldistinguishesbetween‘emotionalandpracticalattachments’inthosewhodeclare:

ThepracticalpartofmeisveryBritish[…]Butfromthesentimentalside–goingtoSpainandtalkingtoanybodyinthestreet,whichyoudon’tdohere,takesmeback.

(Bell1996:199)

Homeishere[inBritain][…]Butsentiment?[...]Oh,Spanish.Oh,thesentimentisverySpanish.

(Bell1996:199)

Thesestatementsrevealacompromisewhichfirstly,allowstheNiños Vascos toremainloyaltobothcountries,andsecondly,allowsthemtohavetwohomes.However,theirnarratives remainwithin the traditionaldiscourseofpolarisationand theystillfeeltheyhavetochooseoneortheother.Thisdichotomyneedstobedeconstructedandnewquestionsneedtobemadeinordertoaddresstheconfusiongeneratedwhenindividualsareforcedintochoosingbetweenonlytwopossibleoptions.

Alineofquestioningsuchas:‘So,aftermorethanhalfacenturyoflivinginEngland,howmaythesepeoplebedefined?AretheySpanishor (myemphasis)aretheyEnglish?’(Bell1996:197)voicesthewayinwhichsocietyisapproachingandthinkingoftheNiños Vascos’identityintermsofoneortheother.Thispresentsanidentity‘problem’whichproducesatypeofanswerinthoseterms.Whatthisbookarguesisthattheseleadingquestions should be substituted with open questions to offer the possibility to seeone’sownidentityasaccumulativeandinclusiveinsteadofexclusive;thusallowingtheinformantscometotermswithsomeoftheissuesraisedthroughoutthisstudy.

In this respect McLeod maintains that it is difficult to retain this conventionaldualistic and static narrative of belonging in a world where people think of theirrelationtoplacesinanewmanner,many‘living“in-between”differentnations,feelingneither here nor there’ (McLeod 2000:214). Whilst in principle we agree with hisstatement,theargumenthereisthatthis‘in-between’doesnotneedtoexcludethe‘here’andthe‘there’buttointegratethembothasequallyessentialpartstoprocureamorebalancedandrealisticnotionofbelonging.Anexcellentexampleisprovidedbythepragmaticapproachofaformerevacueewhoreflectsontheeffectwhichbeingarefugeehadinherlife:

Well,wehadafewthingstoputupwith,beingSpanish[...]Therewasatonetime,theyhadorangesfromSpainandtheyputabomborsomethinginthemandeverybodywherewelivedsaidnastythingstousaboutit.Isaid‘wellIcan’thelpit,I’marefugee,Icameawayfromthere,Ididn’tputthebombsintheoranges’[…]youtrytoliveagoodlife,youknow,

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butyouknewyouweretheforeigner,nomatterwhereIwent,Iwasaforeigner.WhenIwentbackhome,Iwasaforeignertoo!Theydidn’tthinkIwasSpanish![…]butImademyhomeinEnglandandIfeltsafe.203

On the one hand, this account illustrates the issue of being alienated in bothcountries.Ontheother,andmoreimportantly,itshowsthecapacityoftheniña vascatoresist;firstly,bybeingassertiveandconfrontingthehostilesituation,andsecondly,bytakingcontrolofherlifeand‘making’herhome.

Thechoiceoftheterm‘making’bythisinformantshowsanagentivepowerwhichIhavetriedtoshowelsewhere. ItalsochallengesdiscourseswhichplacetheNiños Vascos inuprootedandmeaningless‘in-between’countries.

Transformation and accumulation of identities versus acculturation and assimilation

In spite of the issue of alienation discussed above, there are also numerousindicationsoftheNiños Vascosbecomingpartofandbeingacceptedasoneoftheirsbythehostsocietyinwhichtheyweregraduallymakingtheirhome.Forinstance,aniño vasco remembers an occasion when he went to the police station to obtain apermittorideabicycle,whichwasalegalrequirementforanypersonwithalienstatus:

Iwenttothepoliceandsaid,‘I’vegotabicycle.’Andhesaid,‘Ohyes,andwhoareyou?’Isaid,‘ASpaniard.’‘Ahyes,’hesaid.‘You’renot..?AreyouoneoftheBasqueboys?’Isaid,‘Yes’,andhesaid,‘Ohyou’renotaforeigner.Goaway’.

(Bell1996:139)

Cliffordpointsoutthattheconnectionofdisplacedpeoplewitha‘priorhome[…]must be strong enough to resist erasure through the normalizing processes offorgetting,assimilatinganddistancing’(Clifford1994:310).Iarguethatconceptssuchas‘assimilation’and‘adaptation’,whicharepartofthediscourseonexile,implyalossofidentitywhichneedstobepreventedinanydebate.

Onthis,Malkkiquestionstheessentialistapproachtoidentitywhichequatesthelossofhomelandwithalossofculturalidentity,disapprovingof‘theuncriticaluseoftheconceptsof“adaptation”and“acculturation”toanalyzeprocessesoftransformationinidentity,culture,andculturaltradition’(Malkki1995:509).

In any case, there are numerous examples which reveal how resourceful andflexibletheNiños Vascoswereintermsofcopingwiththeunfamiliarconditionsoftheir

203 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

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ordinarylives.Forexample,aniña vascawhohadbeendeeplytraumatisedbythefoodandtheunfamiliarsettingsatanearlystageofherarrivalconfesses:

IfeltmuchbettertherethanatBrixtonand,astimewenton,Istartedtakinganinterestinthingsandeatingthenownotsostrangefood.Lifewascomingbacktous.

(Benjamin2007:16)

I next analyse the process of identitarian transformation by looking at theparametersoffamilyandlanguageasthehistoricallyfundamentalmarkersofidentity.This is followed by a discussion on how some Niños Vascos have dealt with theirperceivedsenseofmultiplebelonginginordertoanswerthequestionofwhotheyare,whichfinishesthechapter.

Family transformation

After initial reactionsdiscussedabovewith regard to the lossof familyand thefeelingofabandonment,testimoniesshowanextraordinarilyresilientattitudewhichtranslatesintomanycasesofNiños Vascosbecomingpartofanewfamily.Forsomethis was achieved by adoption, for others by foster parenting. Furthermore, somechildrenwhoremainedincoloniasalsocalled‘mum’and‘dad’thesympatheticadultswhosometimestookthemoutonweekendtrips.Thisformofaddressisalsoextendedtoother‘relatives’:

Sybilwrotebackandsaidthatherparents[…]wouldgiveusahomeandtakeusastheirowngirls[…]TheFawcettsweregoodandkindpeopleandwelearnedtolovethemverymuch[…]WecalledthemMotherandDadandgrewupwithSybilasourbigsister.

(Benjamin2007:18)

OnSaturdaymorningswewouldgotothecinemainAnnislandwithournew‘cousins’[…]GrandadNichol,wholivedwiththem,oftenjoinedusinourgames.

(Benjamin2007:128-129)

Whatisimportanttonotehereisthatthisextensionstrengthensthenewfamilyunitandvalidates itscharacterassuch. Italsoconstructsanewhomewhichsomeinformantscomparewiththeiroldone:

wewereveryluckywiththeEnglishpeoplethatwemadeourhomewiththem,theyweresogoodtous,especiallymumanddadwhowehadmoretime,moreyearswiththemthanatBrighton,thatreally,theywerejustasgoodasmyownparents,really.204

While sometimes the terms which refer to the new family are introduced byattributessuchasmy‘Scottish’fatherormy‘English’parents,andthebiologicalfamily

204 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

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is referred toas the ‘real’ family, this isnotalways thecase.Frequently there isnolinguisticdistinctionbetweenbothfamilies:

Inaway,maybeIhadbetterchanceofmakingbetterofmylifewithbeinginEnglandwithmymumanddadinNorthStaffordshire.WhatitwouldhavebeenmadeinSpain,Idon’tknow,butyoualwayshadthatlongingtogobackandseeyourparents.Butyouhavelessyears,thirteenyears,oflifewithyourownparentsthatyoumissedandthereforeyoucan’tturntheclockbackandhadtogoforwardandwejustmadethebestofourlivesandreallywewereverylucky.205

ThistestimonyconfirmsthebecomingpartofanewfamilyintheUKand,despitethementionofthe‘longing’fortheoldfamily,itisremarkablethatinthefirstsentencestheintervieweedoesnotdifferentiatebothfamilieswithmarkerssuchas‘foster’mumanddadoranyothersthatcouldimplyhierarchyormoreattachmenttowardsoneortheother.Infact,thelackofmarkingandexplanationofthetermsresultsinaninitialdifficulty to understand who the biological and non-biological parents are, and towhomshereferseachtime.Thisisnotinterpretedasasignofdestructionofidentitybyloss,butofaprocesstakingplacewhoseresultisacontinuousreconstructionoftheNiños Vascos’senseofbelonging;itultimatelyhelpedthemtorebuildtrust,and‘togetbacktheirsenseoflivingordinarylivesagain,withafamily,acommunity,andaregeneratedsenseofhome’(Kohli&Mather2003:210).

Language transformation

TheemphasiswhichtheNiños VascosplaceontheuseofSpanishastheircommonlanguageandtheapologeticpostureofthosewholostitorhavenotpasseditontotheiroffspringhasbeendiscussedearlier.DespitethefactthattheycanoftenmaintainamorefluidlevelofcommunicationwhentheyspeakinEnglish,inourethnographicconversations they have always chosen to express themselves in Spanish.206 AninformantreflectsonherdifficultiesinspeakingSpanish:

No,[myson]nohablaespañol,bueno,yatampoco.Haymuchaspalabrasque,mira,nohablamosconninguno.Mihermanayyonohablamosenespañol,ellahablatodoeltiempoinglés. Ésta es la primera vez que yo estoy hablando el español desde la última vez enSouthampton,ysuelohablarunpococontumamá.Cuandoestásquenohablastecuestamás.207

205 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

206 ThishasbeenhighlyinfluencedbythefactthatIamthedaughterofaniña vasca,thus,bythetimeIstartedmyresearch,myrelationshipswiththeparticipantsofthisstudyhadalreadybeenestablishedinSpanish.

207 Translation:‘No,[myson]doesn’tspeakSpanish,well,Idon’teither.Therearemanywordsthat,look,wedon’tspeaktoanyone.MysisterandIdon’tspeakSpanish,shespeaksEnglishallthetime.ThisisthefirsttimethatI’vespokeninSpanishsincethelasttimeinSouthampton,andIusuallyspeakalittlewithyourmum.Whenyoudon’tspeakyoufinditmoredifficult’(conversationwithaniña vasca,11.05.2009).

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Neverthelesstheyusethatastheircommonlanguage.This isnoteworthysincetheirSpanishoftenhasanEnglishaccent,andalso,itposesthemachallengeduetosome gaps in their vocabulary and their frequent transpositions from Englishgrammatical structures or phrases.Temple and Young remind us of the function oflanguage ‘in constructing as well as describing our social world’ (Temple & Young2004:164).ThusfortheNiños Vascosthechoiceoflanguageisnotbasedonfunctionalcommunicativereasons,butasarepresentationoftheirownidentityandthecollectivebelonging to a motherland. Yet in that imagined community there are two officiallanguages,namelySpanishandBasque.

AmongsttheparticipantsofthisstudyIhavemetaninformantwhomaintainedherBasqueandusesitwhenshevisitstheBasqueCountry.However,wehavecarriedoutourconversationsinSpanish,mainlybecauseweusuallymeetinsocialspaceswheretheotherpeopledonotspeakorunderstandBasque.Thus,thepriorityhasbeentoadoptthecommonlanguagewhichmarksthelinguisticidentityofthegroup,whichisSpanish.

It has been documented that at the time of departure Basque was the firstlanguageofsomeofthechildrenandthesecondlanguageofsomeothers.However,thishasbeenmorefrequentlylostthanSpanish:

Butit’saBasquesong,butnowIonlyIknowthisbogaboga,that’sallIknowthewordsof,I’veforgottentherestofthem.IusedtospeakBasque[…]ItwasBasqueandweknewquiteabitofBasque[…]butwelostit.208

Spanishwasthecommonlanguageofthemajorityofevacuees.SpanishwasalsothelanguagewhichsomeoftheaidprovidersintheUKcouldspeak.Thus,inordertomaintainasenseofunity,thatwasthelanguagestronglypromotedinthecolonias.AconsequenceofthiswasthatforsometimethechildrendidnotlearnEnglish:

Wehadeverythingwewanted,althoughwehadahardtimebecauseofthelanguagebarrier,sinceupuntilthenwehadonlylivedwithSpanishchildreninthecolony.

(Benjamin2007:167)

Nonetheless, there many examples which reflect my earlier observation of thechildren’sresilienceandatransformationprocesstakingplace:

Ididn’twanttolearnbecauseIfoundthepronunciationverydifficultand,inanycase,sinceweweretoldthatwewouldbegoingbacktoSpaininafewmonths,whatusewoulditbeformetolearnthelanguage?IntheendIdecidedtotakeaninterestinEnglish[…]Ibecameverykeenonlearningthelanguage[…]IendeduptopinEnglish.

(Benjamin2007:138)

208 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

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Tomethelanguageseemedtonelessandmonosyllabic.Thepeoplespoketooquietlyandwithoutanyexpressionontheirfaces.Lookingbackandmymemoriesofit,Iwouldsaythat the English language to me, then, was insipid, colourless and lacked animation. Ofcourse,Icouldn’texplainitinthoseterms.OnehastounderstandthattheLatinracesspeakasmuchwiththeirhands,faceandthetoneofvoiceastheydowiththeirtongues.Threeshortyearslater,Icouldhavetoldaverydifferentstory.IgrewtolovetherichnessoftheEnglish language, even with its crazy grammar, and to really appreciate the diversity ofdialects.

(Benjamin2007:133)

Thepreviousaccountsshowthegrowingfondnessforthenewlanguage,whichIinterpret not only as ‘language’ acquisition but as a symptom of a new ‘home’acquisition,duetotheintimatecorrelationbetweenthetwoofthem.ThesechildrensoonrealisedthatbymeansofusingEnglishtheycouldfullybecomepartofthenewhome,thatisbecomepartofthe‘us’withoutanyonemarkingthemasthe‘others’.Thehusbandofaniña vascarecountsherexplanationofhowsheusedthisstrategywithherfriend:

EspealwaysinsistedthattheycontinueinEnglishifanyonewasnearthemandsotheliltofthevalleysbegantoentertheirvoicesandtheyknewthattheir‘foreignness’couldonlybedetectedwithdifficulty.

(Benjamin2007:12)

Several informantshighlightexperiencesof first languageattritionastheywereincreasinglybecomingproficientinEnglish,totheextentthatthisbecametheirfirstlanguage:

WequicklylearnedEnglishwithaScottishaccent.Thishadabigimpactonme,butevenmoreonmybrotherTony,whowouldhavebeensixorsevenatthetime.EventothisdayTonyspeaksEnglishwithaverybroadScottishaccent[…]AswewerelearningEnglish,wewerelosingourSpanish,somuchsothatbythetimeIleftGatehouseforLondonin1946,Ihadcompletelyforgottenit,ashadmybrotherTony.

(Benjamin2007:128-129)

InthespaceofoneyearIwasproficientinEnglish,buthadforgottenallmySpanish[…]Ihadnocontactwithmyparentsexceptbycorrespondence,formeinEnglish,fortheminSpanish,whichmadecommunicationdifficult.

(Benjamin2007:153-154)

Nevertheless, resistance to the loss of language is reported through thedevelopmentofstrategieswhichoftenhelpedtheNiños Vascosrecuperatethelostornearlylostlanguage.ThemainstrategiesdeclaredareexhaustivereadingofSpanishliterature,studyingforaSpanishdegree,andinsomecasesmovingtoliveinLondon,whereasocialnetworkofNiños Vascos steadilydeveloped.

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Contribution towards the host society and impact on ‘the others’

AninformantrecountshisexperienceofreturningtoSpainforthefirsttimeaftertheevacuation:

IrealisedthatreallywecouldcertainlynotintheforeseeablefuturedreamofsettlinginSpain.Wehadachild,wehadlefthiminEnglandandweassumedthatourfuturelayinEnglandwherewewereabletointegrateourselvesquitereadily.Wewerebothteachersandwebothhadapurpose incommunityand insocietyandconsequentlywe feltwecouldparticipateactivelyandconstructivelyinthesocietyofthiscountrywhichIthinkwedidverywell.209

Thistestimonybringsattentiontotheissueoftheterm‘integration’,whichneedsto be meticulously scrutinised. In a social context, the word ‘integrate’ generallysuggestsmarginalmembersofsocietyoroutsiderswholosetheirpreviousidentityinfavourofanewonewhichbettercomplieswiththetermsofthatsociety.Thissocietyimplicitly ‘appears’ to be homogeneous, whole and complete. It is defended here,however,Malkki’sobservationonthissubjectwhenshecritiquestheessentialistviewof society ‘that constructs displacement as an anomaly in the life of an otherwise‘”whole,”stable,sedentarysociety’(Malkki1995:508).Thiswascertainlynotthecasein a country which had just finished a war. Moreover, due to increasing mobility,migrationmovements,andalsotransnationalmovementofpeople,societiescannotbeconsideredasstableandfixedentitiesanymore(but,hasthateverbeenthecase?).Theworldisconstantlychangingandithasbecomethearenainwhichidentitiesarecontinuallyreconstructedandrenewed.

Intheprevioustestimonytheterm‘integrate’needstobeinterpretedinrelationtoitsetymology;andnotinitsusualsense,sincethefollowingsentencewouldcontradictthatinterpretationwhentheinformantdeclareshispositiveroleasanagentofchangeinthehostsociety.ThisisanimportantpointdiscussedbySchwarzstein,whoclaimstheroleofmigrantcommunitiesasactiveactorswhoinfluencesocietalconstruction.Thus,thisinformant’s‘wewereabletointegrateourselves’isinterpretedhereintermsof ‘wewereable tobecomepartof’,which ismore inaccordancewith theoriginalmeaningoftheword‘integrate’.

Thetestimonyalsorevealstheinterviewee’sperceptionofbecomingpartoftheEnglishsociallandscapebymeansofhisjob.Thisjobisthetoolwhichallowshimto‘construct’asociety,and tohavean impactonothers.This isanexcellentexamplewhich indicates a key turning point in the process of identity building of the Niños Vascos,whostarttoseethemselvesasindividualswhocontributetothedevelopmentofasocietyinwhichtheyconsequentlybelong.Thishighlightstheneedtomovefrom

209 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

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dominantdiscoursesof‘acculturation’,‘integration’or‘assimilation’towardsalternativediscoursesof‘transformation’and‘contribution’.

There are early examples of individuals wishing to take an active part and tocontributetowardsthereceivingsociety.Amongstthose,thefollowingisparticularlyinterestingbecauseofthepositiveattitudewhichitshowswithregardtothenotionofbelonging:

IfeltitwasmydutytocontributesomethinginreturnbyvolunteeringtofightforthiscountryagainstFascism,byjoiningtheRoyalNavy.Ihappentohavehadachoiceandhavehadtheprivilegetolovetwocountries,theoneinwhichIwasborn,whichisalwaysinmyheart, and my adopted one. I keep strong links with my home town and visit wheneverpossible.

(Benjamin2007:151)

Heretheniño vascogoesbeyondthepotentiallyunsettlingdivisionbetweentheallocationofhispracticalsidetoanEnglish identityandhishearttoaSpanishonewhichhasbeendiscussedabove.Onthecontrary,hetakesapositiveaccumulativeapproachwhichstresseshispowertochose,andfurthermore,theprivilegewhichthisentails. This leads us to the subject of the individual’s positioning discussed byOiarzabalandOiarzabalinrelationtothe‘multitudeofidentitiesandbelongingwhichweareadoptingatthesametime,andwhichweunfoldinadifferentwayaccordingtothecircumstances’(Oiarzabal&Oiarzabal2005:31)whichclosesthischapter.

From identitarian dichotomy and trichotomy to a cumulative multiplicity of identities

Thetestimoniesoftheinformantsofthisstudydiscloseavarietyofresponsestotheissuesgeneratedbyadichotomistapproachtoidentity.ThusfarIhaveexploredtheuseofimaginationandalsoacompartmentalisationofpersonalitiesinrelationtopracticalandemotionalaspects.Inowanalyseanholisticapproachobservedinsomenarratives, which has allowed the Niños Vascos to accumulate their perceivedidentitieswithouthavingtorenouncetoanyofthem.

Accounts often reveal a relative contentment with a triple identity as British,SpanishandBasque:

AlthoughI’mBritishonpaper,inmyheartI’mstillSpanish,stillBasque.IgotoSpaineveryyearanditstillfeelslikehomethere.It’struewhatpeoplesay,oneisalwayspulledbacktoone’sroots.Butaftersomanyyearshere,itwouldtakealotlongertogetusedtolivingthereagain.

(Benjamin2007:109)

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Someindividualsavoidchoosingoruncoveringtheirattachmenttoanyofthoseidentitiesandoptforaninclusive‘worldcitizenship’:

In1949ImarriedayoungSpanishexileandweleftforVenezuela.Thatwas57yearsago,andnowIseemyselfasacitizenoftheworld.

(Benjamin2007:79)

Finally,themostillustrativereportswhichsupporttheargumentdefendedinthisstudy are those of individuals who have developed an understanding of theiridentitarianconstructionprocessasnonexclusivebutcumulative.Thisisillustratedinthefollowingaccount:

Now, after so many years, I realise that my roots are planted in three places.TheBasqueCountryofmybirth;EnglandthattookcareofmeduringtheSpanishCivilWarand,of course, Mexico, the wonderful place that welcomed me with open arms and that hasgivenmesomuch.

(Benjamin2007:100)

Whatismostrelevantisthattheremanyexcellentexamplesoftestimonieswhichshow how informants are aware of their multiple identities, which they displayaccordingtocircumstances.Forinstance,duringaninterviewforadocumentaryfilmwhenaniño vascowascorneredintoexplaininghisidentityintermsofchoosingoneoranotherheanswered:

IfeelWelshnow,youknowwhenIwenttoLondonandIspeaktosomebodytheytellmemustbetheaccentIsuppose,ohwelltheysaidyouareWelsh,yesIamWelshyes,IwanttotellthemyesbecauseotherwiseIwouldhavetogivealotofexplanationandImean…ifinEnglandandplayingfootballIwantWelshtowinthatsortofthing,soinawayit’sbecauseIamhalfWelsh,halfSpanishorhalfBasque,Idon’tknow.210

InthosecircumstancesthispersonchoosesaWelshidentitywhichmarkshimasnon-English.However,heisthenaskedwhathefeelswhenhegoestoSpainandinthiscase he positions himself within the parameters which prevail in that context byanswering:

Well,Idon’tthinkaboutthat,whenIwenttoSpain…Idon’tknow,IfeelBasquethen,whenIwenttoSanSebastian,youknowyoufeellikeoneofthemIsuppose,neverenteredmymindreally.211

It is important to note that the interviewer is introducing an issue to which theintervieweehasapparentlynotgivenanythoughtsinthepast.Thus,ithasnotbeenan actual issue for him until this point. Furthermore, the interviewer still questions

210 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

211 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

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whattheinformant’sunderstandingofhisBasqueidentityis,towhichtheinterlocutorresponds:

Well,likeIamoneofthem,nothingpolitical,IamaSpanishresidentandBasque,youknowwhatImeanwhenyouareamongstthem,myfamilyandallthatwellyoufeeloneofthem, well they are Basque, and you feel like one of them it is obvious, you feel like aBasque.212

Thissubjectrevealsanapparentlynaturalandspontaneousfluctuationbetweenidentities, and his selection of what and who he is will normally be determined byaccommodationtothesurroundingenvironment.

Someobservationspointoutamoreconsciousdecisionby individualswhoareawareoftheirpowertooperateamongdifferentidentities,andwhomakeuseofthesein order to fulfil the requirements of particular situations. It has emerged from myethnographicobservationsthatdependingonwhethertheinteractiontakesplaceinanEnglish,Spanish,orBasquesetting,theNiños Vascos’displayofidentitiesvary.Forinstancetheyarelouderinanon-Englishcontextwhiletheyshowanimpeccableabilitytoperform‘English’whenthisisrequired.Also,whilstaninformantdeclaresthatheisnot ‘Basque’, at the same time he confesses his strong emotional attachment toBasquemusicandotherrepresentationsoftheBasqueculture.Furthermore,ontheonehandheshowshislackofallegiancetotheBasqueGovernmentduetohisnon-Basqueidentity,butontheotherheconfessesthatheflagshisbelongingtoaBasquecommunityinordertoobtainsupportfromthatgovernment.

Thesearenotsimplecontradictionsoriginatedbytensionsofcompetingidentitieswithinindividualpsyches.Onthecontrary,Ibelievethattheyshowtherichdiversityofresources and strategies which the Niños Vascos have developed in order to beactivelyinvolvedinthevarietyofrealitieswhichformpartoftheirlives.Therearealsoexampleswhichdemonstratetheirimpactandagencyonthoserealities.Forinstance,at the week of homage and commemoration celebrated in Bilbao in 2008 AndoniEgaña,awellknownbertsolari213,sangabertsodedicatedtotheNiños Vascoswholost their Basque language as a result of being evacuated and resettling in foreigncountries.DespitethefactthatbydefinitionthistypeofverseissunginBasque,hesanghisbertsoinSpanish.

Whileitremainstobeseenwhatthelongtermimpactofthis‘trangression’willbe,thefactthattheevent’shostpubliclystressedthatthiswasthefirsttimeinthehistoryofbertsolaritzathatthishappenedmakesitamemorableepisode.Thesettingwasan

212 ExcerptfromthetranscriptofthedocumentaryfilmThe Guernica Children(Bowles2005).

213 Mouillotstatesthat‘ThewordbertsolaritzafindsitsetymologicalrootsintheBasqueterm“bertsolari,”itselfcomposedofthewordbertso […],meaning“verse,”andthesuffix–lari,whichsignifies“maker.”A bertsolari isthusa“makerofverses”[…]Thepracticeofbertsolaritzaisbasedontheabilityof theperformerstoimprovise, inBasque,asungverseonapre-determinedthemewhilerespectingasetofstrictrules determiningrhythmandrhyme’(Mouillot2009).

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exceptionalforumwhichincludedrepresentativesofthefullsocio-politicalspectrumof Basque society and also the media. Thus, not only was the Niños Vascos’ membership of that society validated, but also their presence was legitimised as awelcomeadditiontoit.

The awareness of their agentive role is highlighted in the following example.DuringaconversationwhichIrecentlyhadwithaBritishscholar,Iwasreprimandedbya niño vasco who overheard us and indicated the inappropriateness of my bodylanguage.Hecommented‘youmoveyourhandstoomuchwhenyouspeakinEnglish’.His remark shows firstly, the understanding and acceptance of a social code whichdefines ‘Englishness’ differently from ‘Spanishness’ (or ‘Basqueness’). Secondly, italsoidentifiesthispersonasanactivesocialactorwhopossessesthedifferentcodes,andthuscanusethemwhenheconsidersitappropriateornecessary.Thirdly,thefactthathereprimandedmeandmarkedmylackofknowledgeordisrespectwithregardto the English code in front of the other person, validated his positioning andEnglishnessinthatparticularsituation.

Toconclude,thissectionpresentsaniña vascawhohasbrilliantlycometotermswiththeissuesofconflictofidentitieswhichIhavediscussedthroughoutthischapter.She ultimately epitomises an alternative discourse based on the acceptance of themultiple identities which emerge as a result of a process of transformation. Herhusbandexplainsthatdespitesomeoutbreaksofafeelingofasenseofloss:

Afteralltheyearsofthinkingherselfabandoned,thepost-waryearswereahappytimeforher.MariCarmenisproudofbeingbornaSpanishBasqueandhavingbeenbroughtupandlovedbytheWelshfamilywhotookherin.ShealsofeelsproudofbeingaBritishcitizen,andwasevensworninasaBritishsubjectlatein1949,inLondon.

(Benjamin2007:13-14)

Summary

The finalchapterof thisbookhasexaminedwhoandwhat theBasquerefugeechildrenoftheSpanishCivilWarintheUKarebylookingatsomespecificconceptswhich have been crucial with regard to the construction and maintenance of theirsenseofidentityasagroupovertime.

I started my discussion by debating both the existence of a single collective ofNiños Vascosandalsothenomenclaturewhichisusedtorecogniseandtodifferentiatethesubjectsofthisgroup.Firstly,Ianalysedhowtheyareidentifiedbyothersandhowthey identify themselves. I was particularly interested in establishing whether theconstructsniños de la guerra (childrenofthewar) andniñosvascos (Basquechildren)contributetothemaintenanceoftheircollectivememorybymeansofholdingthem

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togetherasadistinctgroup,orwhethertheycontributetothelossofthismemorybymeansofhomogenisation.Despitethefactthatthesearethemaincategorieswhicharenormallyattributedtotheinformantsofthisstudy,theyhavebeencontestedbyanumberofsocialactors.Ialsoexaminedwhethertheselabelshavebeenreachedbyconsensusorwhethertheyhavebeenimposedfromaboveinordertofulfilparticularpurposesandagendas.IlookedforthestrategieswhichtheNiños Vascoshavefoundtocounteract theirpotentialpassiverole in theprocessesofbeingcategorisedandremembered.Inotherwords,Iprovidedsomeevidenceofthemasactiveactorswhoalso have a voice. A discussion on the label los olvidados (the forgotten), which Iframedwithina‘victimhood’discourse,finishedthefirstsectionofthechapter.

ThisinitialanalysiswasfollowedbyadebateonthedynamicnatureoftheNiños Vascos’senseofbelongingwithinatransnationalcontextwhichincludesfluctuationsbetween‘theBasque’,‘theSpanish’and‘theBritish’.IarguedthattheNiños Vascosnavigate between these identity markers, embracing one or another guided by anassessment of their needs in relation to specific moments and circumstances. Thefocus of this last section of the chapter was on the concepts of ‘imagined’ and‘constructed’ home and the process of transformation of identities within thoseparameters. These were explored from a double perspective which takes intoconsideration the roles which the country of origin and the receiving country haveplayedinmouldingtheNiños Vascos’perceptionsofbelonging,asmuchastheirroleasagentsofchangeintheprocess.

(05)

Concl usions

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Concl usions

Introduction

The aim of this study has been to examine how memorialisation processesgenerate,perpetuate,transform,andrenovatebothindividualandcollectivenarratives.As a result of commemorative practices renewed identities and new relationshipsemergefuelledbytheritualsthatareperformedbytheindividualsinthecontextoftheirsocialnetworksandalsointhepublicsphere.ToinvestigatethisphenomenonIchosethecasestudyoftheBasquerefugeechildren(Niños Vascos) evacuatedtotheUKduringtheSpanishCivilWarafterthebombingoftheBasquetownofGernika.Inspite of their different ideologies and socio-economical backgrounds, the Niños Vascoscollectivelyparticipateinritualswhichgivethemtheopportunitytodevelopacollectiveidentitywhichinturnstrengthenstheexistenceofthegroupandassuresitscontinuity.

Asastartingpoint,Chapter1examinedexistingstudiesinthefieldsofmemory,commemorations,andrefugeeworkinordertoestablishatheoreticalframeworkformyinvestigation.First,Ifocusedonthenotionofcollectivememory,problematisingsomeissuesrelatedtoit,andthenIproceededtoexploretheliteratureonprocessesofmemorialisationandtheirimpactonmemoryproduction.Inordertoconceptualisethedevelopmentof theNiños Vascos’ senseofselfand to restrict theareaofmyresearchwithinthebroadfieldofhumanmigrations,Irevisedthetermrefugeeandtheconceptofdiaspora.Icametorealisethatduetotheincreasingcomplexityof

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the field, it is difficult to adhere to conventional historical meanings of theseconceptswithinaconstantlychangingandevermoretransnationalworld.Thefirstkeypointwhichemergesfromthisenquiry,isthatnewusesandapproachesneedtobesoughtwhichbettercorrespondtonewsituationsencounteredwithinthefieldofhumanmigrations.

Afterestablishingthetheoreticalbasisformyresearch,Chapter2contextualisedmycasestudyfromasocio-politicalandhistoricalperspective.IdiscussedsomeofthebackgroundtoandeventsoftheCivilWar,theconsequentinternationalinvolvement,andtheevacuationoftheNiños VascostotheUK,inordertoframetheissuesthatleduptoandsurroundedthisevacuation.Subsequentlysometestimonieswereofferedwhichrelatetoindividualexperiencesofarrival,relocationtochildren’shomes,andlifeasanadultinthehostcountry.ThelastsectionprovidedanoutlineofthenatureandroleoftheBasqueChildrenAssociationof’37UK.Thischapterhighlightedaseriesofparadoxes which affected the subjects of this study and which set some basis fordiscussioninthefollowingtwochapters.

In Chapters 3 and 4, I examined the ongoing process of (re)construction of theNiños Vascos’senseofidentitybylookingatbothagencyandpoliticsofremembrance–largelyfromasynchronicperspective–,andalsothenarrativesconstructedthroughouthistory.Tocarry thisout Ianalysed the informationgathered focusingon twobasicquestions:Chapter3dealtwiththeconstructiveroleintheformationofvaluesoftheprivate and public commemorative practices, which I argue create, manage, andtransmitasocialorderwhichfacilitatesthatthisgroupofpeoplefunctionsassuch;and Chapter 4 dealt with how the group and its members have historically beendefinedbothbythemselvesandbyothers,ultimately,howtheNiños Vascos interprettheirpositioninginrelationtothatsocialorder,andhowtheymakesenseoftheimpactwhichtheirexperienceofforcedmigrationhashadupontheirlives.

The ‘business’ of memory

In order to address my first research question I emphasised the importance ofagency in memory production, stressing the struggles which take place in thecommemorativearena.TheanalysisofevidencepresentedinChapter3revealedthecomplexitiesofinteractionamongthevarioussocialactorsinvolved.Oneprominentcharacteristic observed was that although the Niños Vascos are the ones whoexperienced the historical episode directly –and therefore in principle they are thememorybearers–,inthecontextofcurrentcommemorativepracticesremembranceisultimately shaped and constrained by an amalgam of the interwoven ideological,cultural,politicaland,increasingly,personalagendasofavarietyofactors(includingtheNiños Vascos themselves).Thesesocialactorscollectivelyconfigurethememorylandscape by offering deliberately constructed representations of the past through

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conflictual processes of contestation and debate. Furthermore, they also set theagendafortheremembrancenarrativesofothermembersofsociety.

Who, how, where, when

InordertodefinetheactorsidentifiedIhaveusedthetermsagents of memory andmemory entrepreneurs.Thesetermsrefertothoseindividualswho,byparticipatinginthecommemorativeprocesses,seektodefinethefieldandtoestablishthecriteriaforkeyfactorssuchascategorisationandpublicrepresentationsofhistory,membership,and ownership of memory.They are principally academics, representatives of stateinstitutions,politicians,andthemedia,whoseagendasconcerninghowtodealwithboth memories and their deletion are embedded within larger state and corporateagendas.

Although my analysis of agency has fundamentally been based on Jelin’stheoreticalmodel,animportantpointofdeparturewasreachedthroughobservationofdata.Herexaminationofthestrugglesformemoryisbasedonremembranceinthecontext of countries with a history of past dictatorship and repression, primarily inLatin America. Thus, she puts the accent on the political factor and political andhumanitarianmotivationswhichstimulatememoryentrepreneurs.IfoundthistobethecaseatthecommemorativeeventsobservedintheBasqueCountry,whichwerepartofawiderlivelysocio-politicaldebate.However,whileIchoseJelin’sapproachasthe most pertinent to my study given the similarities between her context and theSpanishrecentpast,themainfocusofmyenquiryrelatestotheBritishcontext,whichhas traditionally been identified as an example of democracy and egalitarianism.Therefore,ifwewanttouncoverthesubtlemechanismsofmemoryworkandacrucialaspectsuchasparticipationintheprocess,weneedtolookfromawiderandmoremultilayeredperspectivethanthemerelypolitical,astheevidencecollectedforthisstudysuggests.Moreover,thedebateonequalityofaccesswithinthepublicspherecannotbereducedandthoughtofintermsof

opennessofaccess,asifinformationandcommunicationwereneutralgoodsthatexistalreadyandsimplyincreasingtheiravailabilityisasatisfactorygoalinitself.

(Bernal2005:672)

Onthecontrary,itneedstobemeasuredintermsofengagementofallrelevantsocialactorswithdebates,theircapacitytochallengeorsubvertthepresentedtopicsandagendasofthosedebates,andthecapacitytoprovokesocialchangeasaresult.

In relation to this, I found that the majority of Niños Vascos actively engage inpracticescelebratedataprivatelevel,whichhavebeenorganisedbythemselvesuntilveryrecentlyandarenoworganisedbytheirchildren.Datacollectedattheirannual

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reunionshowedthattheNiños Vascosconsidertheseeventsastheopportunitywhichtheyhavetosocialisewitheachotherandtomaintaintheirconnectionwiththegroup.Atthesereunionstheyperformanidentitywhichtheyattachtotheirhomelandratherthantotheirhostland.Thisidentityisreinforcedbyanumberofrepetitiveritualsandalsobysemioticdeviceswhicharepartofthesocialspaceofreunion.AremarkablefeatureisthedeterminedintentionoftheNiños Vascosandtheirfamiliestoensurethecontinuity of these private reunions in the future, and to continue to keep themseparatefromanyinstitutionalandofficialtypeofremembrance.Atworkhereistheimportanceattachedtothesafeguardandtransmissionofasocialcapital,modelledintheirownterms,andalsothefirmattempttokeepownershipofit.

Bycontrast,thecommemorativepracticesheldinthepublicsphereareattendedbyavaryingnumberofNiños Vascoswhodonotparticipateintheorganisationanddecisionmakingprocess.AsignificantdifferencenoticedisthatwhileintheBasqueCountry the practices observed included enthusiastic debates in which the Niños Vascoswidelyparticipated, intheUKthosewhoattendedwere inmost instancesamerepartoftheaudiencewhoreceived knowledge.Thishierarchicaldivisionbetweentheknowledge-authoritiesandthecomparativelypassiveconsumers,questions thelegitimacyoftheso-callednegotiationofknowledgeproductionanditstransmissionoperatingatpublicsitesofmemory.

Anin-depthstudyofagencycannotlimititselftoscrutinisewhomakesmemorybymeans of being present where this is produced, but it also needs to look at theabsentee and the motives behind absenteeism. The following reasons fordisengagementhavebeenidentified:

1. disagreement with the perceived dominant official line which is outlined bythosewhohaveaccesstothebroaderpublicasaresultofhavingthepower,socialstatus,privilegesandconnectionstodoso;

2. unwillingnesstolegitimisetheexclusivityofpublicmemorialisationprocessesintermsofbothbeingorganisedbyaneliteandalsoignoringcertainsegmentsofthepopulationwhoexperiencedthesameharshpast,thusexcludingpartsofthenarrative;

3. strongcriticaloppositiontothephenomenonoftheatricalisationinthesenseoftrivialisationofmemories;and

4. intenserefusaltocollaboratewithmemoryagentswhoseagendaconsistsofthepursuitofpersonalfameandfortune.

AsitwasexplainedinChapter3,Iintendneithertojudgewhowritestheofficiallineandwhodoesnot,nortoclassifythesocialactorsaccordingtothoseManicheanparameters.Onthecontrary,animportantconcernofthisinvestigationistoprovide

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evidenceof the interwoven-nessof thedynamics implicit inagency,and the impactwhich all actors and agendas have on each other. This per se challenges the veryexistenceofa‘unique’officialline.

Afterhaving introducedwhoproducesmemory, itbecomesessential to identifyhow knowledge and narratives are constructed, and also the methods utilised tounfold and underpin those narratives. Documentation introduced in Chapter 3highlighted how memorialisation sites are the context which provokes and shapesdiscoursesandnarratives.Iexpressedhowasocialcapitalistransmittedbymeansoflanguageandalsobytheperformativityandmaterialityofthesociallife.Thisincludestheobjectsandplaceswherehistoryisremembered;choiceofmeaningfuldatesandspaces for memorialisation; political elements such as flags and speeches; artisticrepresentations; and also performance of rituals; all of them being reinforced byrepetition at those sites of memory. While it is a relatively easy task to locate thephysicalspacewherepeoplegatherforremembranceatagivendate,toanswerthequestionofwhereamemorialeventbeginsandendsisacomplexendeavour.Doesitbeginatthetimeofitsveryinceptionorwhenitgathersanaudience?Sinceitseffecttranscendsthetimeandspaceofthegathering,whendoesthememorialpracticeend?Iapproachedmyanalysisfromanholisticperspectivewhichalsoconsideredwhatwassaidandrelevantmnemonicdevicesobservedbeforeandaftertheeventstookplace,but which were an important part of the process, for instance correspondence andadvertisingposters.

What, why

Toconcludethediscussiononagency,Iattemptedtoidentifytheagendaofthedifferentactorsbehindthepracticesobserved.IfoundthatataprivatelevelacommondiscourseisreinforcedbymeansofrepetitionandisinternalisedbytheNiños Vascos.Thisendorsesbelongingtoagroupthatisself-perceivedandcategorisedasafamily,wherememberssharebothapastexperienceofforcedmigration–embodiedinthedate chosen for the encounter, that is the anniversary of the evacuation–, and alsoSpanishasthelanguageofinteraction.

Atapublic level,however,multiplediscoursestakeplace, includingavarietyofofficial lines ascribed to particular memorial events and audiences. A commoncelebratoryagendaissupportedbyinstitutionsandthemediawhichputstheaccentonafestivetoneandsetsa joyfulcontext forremembrance.Themottopersistentlypredicated at this type of events is a message of ‘celebration’ and ‘gratitude’ to asocietythatreceivedtheNiños Vascoswhentheyarrivedin1937.Thefactthatthesetermsareexplicitlydescribedasthekeywordsoftheremembrancedepoliticisesitscharacter,thusthepoliticaldimensionofthehistoricalepisodeanditsconsequencesisneutralisedandignored.Thisdeparturefromthepoliticalelementoftheremembrance

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isunderpinnedbytherepresentationswhichareoffered,whicheitherfulfilanartisticagendaoravoidtheuseoftheterm‘refugee’orgenerallymovetheremembrancetoanemotionalrealmwithwhichabroadaudiencecaneasilysympathise.Consequentlyopportunitiesforameaningfulandelaboratedebatearemissed.

Inadditiontotheopenlyannouncedagendasofthepractices,acloselookatthedatasuggeststhatthereareanumberofunderlyingdiscourses.SomeNiños Vascosinterpretthesepubliceventsasanofficialsymbolicacknowledgementofwrongdoingandofrecognitionoftheirsilencedpastsuffering.Ultimatelytheylookforjusticeandcontinuityofthegroupagainstforgetting.Inthissense,thereisatherapeuticelementof closure to an emotional unfinished business, particularly now that they areapproachingtheendoftheirlives.

Unsurprisingly, I also identified a national discourse promoted by staterepresentatives which frames and reinforces what matters at the memorial eventwithin the parameters of their national agendas. In this respect the narratives ofrepresentativesoftheSpanishandtheBasquegovernmentsrespectivelyconcentrateonpresentingthehegemonicstateasanestablisheddemocracycharacterisedbyitsunity,andonbringingtheBasqueagendatotheforefront.

To conclude, a significant finding was that in order to ascertain social agency,despite the socio-political and institutional background which frames publicremembranceacts,theindividualsubjectivitiesandinterestsofthosewhoareinvolvedalsoplayavitalrole,thusthisneedstobeintroducedinanydebate.Inthisrespectandowing to the intricacy and the high level of action detected in the commemorativearena,Ihaveproposedanewterminologywhichisconnectedtoanentrepreneurialcharacterdetectedinthesocialengineeringofremembrance.

Inthedaysofenormouspressuretoproduceandtomarketknowledgeatanycost,as everyone is currently perceived first and foremost as a buyer or a seller, I havecoined the terms conmemoracciones (commemoractions), celebracciones(celebractions) and conmemoraccionistas (commemoractionists). They combine theidea of commemorations and celebrations as the sites where different agents havetheirinputintheprocessofidentityconstruction;theseagents(memorybrokers)areactiveanddynamicaccionistas (investors)whobyinvestingaconsiderableamountoftime and effort act upon memory. Besides this, the Spanish terms also imply theconnectionof theseagents’acciones toentrepreneurshipandthebusinessworld. Irefertotheacciones –usedherewithitsdoublemeaninginSpanishof‘actions’butalso ‘stocks and shares’– which take place at the commemorative practices in thesense of activity, actuación or ‘performance’, and also activation and gestation ofidentities(Sabín-Fernández2010).BringingthedebatetothiscontemporarycontextIfirstdiscussedtheconceptsof‘exiliobusiness’(‘exile-business’)andthetrivialisationofmemories (Naharro-Calderón2005).Developing theseconcepts further, Inoticedtheexistenceofopportunisticmemory profiteers,whobyhighlightingtheneedforthis

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typeofreturntothepastareconcealingtheiragenda,whichistogaincelebrityandtomakeaprofitoutofit.Thissuccessisachievedattheexpenseofcompromisingvaluessuchasethicalintegrity,accuracy,andin-depthanalysesofpublicinterest.Ultimatelythesememorybrokersuncriticallyredefinethesocialandsymboliccapitalatstakeandcontributetomanufactureconsent(Herman&Chomsky2002)inagrowingmemorymarket.

Identity matters

Having analysed the relationship between commemorative practices and theprocessofsocialmemorybuilding,I lookedatthenarrativesemergingatthepublicspacessharedbyvariousmemoryagents.SeveralcategoriesusedinrelationtotheNiños Vascos were identified which I then examined in Chapter 4 in order to findanswerstomyresearchquestion‘WhoandwhataretheBasqueRefugeeChildrenoftheSpanishCivilWarintheUK?’.Themainfocusherewasonthequestionsofhowtheyself-identify,howtheyareidentifiedbyothers,andwhethertheNiños Vascosarepassive subjects whose narratives are influenced and shaped by other agents orwhethertheyhaveanactiveroleintheprocess.

IttranspiredthattheNiños Vascos functionasadistinctgroupwhichstrivestofinditsplaceinhistory.Therearesomefeatures,suchastheSpanishlanguage,whichthemembers share to different degrees. However, the unique particularity that bondsthemandisperceivedastheonethatexplicitlymarkstheboundarybetweenthe‘us the Niños Vascos’and‘theothers’isthaton21May1937theyallembarkedonaboatinSanturtziwhichtookthemtoSouthampton,wheretheyfoundrefuge.Withregardto representations of this group I limited my analysis to the commonly heardexpressionsniños de la guerra (childrenofthewar),niños vascos,andlos olvidados (theforgotten).

Withinapublicdiscourseofwar remembrance, inSpain theNiños Vascoshaveoften been included within the larger category of niños de la guerra, which isneverthelesspresentedasaproblematicconstructbyauthorssuchasDevillardetal.(2001)andNaharro-Calderón(Llanes,2006).Thislabelhasbeencontestedbythosewhofindingittoovague–andinclusiveofmanyotherswhodidnotexperienceforcedmigration–,favourtheexpressionniños del exilio(childrenofexile).Withregardtothisnomenclature the data collected indicate that there is no agreement amongst theNiños Vascos.Thereishoweverstrongevidenceofaccordwithregardtotheirchoiceof theexpressionNiños Vascos toself-identify,as forhistorical reasons that ishowtheyhavelargelybeenidentifiedfromtheBritishperspectiveandalsointheSpanishliterature. Above all the Niños Vascos find this term meaningful as it embodies anidentity to which they relate, and furthermore, which they perceive as solelyrepresentativeoftheirparticulargroup,sincenootherswouldbeabletobecomea

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niño vascoorniña vascaintheUKunlesstheyhadexperiencedthesamejourneyontheshipHabana.Nevertheless,despiteuniquefeaturesanalysedinthisenquirywhichclearlydifferentiatethiscasestudyfromothers,theydonotdisengagethisexperienceof forced migration from others. This is by no means interpreted as an isolatedphenomenon;onthecontrary,itstransnationalcharactermakesitafascinatingcasetocomparewithothersofasimilarnaturebothwithinthecontextoftheSpanishCivilWarandalsocurrentcontextsofwarandconflict.

Avictimhooddiscourseemergesfromthedatawhichisepitomisedbythetermlos olvidadosandreinforcedbyadramatictonewithinthenarrativesof,firstly,thelossoffamilyandhome;secondly,thedistressingjourneyontheHabana;andfinally,asenseofnot-belongingthroughoutanewlifeintheUKasarefugeeandasanenemyalien.Whenthisstudycommenced,thetermlos olvidadoswaspersistentlyusedbyboththeNiños Vascosthemselvesandalsobysomememoryagentsclosetothem.Forinstance,itwasatopicrecurrentlyforegroundedonthenewsletteroftheBasqueChildrenof’37Association UK. Interestingly, during the course of the study the narratives havedevelopedinthesensethatashifthasbeennoticedfromthatvictimhooddiscoursetowardsthediscourseofcelebrationarguedearlier.

AfluctuationbetweenapassiveandanagentivecharacteroftheNiños Vascoswasobservedwithinthenarratives,thusanargumentforacounter-victimhooddiscourseatworkwasput forward in the lightofsomeexamplesofagentivepowerdetectedamongstthedataanalysed.Theseincludeanexplicitself-identificationoftheNiños Vascos as‘historicalmonuments’,whichshowsanawarenessoftheirimportanceinhistory,thusofthepossibilitytochangedominantdiscourses,andalsocontestationofsomelabelsandinsistenceonself-identifyingastheNiños Vascos.Bydiscussingandspreadingtopicsofconcernwithintheirsocialnetwork,narrativesaredisseminatedand then transmitted to a larger audience. To a lesser extent a small number ofmembersofthegrouphavealsohadthechancetopropagatetheirnarratives,andsotofulfiltheiragendas,byhavingtheopportunitytoexpressthemselvesbyfeaturinginthemediaandotheroutletsofinformation.However,inthesecasesanelementoftheirnarrativeshavingbeen‘severelyedited’hasbeenraised.

In order to further explore resistance, or the lack of it, in the narratives againstdominantdiscourseswithregardtoformsofidentification,Inextdelvedintoissuesofbelonginginrelationtoboththehomelandandthehostland.Icontestedatraditionalunderstandingoftheconceptofhomeassomethingessentiallystable,unchangingandsafe,infavourofadynamiccontinuousconstructionofit.Aredefinitionofthisconceptisneededwhichdoesnotrestrictitselftogeographicalspaceandtimeparameters.OnthispointIunderlinedtheimportanceattachedtofeelingsofbelongingandtheresorttotheartsandimaginationaswaystocreatealternativerepresentationsofhome.

Subsequently the discussion of the data focused on the negative impact of adichotomising approach to identity which has its origins in state interests, since a

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definitiveself-declarationbyitscitizenryinthisrespectcontributestoensureloyalties,to safeguard national identity, and also to help naturalise the state’s otherwisearbitrary borders. Under this type of essentialist binary discourse the individual isrequiredtochoosebetweenabsoluteallegiancestothehomelandandthehostland,thus jeopardising their sense of self as a whole entity and leading to a feeling ofmutilation. By contrast, to finish my discussion I proposed an approach to identitywhichseesitasincessantlyunderconstruction.Theindividualthereforeisnotseenashavingafixedanduniqueidentity butasumofidentitieswhichrelatetothedifferentformsthattheseconstructionstakeunderdifferentcircumstances.InthisrespectHallpointsoutthat‘identitiesarethenameswegivetothedifferentwayswearepositionedby,andpositionourselveswithin,thenarrativesofthepast’(Hall1998:225).ThishelpsusunderstandtheprocessthathastakenplacethroughoutthehistoryoftheNiños Vascos, which is not by any means seen as a phenomenon of acculturation,fragmentation,andassimilation,butinterpretedinsteadasanenrichingtransformationandaccumulationof identitieswhicharedisplayedaccordingtoparticularcontexts,settings,andaudiences.Afundamentalconsequenceofthisisthatwhileadoptinganessentialist approach to identity in which the discourse of a fixed and unchangingnotionoftheusimpliesafixednotionofotherness,adynamicandfluidconceptionofitblurstheboundariesbetweentheusandthe others,thusitsubvertsthenation-stateagenda.

So, what has changed?

AtthebeginningofthisbookImentionedthepersonalreasonswhichdrovemetoexplorethetopic,andhowtheinvestigationandtheresearchquestionsdeveloped.InitiallyIwastryingtofindoutaboutmyfamilybackgroundanditspastrelationshipwiththeUK,whereI livenow.ThespecificperiodoftimewhichfourofmyrelativeslivedasrefugeesinBritainhadneverbeendiscussedathomeindetaildespitethefactthatitwasofgreatsignificance,bothhistoricallyandalsoatafamilylevel.Thus,Ihadmanyquestionstoask,mainlybecauseallIhadheardaboutitwereshortanecdotesrelatedtothevoyageontheHabana andtothelifeatthecolonias.However,lookingfor answers to my initial questions raised many other questions which becameincreasinglymorecomplex.

During the course of the investigation I learned many different stories, oftencontradictory but always fascinating. I discovered very interesting stories about myfamily’spastandalsoaboutotherpeople’s.Furthermore,thereweremanywhotalkedtomeabouttheirhopesforthefuture.IrealisedthatwhilesomeNiños Vascoshardlytalked about their experience of forced migration, some others were finding theirspaceinthepublicsphereandanaudiencetowhomtheycouldtransmittheirversionofthepast.Itwasalsonoticeablethatsomeofthem,includingmyrelatives,hadnotincorporatedtermssuchas‘exile’or‘refugees’intotheirnarratives.Conversely,some

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Niños Vascos who were more connected to current discourses of memory andmemorialisationweretalkingintermsof‘let’srecuperatethehistoricalmemory’.Itwassurprisingtohearthistypeofdiscoursefrompeopleintheireighties.

Mymother,whowasahouse-wifeandwho,owingtothewar,hadaverybasicanddisruptededucation,hasnowappearedinabook.ThisisacollectionoftestimoniesofNiños Vascoswhichincludeshertestimonyamongstothers.Myfather,whowasalsoevacuatedduringthewar,hasdevelopedanewidentityasawriter,andhaspublishedhis memoirs (see Sabín Etcheverry 2009). Both my parents have now appeared innewspapers.ThereareanumberofNiños Vascoswhohavealsowrittentheirmemoirs(seeforexampleBarajuán2005andSantamaría2008)andmanyhaveappearedinthemedia.Aniña vascawhocompletelylostcontactwithherfamilyformanyyearshasdiscovered that she has relatives in the Basque Country, thus she has acquired anidentity as a sister and as a part of a family. Moreover, despite her naturally timidcharactershehasspokeninpublicaboutherpast,thus,heridentityhaschanged.Ihavespentdelightful timeswitha largenumberofniños vascos, theyhaveopenedtheirheartstome,andhavereallymademefeelthatIhavea‘family’anda‘home’awayfromhome.ThepointIamtryingtomakehereisthat,becauseofthecurrentengagement with recovering the past, there has been a noticeable development ofidentities,bothatcollectiveandindividuallevels.They(we)areallchangingasaresultanditremainstobeseenwhatthefuturewillbringtotheNiños Vascosandtotheirdescendants. Hopefully everyone will feel comfortable with a multiple identity,mouldedintheirowntermsandwithouthavingtochose‘whoandwhattheyare’interms of imposed categorisations and dichotomies dictated by agendas external tothem.

Method ological consider ationsof analysingre membrance

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Method ological consider ationsof analysingre membrance

Fieldwork

Thereisanimportantaspectrelatedtothisenquirywhichneedstobenotedasitdistinguishes it fromearlierworkon the topic fromamethodologicalpointofview.Whilepreviousworkhasbeenbasedonarchivalresearchandtestimonies,thenatureof my investigation clearly determined my choice of an oral methodology which isfundamentallydifferentfromtheperspectiveadoptedbyhistoriansinthepastinthatit isclosertothesubjectsofstudy.Inthisviewtheactorsofhistoryarenotobjectsseen from the distance, but individuals who express their own feelings andinterpretationsoftheirownstories.

InthisstudyIturnedmyattentiontoboththenarrativesoftheNiños Vascosandalsototheeventswhichframethem.Ihaveattemptedtointroducenewmethodsinordertoobtainacomprehensiveunderstandingofthevarietyofmodesofexpressionand systems of meaning which underpin memory construction. While the use ofsecondarysourcesandarchivalinformationcomplementmyapproachtothisstudyinthesensethattheyprovidedmebothwithinformationandalsosignificantframesofreference, the main methodological strategy which has informed my work isethnography.

Idefendthismethodasdifferentfrom(andricher than)thenon-oral,andpositionmyselfwithinthetrendwhichfromthemid-1990shascontestedpreviousclaimsaboutthetruthofthenarrative.Inthiscontextthefactualrigourandhistoricaltruthwithin

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people’saccountswhentheycommunicatetheirexperiencesbecomeslessimportant.Thevalueanduniquenessoforalsourcesisthattheyprovidetheresearcherwithnewmaterialand insights,highlightingtopicsthatoftenhavenotbeenexploredbutarecentralnevertheless.

Thephenomenonofconstructionandreconstructionofidentities,whichoccursinthe context of social networks and the public sphere and also implies humaninteractions,isrelatedtoemotions,feelingsandperceptions;thereforeitneedstobedirectlyexperiencedinitsnaturalsettings.HenceIusedparticipantobservationofavariety of commemorative practices to examine the behaviour of the informants inpublicandethnographicinterviews/conversationsinordertoexploretheinformants’privatesphere.

Also,theethnographicinterviews/conversationsapproachallowedmetouncoverwhyindividualsparticipatedinthesepracticesordecidednottodoso.Iconsideredithighly significant, and necessary, to explore the process of engagement ordisengagementofcertainindividualsorgroupsthattookplaceattheeventswhichIattended.Insomeinstancestheirdeterminationwasparticularlypersistent,andwasthecauseofanumberofissueswhichneededtobeanalysedinordertounderstandhowpersonsnegotiatetheirinvolvementintheseprocessesofmemoryandidentityengineering.

Finally,anotheradvantageoftheethnographicmethodformyresearchwasthatitpermittedmetoexaminehowthesocialactorsinteractwitheachother.Itallowedmenot only to observe social action while it took place but also the spaces, objects,symbols and artefacts which mediated it.These often-symbolically-loaded semioticvehicleswereexploredinmyanalysisinthesenseofhowthematerialityofsociallifeaffectsdiscourseandtheinteractionbetweenindividualsandcollectives.

Data collection

I considered it crucial to allocate as long a period of time as possible to myfieldwork.Thiswasundertakenfromthebeginningofthestudyintheautumnof2006andcontinueduntilthespringof2010,whichamountstonearlyfouryears.Ihavealsocollecteddatainalessstructuredwaybeforeandafterthatperiodoftime.

Firstly, I took part as a participant observer at a number of commemorativepracticesheldbothintheUKandalsointheBasqueCountry.Secondly,Icarriedoutanumberofethnographicinterviews/conversationswithrelevantinformants.OncethedataweregatheredIstructuredtheirsubsequentanalysisintwoseparatechapters.Therationaletocollectmydatagoingfromthegeneral/collectivetotheparticular/individuals was mainly due to practical reasons, as the three main commemorative

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eventswhichIcontrastinmystudywerecelebratedin2007and2008.Thus,owingtothetimingoftheevents,itwasimperativethatIattendedthosecelebrationsbeforeIindividuallyinterviewedtheinformantsofthestudy.

Theyearsof2007and2008wereremarkablyserendipitouswithreferencetothenumberofeventswhichwereorganisedinconnectionwiththeNiños Vascosbothinthe UK and in Spain. Two main factors contributed to the sudden proliferation ofcommemorativepractices.Firstly,2007markedthe70thanniversaryoftheevacuationand thearrivalof thosechildren in theUK.Secondly, thismomentousand roundedanniversary,whichwasfeltasprobablythelastmajoronewhileasignificantnumberof the Niños Vascos were still alive, took place within the framework of a broadercontemporarydebateonmemoryandtherecuperationofhistoricalmemory,bothinSpainandelsewhere.

Thisgeneralcontextwasparticularlyfavourableformyresearch.Theimplicationwasthattheabundanceofuniqueactivitieswhichwereorganisedasaresultgavemetheopportunity tobeable tocarryoutethnographicobservationof community lifeattendinganumberofexceptionalevents inwhichtheNiños Vascoswere involved.These includedsomereunions,exhibitionsandofficialmeetings.During that time IwasalsopresentasaparticipantobserveratvariousmeetingsoftheBasqueChildrenof’37AssociationUKandatanumberofmemorialevents.Amongthesetherewerethe unveiling of commemorative blue plaques, a memorial for a niño vasco whoseasheswereburied,ayearafterhisdeath,closetoKarlMarx’sgraveattheHighgateCemeteryinLondon,andthe70thanniversaryoftheNiños Vascos’arrivalcelebrationsatSouthamptoninMay2007andEastleighinOctober2007.

Myroleinthepreviouseventswasclearlyasaresearcherwhowasgatheringdataasaparticipantobserver,butIalsoparticipatedinallofthemasanindividualwhobelongsto thecommunityof theNiños Vascosandtheir families.However,myrolechanged to some extent when I attended a series of homage events which wereorganisedinBilbaotopaytributetotheBasqueChildrenoftheSpanishCivilWarandtookplacefromthe7thtothe15thofJune2008.Onthisoccasionmyrolewaspartlydifferent,sinceIwasobservingtheevents,butIdidnottakepartintheirorganisationordecisionmakingprocess.Also,thisweekofcommemorativeactswasnotexclusivelyaddressedtotheBasqueChildrenoftheUK,thus,myroleasaparticipantwasdiffusedand considerably less active than at previous events, allowing me to collect andanalysemydatafromadifferentperspective.

Attending these events gave me a further insight into the sphere of the Niños VascoswhichIdocumentedinmyfieldnotes,myowndigitalphotographicmaterial,video-clipsandaudiorecordings,andalsoseveralhoursofdigitalvideotapesrecordedbymyselfwhichhelpedmetobettercaptureanimportantextradimension.Thus,inaddition to analysing social action and testimonies, in this book I also display anumberof illustrations inorder tosupportmyargument.The figureonpage163 in

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Chapter4providesanexampleofthepowerfulenhancementprovidedtothisenquirybymediaother thanspeech.Themeaningof the ikurriña (Basqueflag)andtxapela (traditionalBasqueberet)wornbytheniño vascoasanexpressionofhisidentitycanonlybefullycapturedandanalysedbyuseofimage.

Additionally, I compiled a vast amount of audio-visual material related to theseeventswhichareinthepublicdomain.ThisincludespresscoverageoftheeventsbybothSpanishandBritishnewspapersandtelevision,andalsoanumberofarticlesandphotographswhichwerepublishedontheinternet.

Withregardtotheinterviews/conversations,theyallowedmetoacquireinformationwhich would probably not be obtained by using other methods. For instance, myinformantsusuallyreceivedmeintheirhomes,whereIhadtheopportunitytobecomepartof,andobserve,theirday-to-daylives,andobservetheplaceswheretheylive.Thus, the ethnographic interviews/conversations were the lenses through which Ilooked more closely into the lives of the subjects of my research and their privatesphere,providinganalternativemethodwhichsubstantiatedtheevidencecollectedfromothersources.

I carried out a number of in-depth semi-structured and open-ended interviewswhichdidnotconsistofaseriesofstandardquestionsrepeatedtoalltheinformants.Onthecontrary,theyweresimilartoanaturalconversation,givingtheinformantstheopportunitytocoverthesubjectswhichwereimportanttothem.Theyweredigitallyrecordedinaudioandsometimesvideoformat, includingfilmingofrelevantobjectssuch as posters, pictures or artefacts found in the spaces where the conversationstookplace.

EachtimeIstartedbygivingmyinterlocutorabriefoutlineoftheresearchinwhichIwasengagedandwentontoexplainthereasonwhyIwantedtointerviewhimorher.ItriedtoavoidgivingtoomuchinformationorideasofthetopicswhichIhadinmind,inordernottoinfluenceorguidetheirthoughts.Theformatoftheinterviewscontaineda number of analytical topics which needed to be covered with each informant.Nonetheless, Iwasawarethatatanintervieworataconversationeachsidebringstheirownagenda,andthattheanswerswhichtheinformantsgivearenotalwaysinreply to (or even connected to) the researcher’s questions. Thus, I kept an openattitudewithregardtothetopicswhichwediscussedandlettheconversationtakeitsowncourse.

Methodological challenges

Animmediateconsequenceoftheconversationalcharacteroftheinterviewisthattheresultingnarrativeistheproductofaninteractionbetweenboththeinterviewer

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andtheinterviewee,thustheethnographicsitecanbeseenasanencounterwherethespeakersconstruct ‘both theirownandeachother’s identity’ (Schneider2003:190).Also,withregardtosocialeventsandcommemorativepractices,despitethefactthatethnographytakesplaceinanaturalsetting,onemustconsiderthatthisenvironmentis influenced and assembled by human practice, including the presence of theethnographer. Furthermore, the semiotic devices selected for a particular settingcontributetotheproductionofmeanings,andboththeobjectsandthemediawherethey are positioned are ‘crucial for the specific kinds of action that actors perform’(Goodwin2000:1505).Thus,afirstobviouschallengefortheethnographerishowtodeal with those elements which, deliberately or not, influence the collection andanalysisofdataandthedatathemselves,thatis,howtomanagethesubjectivenatureandbiasofanyresearch.

SomekeyaspectswhichIhadtocriticallyconsiderwhenImademychoicesofhowto collect and analyse, and how to present my data to the potential readers of mystudy,werethoserelatedtotherepresentativenessandthefaithfulnessoforaldata,aswellastheethicalissuesinvolvedandtheimpactwhichmyownviewswouldhaveonmyresearch. Ihavetriedtoreflect this inmyapproachto thisstudybygivingamajoremphasistotheprocessofmemoryandnarrativeconstruction.Ifocusonhowpeople construct the identity they portray of themselves and the factors whichinfluencethisconstructionoftheself,ratherthanontheaccuracyofwhatthatselfis.

A. Access to information and representativeness

Inprinciple,anoralmethodologicalapproachwhichfocusesonthesubjectswhohave experienced, and who to a great extent are the guardians of, a particularmoment of history could be considered as original, inclusive, democratising andgenuinely instigated by the purpose of merely uncovering a story, without hiddenagendas.However,it ispracticallyimpossibletoidentifyandtoreacheverypersondirectly related to that experience. Thus, there is an element of judgement anddiscrimination from the beginning of a study when the researcher decides who isgoingtoinformthis.

Withregardtothesettings,itneedstobepointedoutthatIaccessedthemwithoutanydifficultiesexceptforoneoccasionwhenIdidnotattendakeyevent,whichwasorganisedunexpectedly,becauseagatekeeperpreventedmefromdoingsobyfailingtopassoninformation.Thishighlightstheimportantrole,sometimesindispensableinethnographicwork,whichgatekeepershave,thatis,thosewhooccupyapositionthatallows them to control access to information and events. There is a risk that they‘attempt toexercisesomedegreeofsurveillanceandcontrol,eitherbyblockingoffcertainlinesofinquiry,orbyshepherdingthefieldworkerinonedirectionoranother’(Hammersley&Atkinson1995:66).

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TherestofindividualswhomIapproachedformystudywerehighlycooperative.Thefactthatmanyofthemknewmeasthedaughterofaniña vascaandthenieceofthree others before I started my investigation certainly facilitated my access to thesettings, informants,andeventswhichIchoseformyempiricalwork.However,thiswas not always the case and there were instances when due to mainly practicalreasonsIhadtoresorttoindirectapproaches.

Oneof the factorswhich influencedsomechangesofmyapproach,particularlywithregardtowhowasinterviewed,wastheinconsistencyordiscontinuityofaccessto some of the Niños Vascos due to illnesses or death. In order to surmount thisdifficulty, I used a variety of methodological approaches. After collecting data fromcommemorativepracticesasaparticipant-observer,Irecordedmyownethnographicinterviewsandconversationswithanumberofinformants.ThenIcross-referencedmyfindingswithtestimoniesofthesamepersonswhentheyappearedinbooks,filmsandothermedia.Finally,IalsoaccessedthetestimoniesofotherNiños VascoswhomIdidnotdirectlycontactmyselfbyresortingtoavarietyofalternativesources,bothwrittenandoral.

MyselectionofNiños Vascoswasconsideredthemostinclusiveinordertorespectthepluralityofvoiceswithinthecollectiveandthosetestimoniesandconversationswere the central core of the ethnographic interviews. However, in order to contrastdifferentperspectivesandagendas,IalsointerviewedparticipantswhoarenotNiños Vascos.Forexample,Iwasinterestedinexploringotherperspectiveswithrelationtothecriteriafollowedtodefineandidentifythegroupanditsmembership.Thiswasakey element, since how a membership is defined has an obvious impact on who isentitledandinapositiontodecidetheplacesanddatesofthememorialceremonies,that is, on issues related to ownership of memory. All these informants were anexcellentsourceofinformationandnotonlydidtheyfullyandwillinglyparticipateinmystudy,buttheyalsoprovidedmewithinvaluableextraandunexpecteddatasuchas audio-visual material, books, archival documentation, questionnaires, and filmtranscripts.

B. Subjectivity

The accounts of individuals presented in this study are inevitably coloured bysubjectivitiesandpersonalinterpretations,whichratherthanalimitationisidentifiedasoneofthepositiveanduniqueparticularitiesoforalmethodologies,constitutingasourceofdatainitself.Thispointraisesthemethodologicalissuesofreliabilityandlegitimacyofthedatacollectedbyoralmeans.Portelliassertsthatthereareno‘false’oralsourcesowingtothefactthat‘“wrong”statementsarestillpsychologically“true”,and this truth may be equally as important as factually reliable accounts’ (Portelli1992:51). Furthermore, oral sources give the researcher the possibility to ask for

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clarificationsandalso,itcanbearguedthatwrittendocumentsandtheirselectionforarchivalpurposesare frequentlymoreconnectedto ideologiesorpartisan intereststhan to factual data, as it is argued in Chapter 1. Moreover, in the context of myinvestigation the written sources relevant to my case study are often unreliable orunavailable(seeChapter2).

Onmanyoccasionsmyinformantsprovidedaccountsofthesameeventpresentingthefactssubstantiallydifferentlyfromonepersontoanother.However,theyfrequentlyclaimedthattheyknoworrememberthe‘truestory’andthattheyaretheonlyonessaying‘thetruth’.Ontheotherhandaninformantwasreluctanttoconverseabouthermemories of her stay in the UK because her experience significantly differed fromothers,andshefeltthatshewouldbeconsidered‘aliar’.Sincesubjectivityisacrucialpartoftheprocessofidentityconstruction,itcanbecontendedthatitispreciselythefactthat individualsaddtheirownsubjectivitytotheiraccountswhichmakestheseaccountsricherandmorevaluable,andthuscounteractstheexistenceofadominantsinglediscourse.

C. Semi-professional interviewee-ness

Thecurrentinterviewculturepervadesallareasofourlives.Wilesetal.noticethat

the familiarity of celebrity interviews, ‘confessional’ television and various forms ofpublic opinion interviews have resulted in the interview becoming a central feature ofeverydaylife,somuchsothatcontemporarysocietycanbeunderstoodas‘theinterviewsociety’.

(Wilesetal.2006:295)

Inthiscontext,aparticularmethodologicalissueencounteredduringthecourseofthisresearchhasbeentheperceivedlackofspontaneityofsomeoftheparticipantsinrelationtotheiroralaccounts.

Whileethnographersandoralhistoriansdefendtheuseofanoralapproachasaninstrument to give a voice to the voiceless and the underprivileged, the currentidentification of the Niños Vascos as such might be contended. They are scarcelymentionedintheliteraturebetweenthetimeoftheevacuationin1937totheendofthe1990s,thereforeitcannotbeignoredthatforalongperiodoftimetheyhavenothadavoice.However,coincidingwiththerecentphenomenonoftheRecuperationoftheHistoricalMemoryinSpainandthememorialistmovementelsewhere,theNiños Vascosstartedtoreceiveenormousattentionfromthemedia(asdiscussedearlier),writersandtheacademiccommunity.WhilesomeoftheNiños Vascosarestillunawareof thehistoricalvalueof theirexperiences,someothersarenowconsciousof theirmembershipofahistoricalgroupwhichattractsinterestfromthemediaandscholars.

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ThestoryoftheNiños Vascoshasbeenwritten,filmedandpublishedtothepointthattherearecurrentlyanumberofprojectsbothinSpainandintheUKinwhichtheyarethecentralelement.

In the last few years some of the informants of this investigation have regularlybeeninterviewedbythemediaandareaccustomedtotellingtheirstory.Thismakesthem, I would argue, semi-professional interviewees. Many of them have now theconfidence to talk in public or in front of a camera, feeling comfortable with it andenjoyingtheirstarrole.Furthermore,theyhaveamental,sometimesphysical,scriptoftheirstory.Theyusethisscriptasanaidinordertopresenttheirstory.Asanobserver,Iwitnessedseveralsituationswhereaniño vascooraniña vascawererepeatingexactlythe same words that I had already heard them, or others, pronounce in a film orelsewhere. Nonetheless, I do not think this invalidates the evidence provided itsmeaning is analysed. Also, when I talked to these semi-professional interviewees Iinvariablyaskedthemtoexpandthoseparticularlyrecurringdetailsoftheiraccountsasmuchaspossible,inordertoobtainnewandpossiblymorespontaneousexchanges.

D. Transcriptions

OnceIhadcollectedtheoraldatamynextquestionwashowIwasgoingtogoonaboutit,wouldIworkwiththerecordings?WouldItranscribetheconversations?

Thesedaystherearesystemsinplacewhicharehighlyaccurateandwhichallowtheresearchertotranscribeinterviewsingreatdetail,includingpauses,toneandothernon-verbalsemioticelements.NeverthelessIseeconversationsashighlysophisticatedentitieswithmultipledimensionswhichcannotbefullyexpressedinthebi-dimensionalparagraphical character of any writing. I contend that despite the level of accuracywhichthetranscriptionmayreach,itisanimpossibletasktocompletelyrepresentinwritingthecomplexityoftones,volumes,timingandrhythmofcommunication.Thus,crucialelementsoftheinterview/conversationarelostintheprocessoftranscribing.Moreover, these cues might sometimes imply that what people are saying is notexactlywhattheymean,asisthecaseofironyorhumour(Powers2005:13).Inordertominimisetheimpactthatmysubjectivityasthetranscriberhadonthetranscriptions,my strategy was to listen to the recorded interviews/conversations until the mostrelevantanalyticalthemesemerged.IthenwroteasummaryofwhatwassaidateachinterviewandtranscribedtheexcerptswhichIconsideredmorerelevantasevidence,takingdetailsofthetimingswhentheyappearedintherecording.FormyanalysisIused the recordings together with their summaries and transcripts. Thus, the real documentwhich Iusedwas the recording,supportedby thewritten transcription. IalsolistenedtothecompleteinterviewsafewmoretimeswhileIwasanalysingthedatainordertokeepthenarrativesincontextandtocheckifanyothersegmentsoftheinterviewbecamemorerelevantatdifferentstages.

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ThetranscribedexcerptsoftestimonieswhichIobtainedfromothersources,suchasdocumentaryevidenceorfilmtranscripts,werekeptexactlyastheyappearedintheoriginal unless it was an obvious case of misspelling such as the name of a placewrittenwithlowercase.

Inordertobefaithfultotheoriginals,Ikeptchangestoaminimum,thustherearefrequentcasesofsyntactical,grammatical,orthographicalandtypographicalerrors.Owing to the high frequency of these errors, and in order to avoid obstructingreadability, I decided not to mark them with the standard ‘(sic)’ universally used inthesecases.Therearealsorecurrentinstanceswherethereisanunexpectedlackofconsistencywithregardtotheuseofverbtensesandagreementsinnumberorgender.I have not rectified these, since they highlight some analytical topics to be furtherdeveloped, and they also reflect common characteristics of oral texts such as‘repetition, redundancy, imprecise lexis’ and an additive sentence structure whichlackstheuseofconnectors(Hatim&Mason1997:141).

E. Self-reflexivity

Researchiscarriedoutbyhumansthereforeanyclaimsof‘total’objectivitymustnecessarilybedismissed.Thebiasisaninevitableelementofanyresearch;however,theresearcherhastheoptionsofminimising,managingormonitoringit.Thus,InextconsiderhowmypersonalpositionhashadanimpactonthisstudyandexplainhowIdealtwithanyissuesarisingfromthis.

An important factor which influenced to a great extent my selection of theethnographic approach as the most suitable has been the circumstance that I amengagedwiththegroupofthesubjectsofmyresearchgivenmyfamilybackground.Infact, this is the reason why I embarked upon this investigation. I was born in theBasqueCountry,whereIspentallmylifeuntilImigratedtotheUKattheendof1996.Priortothis,myfamilyhadasignificanthistoryofforcedmigration,asbothmyparentshadbeenevacuatedaschildrenduringtheSpanishCivilWar.Myfatherandsomeofhis family were evacuated to France for a short period of time, after which theyreturned home. My mother and her three siblings were among the Niños VascosevacuatedtotheUKontheHabanain1937.Also,mymother’sparentswentinexiletoFranceandlivedinarefugeecampforsometimeduringtheCivilWar.Atthestartofthe SecondWorldWar my mother and her three siblings were sent from the UK toFrancetomeettheirparents,andfromtheretheyallreturnedtoSpain,whereFrancowasinpower.NotonlydidmyfamilyexperiencetheconsequencesoftheCivilWarbuttheyalsolivedthroughoutthefollowing36yearsofdictatorship.FrancodiedwhenIwas15yearsold.Consequently,inadditiontomyacademicagendaIalsobroughtmyownpersonalagendaandapreviousbodyofknowledgerelatedtothesubjectofthisbook.

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Thispriorknowledgeinvolvedpresumptionsandpreconceptionsfromallpartiesinvolved,includingmyinformantsandmyself,withregardtosharedvalues,beliefsand norms of the group which could potentially permeate the entire researchprocess.Astheresearcher,IsubjectivelysettheagendaforgatheringmydataanddecidedtowhichareasIpaidattentionwithinthechosensettings.Moreover,asamemberofthatparticularcommunityofmemoryIhavehadan important input inthosesettings.

However,despitethefactthatbeingthedaughterofaniña vascacouldbeasourceofconflictofinterestsandloyaltiesbetweenmydoubleidentityasaresearcherandaspart of the group under study, my insiderness could also be seen as an advantagewhichfurtheredtheanalysis.ThefactthatIamamemberofthecommunityofmemoryhasgivenanextranewdimensiontotheanalysisintermsoffurtherinsideknowledgeof feelings, values, practices, hopes, needs, and I dare say passions, which are animportant part to be considered in order to understand processes of identityconstructionindetail.Ithasalsoentailedfamiliarityandfriendshipwiththeinformants,it facilitated access to sources of information, and it assured some degree ofcollaborative behaviour. It has created a context for my interactions with the Niños Vascoswhichhasbeenofapersonalcharacter(andlinguisticallyinSpanishmostofthetime).InourexchangesmyinformantsandIhavesharedourlifeexperiences,ourthoughtsandopinions,and Ihavebecomean informerofmyownresearch.This isreflectedinsomeexcerptsanalysedinChapter5wheresomeNiños Vascosmentionmyowncaseasapointof referencetocontrast theirexperiencesandfeelingswithmine. As Pahl puts it, when such a degree of intimacy is reached ‘friendship andfieldworkaresimilarendeavours’(Pahl2006:2).

Duranti highlights the apparent contradiction between the distant objectivitysoughtbytheethnographerandthewishtoattainaninsider’sclose perspectiveatthesametime,suggestingthat‘giventhattherearedifferentdegreesofdistancefromorclosenesstoagivenethnographicreality,descriptiveadequacyformostethnographersliessomewhereinthemiddle’(Duranti1997:86).Mypositioninginthisstudyhasnotbeen that fixedplace in themiddle.On thecontrary, ithasexperiencedcontinuousshifts that could be described as changes of the degree of insiderness and ofoutsiderness,accordingtowhichoneofthemultipleaspectswhichshapemyidentitywas relevant and thus revealed in a specific situation. Depending on the context Iwouldtendtofeelandemphasisemypositionasaresearcher,asthedaughterandnieceofNiños Vascos,asaBasque,asaSpanishcitizen,asapersonwholivesandbelongs in an English village and so on.Thus, the perspective of my own personalstanceandideologicalcommitmentsunavoidablyhasaffectedmyinterpretationofmyinformants’owninterpretationsregardingthetopicsexplored.

Consequently,itwouldbenaïvetoclaimobjectivity.Inthissensemyclaimisthatthe purpose of my research has been to examine and treat my case study assystematicallyandobjectivelyaspossiblewhenIpresentedmyinsights,observations,

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findingsandinterpretations.Ialsohopethatmyreflectionsasaninsiderprovidenewperspectivesandhelpfurtherunderstandtheprocessesatstake.

F. Translations

Thisprojectwasdesignedhavinginmindthatthephenomenonofforcedmigrationfrom one country to another could not be analysed within national parameters ofreference but as a historical process whose study necessarily had to be of acomparativeandtransnationalnature.Thisentailsworkinginandacrosslanguages,which on its own raises new methodological issues, such as those involved intranslation,whichneedtobeexploredastheyhavenotbeencriticallyconsideredinanyearlierscholarlyworkonthistopic.

MyconversationswiththeNiños VascoshavebeencarriedoutinSpanishexceptforafewinformantswhodonotspeakthislanguage.IconsideredthatusingtheNiños Vascos’ own original words in whatever language these were would be moreappropriateandclosertotheirvoicesthaniftranslationsofthedatawerepresentedas original, which raises the question of the character of translated material as abiasedconstructwhichreflectstheauthorityofthetranslator.

In order to avoid the presence of a new agent potentially unfamiliar with thesubject,whichwouldalsointroduceanadditionallevelofcomplexity,IdecidedtodothetranslationsmyselfwhenthedatawereinSpanish.Thisimpliedtheadvantageofknowingthecontextinwhichthecommunicationandsocialactiontookplace,whichtoacertainextentlegitimisedmyauthorityastheethnographertranslatorwhoworksacrosslanguages,andwhocanattempttoreachlevelsofmeaningbeyondthelevelofthe sentence. Nonetheless, some important issues emerged as a result, despite acommontendencytosimplisticallyconsiderthebilingualresearcherassomeonewhocan unproblematically act as a bridge ‘between communities just because they arebilingual’(Temple2006).

Withregardtothedichotomyofchoosingbetweenafreeandaliteraltranslation,tominimisechangesandmanipulationIchosetotranslatequotesasliterallyclosetotheoriginalaspossible,whichfavouredcontentoverrefinedform.BydoingthisthereisthedangerwhichKatanreportsasdistinctivetotheWesterncommunity,that‘seesthetranslatorandinterpreterasawalkingdictionary,andnotasaculturalmediator’(Katan 1999:15). Thus, I resorted to my previous intercultural knowledge to makedecisionsortoaddexplanatorycommentsinthoseinstanceswheninformationwasmissingorunclearinthesourcelanguage,forinstancewhentheinformantsassumedthatasaninsiderIknewwhattheyimpliedwithouttheneedforfurtherexplanations.Therelationshipbetweenwho Iamandhow I interpretorwhy Ichooseaparticularmeaningamongstthevarietyofpossibleonesattachedtothewordsbothinthesource

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language, that is Spanish, and in the target language, English, has inevitablyintroducedaconsiderableelementofbiasintheprocess.

Inordertoaddresstheissuesexposedsofar,IfirstlymadethedecisiontogiveprioritytothetranslationsandpresenttheminEnglishonlywhenIwasquotingotherauthors.Incontrast,inordertomaintainthefullrichnessofmydata,IworkedwiththeoriginalSpanishquoteswhenthatwasthelanguagewhichtheinformantshadused.Ithen added the translations into English as a footnote to facilitate readability andaccess for a non-Spanish speaking audience.The main reason behind my choice isthat,assomeauthorsaffirm,thereisnosingle‘correct’or‘neutral’translationofatext,since not ‘everyone who is bilingual experiences the social world in the same way’(Temple2006).Itcanalsobearguedthatveryoftentranslationscanhardlypenetratethemeaningofcertainwordswhenthesealludetoconceptsnotsharedbythesourceandtargetlanguages.

Secondly,Imeticulouslymeasuredtheimplicationsbehindparticulartranslationchoicesandconsidereddifferentperspectivesonthem.ForthisreasonIsometimesreturnedtothe informantstoclarifyconcepts,oraskedotherbilingualpeopletheiropinionsbeforeIchoseaspecificwordorexpressionwhichwaseitherafocalpointofmy analysis, or exceptionally difficult to translate without sacrificing linguistic orcultural meaning. Occasionally I judged it necessary to add an explanation as afootnotetoclarifyaconceptortoclarifyissuesrelatedtotheregister.

Finally, in order to maintain the original voices of the text producers, and thusavoid assimilating or domesticating their production in favour of the culture of thetargetlanguage(Hatim&Mason1997)orfurthermore,myownone,Ioptedforatypeoftranslationwhichrelaysthesourcelanguageascloselyaspossible.Thisapproachalso included maintaining grammatical inaccuracies such as errors in correlation ofverb tenses, agreements, and so on, as in the case of the transcriptions discussedearlier.Asaresultofthisapproachsomeoccasionalclumsinessandlackofflowwithinthetextswasnoticeable,thusIcontactedanestablishedpractitionertoproofreadmytranslationsandtoensurethattheywereintelligibleinspiteoftheforeignvestiges.

It is my hope that bringing this subject up, in addition to presenting the dataconsistentlyinitsoriginalform,raisesawarenessoftherelevanceoflanguagechoiceandlanguagerepresentationsinresearchanditalsostimulatesfurtherinvestigationonthoselines.

G. Ethical concerns

The issues discussed earlier ultimately relate to the ethical dimension of myinvestigation.Withregardtothedesign,undertaking,analysis,anddisseminationof

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any research it is essential to commit to the highest ethical standards.This centralfactorneedstobeparticularlyconsideredinthecaseofworkwhich implieshumanparticipantsasitisethnography.InthisrespectDurantialertsusofthecomplexitiesof the ethical boundaries of human-centred fieldwork, especially since the recentintroduction of new and sophisticated techniques and methods which allow us toreach insights and record people’s privacy at an unprecedented level. While amultimodalcollectionofdatahasanumberofsignificantadvantages,atthesametimeit presents a new whole array of ethical dilemmas. The use of new cutting-edgetechnologieshasintroducedconsiderableopportunitiestoinvestigatenewphenomenaincreasinganalyticalsophistication,butat thesametime ithasalsomultiplied ‘thenumberoftechnical,political,andmoralproblemsthatafieldworkermustconfront’(Duranti1997:84),inadditiontoarapidlyincreasingnumberofcomplexlegalissues.Changesinthelawandconcernsaboutlegalactionshavedrivenacademicinstitutions,and institutions in general, to acknowledge their appreciation of this matter to theextentthatpoliciesandguidelinesaboutethicalissuesareaconstantfeatureofanyofficialwebsite.Alsocoursesonresearchmethodsandgeneralmethodtextsandtheliterature tend to include sections on research ethics, yet guidelines tend to be‘intentionallyvague’(Wilesetal.2006:284).

AsaresearcherIamaccountabletothesubjectsofmyresearchthus,aspectssuchastherepresentationsofthemwhichImakepublic,howIgoonaboutrecordingsandhowItreatissuesofasensitivenatureareofcrucialimportance.

Informed consent

The request for consent with regard to what is recorded and disseminated hasbeenastandardprocedureforaconsiderableperiodoftime,yetthisisstillagreyareawithin ethnographic research, as it is remarkably difficult to define what exactlyconstitutes informed consent (Wiles et al. 2007). The Social Research Association(SRA)ethicalguidelinesrecommendthat‘Inquiriesinvolvinghumansubjectsshouldbe based as far as practicable on the freely given informed consent of subjects’suggestingthattheybe‘asfullyinformedaspossible’(SRA2003:27).Inthecaseofscientificresearchthismightbesimplertoachieve,however,inethnographicresearchit raises the issue of probable interference and unwanted change of the naturalsettingswhicharetheveryobjectsoftheresearch.

While clearly informed permission to collect data needs to be granted by theparticipants, particularly when it involves oral and visual recordings which identifythem,thismighthaveanegativeeffect,especiallywhentheresearcherispersonallyinvolvedwiththegroupofinformants,asitwasmycase.BeforeIcollectedmydataIexplainedtothemthatIwasrequestedtoproducesignedinformedconsentforms.Foranumberofmainlyculturalandagerelatedreasonssomeoftheparticipantsfound

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this procedure suspicious and uncomfortable, as they did not understand whysomeoneclosetothemneededtoaskforpermissiontorecordourencounters.Thisposedmethedilemmaofwhethertoactasapersonwhoispartofthegroup,whichmeantignoringclearanceforms,ortoconformtoofficioustechnicalities,afactwhichmight have raised a barrier between us. Eventually, all the informants gave theirconsent,althoughinsomeinstancesIconsidereditmoreappropriatetoaskforamereoralagreement.

Confidentiality and anonymity

Thisisaremarkablycomplexsubject,astotalconfidentialitycanneverbegranted,particularly within a small social network of participants. The SRA observes theincreasing tendency to accept research as ethically sound on the basis of ‘thewillingnessofsocialresearcherstoaccordrespecttotheirsubjectsandtotreatthemwith consideration’ rather than of technical considerations (SRA 2003:29). Thus, asituational relativist approach is currently suggested by most social researchers. Inthis respect, in those instances when ethical dilemmas due to conflicts of ethicalprinciples have arisen during the course of this study I have applied my practicaljudgement.For instance,despite thegeneral lackofconcernofmy informantswithregard to disclosure of their identities, and at risk of dispossessing them of theownershipofthedatawhichtheyproduced,Ihaveanonymisedtheiridentities.Ihavetriedtousetermssuchasniño vasco,niña vasca, informantorsimilartermsasmuchasitwaspossibleandinsomecases,Ihavegiventhempseudonyms.

Severalreasonscanbeputforwardtomakeacaseforrigorousconfidentialityandanonymity.First,sometimesthereisathinlinebetweenwhatconstitutesdatawhichas a researcher I have been granted permission to use and the private informationwhichIhaveaccessedasaninsider.

Second,informantsmighthavesaidsomethinginaparticularcontext,suchasaprivatemealorathome,whichtheywouldnothaveexpressedinanother,forinstanceinapublicevent.Thus,whileparticipantsoftheresearchmighthavefailedtoperceivetheadvantagetokeeptheiraccountsconfidential,Iconsidereditmyobligationtodoso.Thiswouldensureprotectionfrommoralwrongorpotentialdamagewhichmightariseasaconsequenceofanopendisclosureofpersons’nameswhenassociatedtosensitiveissues(SRA2003:25).

Third,Iconsideredthatconfidentialityneededtobereassuredtoguaranteefreeresponsesandtoproducethemostaccurateaccounts.

Finally, the purpose of this enquiry is to examine identities not in terms ofdescribingwhotheindividualsare,butintermsofanalysinghowtheyhavebecome

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what they are. I am concerned about how the transmission of the Niños Vascos’experiencesofforcedmigrationcontributestotheconstantanddynamicprocessoftheirmemoryandidentityconstruction.ThereforeitcanbearguedthatremovingtheirnamesachievestheshiftoffocusatwhichIaim.

Representations

Withregardtorepresentations,Duranti(1997)pointsoutthatthisisnotaquestionoftryingtopleasetheparticipants,butratheramatterofbeingscrupulousaboutwhatwesayandwriteandofthinkingaboutthepotentialconsequenceswhichouractionshaveuponothers.Inadditiontotheissuesrelatedtothetranslationswhichhavebeendiscussedearlier,themaindilemmathatIcameacrosswashowtonametheBasquerefugeechildrenthroughoutthisbook.Bourdieuinthecontextofartremindsusthatthe notions artists and critics use to define themselves ‘are indeed weapons andstakesinthebattle’(Bourdieu1987:206).Hisobservationmaybeextendedoutsidethatfieldinrelationtootherformsofcategorisation.Itcanbearguedthataresearcherisentitledtousehisorherownterms.However,Iconsiderthat

a) followingBourdieu’sargument,categorisation isadeliberatechoicewhich isfullofmeaningsandimplications,and

b) inadisciplinewhich isconcernedabout–and indeedwhichclaimstogiveavoiceto–thevoiceless,thevulnerableandtheunderprivileged,itisvitalthatthisisreflectedintheresearchpractice.

AsSchneiderhighlights

ascription of social identity can be understood as a form of social control, andapplicationofthecategorytosomeonewithoutconsultingwiththemcanproduceasenseofsocialinjustice.

(Schneider2003:195)

Thus,afterinitialchoicesoftermswhichIchangedseveraltimesduringthecourseofmyresearch,andwhichcanbeinterpretedasstrugglestoidentifyandgiveanameto an intrinsically heterogeneous group, I finally decided to call them the ‘Niños Vascos’,mainlyguidedbytheirunanimouswishtobecalledlikethat(seeChapter4)andalsoforhistoricalreasons.

Tosummarise,byusingethnographyandamultimodalapproachnewangleshavebeenrevealedwhichIbelievemakeastrongcasetoconsiderthesepowerfultoolsforfutureresearch.Thechallengeisnowtofindthebalancebetweenobtainingathoroughandintimateinsightofthesubjectsofourresearch–madepossiblebyanethnographicandmultimodalapproachandthehighlevelofsophisticationofnewtechnologies–,

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and exposing it to our audience, while scrupulously applying the highest ethicalstandards throughout theentireprocess. Ihavedealtwith thoseethical issuesandalso with others that have been uncovered in this study, to the best of my ability,openlyexpressingmyownpositioningwithintheprocess.Nevertheless,akeyaimofthisenquiryistooffermyviewsonthetopicsdiscussedherewiththeintentionthattheystimulatefurtherdiscussionbothatatheoreticallevelandalsowithregardtothemethodologyemployed.Thus,Iextendaninvitationtotheacademiccommunityandthewidersocietytoreflectontheissuesintroducedwiththepurposetocreatenewviewsandtofurtherargumentsinordertoadvanceknowledge.

AppendixA:Nomenclature

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AppendixA:Nomenclature

TotoricagüenahighlightsthecomplexityinvolvedinthechoicesofBasquewordsandplace-nameswithintheintricaterealityoftheBasqueCountry(2005:26).EuskalHerria (the ‘Basque Country’), understood as a nation without a state, comprisessevenprovinces,ofwhichfourarewithintheSpanishstate(Araba,Bizkaia,Gipuzkoa,andNafarroa),andthreewithintheFrenchstate(Lapurdi,BaxeNafarroa,andZuberoa).However, in addition to the divisions of the French Basque provinces in differentdepartments within the French state, in political and administrative terms EuskalHerria in Spain is divided into two autonomic regions, that is, Euskadi or BasqueAutonomous Community, and Nafarroa. The Niños Vascos departed from Bizkaia,whichispartofthepoliticallyandeconomicallyautonomousregionofEuskadi.

NotonlyarethereBasquenamesforBasqueandalsonon-Basqueplaces,butalsoSpanish and French names for Basque places. Furthermore, some of those BasqueplacesalsohaveaspecificEnglishequivalentspelling(sometimesmorethanone).

Owing to the significant lack of consistency observed in the literature, both inSpanishandinEnglish,IfollowTotoricagüena’sapproach,whichmeansfavouringtheuseofthe

standardised Batua Basque language and the official toponyms decreed by theResolutionofDecember17,2001,whichliststheofficialplace-namesandspellingsselectedbythemunicipalcouncils(BoletínOficialdelPaísVasco,no.1,January2,2002).

(Totoricagüena2005:26)

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Iusethespellings‘Bizkaia’and‘Gipuzkoa’becausetheyweretheuniqueofficialspellingsapprovedbytherespectivelegislativebranches.Ialsofavourthespellings‘Araba’and‘Nafarroa’ (‘Navarre’),althoughinboththesecasestwodifferentofficialspellingswereapproved.

With regard to the term ‘BasqueCountry’ Iuse itas inclusiveofall theBasqueprovinces,notinpoliticaltermsbutinthebroadersenseof‘EuskalHerria’mentionedearlier.ThisincludesNafarroaaspartofit,whichisalsohowtheNafarroaninformantsofthisinvestigationutiliseditinourconversations.

TheofficialnameofGernikais‘Gernika-Lumo’(whichcomprisesdeVillaofGernikaandtheAnteiglesiaofLumo);however,Iusetheterm‘Gernika’throughoutthisbookbecausethatisthenamegenerallyusedbytheinhabitants,andalsobytherestofthepopulation,torefertotheareaconcerningthisstudy.

Forthereasonsexplainedsofar,Ispell‘Santurtzi’(‘Santurce’),sincethishasbeentheofficialnameofthecitysince1983.

ThusfarIhaveexplainedthechoicesofnamesandspellingswhichareconsistentlyused throughout thisstudy.Nevertheless,someotheralternativespellingsarealsoshown.This isonly inthecaseofdirectquoteswhentheyhavebeenaccessedinawritten form, as in these cases the original writer’s choice of spelling has beenmaintainedintact.

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Primary sources

ORALTESTIMONIES(ETHNOGRAPHICINTERVIEWS/CONVERSATIONSCARRIEDOUTBYTHEAUTHOR).Morethanoneinterview/conversationwascarriedoutwithsomeoftheinformants.

Date Location Informant

21.05.2006 London A.S.

21.05.2006 London M.R.

27.08.2006 Bizkaia E.A.

01.09.2006 Bizkaia K.F.

28.10.2006 Southampton S.B.

10.11.2006 EastEngland C.M.

13.11.2006 Hampshire C.A.

20.11.2006 Southampton S.S.

14.01.2007 Hampshire C.A.

17.02.2007 London M.A.

17.02.2007 London M.R.

11.03.2007 Hampshire C.A.

12.03.2007 Southampton S.S.

28.04.2007 Oxford H.G.

26.05.2007 Southampton X.M.

21.06.2007 Southampton C.A.

21.06.2007 Southampton C.S.

Sources

218

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ces

Date Location Informant

17.09.2007 London K.M.

18.09.2007 London H.G.

19.09.2007 London A.S.

20.09.2007 London M.A.

20.09.2007 Hampshire K.W.

11.10.2007 Eastleigh S.E.

11.10.2007 Eastleigh J.E.

12.10.2007 Eastleigh K.M.

08.10.2007 London H.G.

09.12.2007 London T.P.

09.12.2007 London F.C.

25.05.2008 London M.R.

10.06.2008 Bilbao A.A.

12.06.2008 Bilbao K.W.

13.06.2008 Bilbao M.A.

14.06.2008 Bilbao K.M.

15.06.2008 Bilbao T.A.

24.06.2008 Bizkaia G.A.

25.06.2008 Bilbao B.A.

03.07.2008 Donostia M.C.

09.05.2009 London J.L.

12.05.2009 Hampshire C.A.

24.05.2009 London J.L.

01.06.2009 London M.R.

05.06.2009 London S.S.

18.06.2009 Southampton S.B.

26.06.2009 Eastleigh C.C.

22.09.2009 Oxford N.B.

03.10.2009 London C.F.

06.02.2010 London A.A.

24.04.2010 London F.S.

16.05.2010 London F.J.

02.08.2010 London S.S.

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COMMEMORATIVEEVENTS(AUTHORASAPARTICIPANT-OBSERVER)

Date Location Event

21.05.2006 London AnnualreunionmealoftheNiños Vascos.

28.10.2006 Southampton Unveilingofacommemorativeplaque.

10.11.2006 Hull Unveilingofacommemorativeplaque.

26.05.2007 Southampton 70thanniversaryoftheNiños Vascos’arrival.

10-13.10.2007 Eastleigh Threedaysofremembranceartisticperfor-

mances,followedbyasymposiumwhich

exploredtheexperienceofexile.

09.12.2007 London AnnualreunionmealoftheJubilados.

25.05.2008 London AnnualreunionmealoftheNiños Vascos.

07-15.06.2008 Bizkaia Aseriesofdailyhomageeventstopaytribu-

tetotheBasqueChildrenoftheSpanish

CivilWar.

24.05.2009 London AnnualreunionmealoftheNiños Vascos.

24.04.2010 London Aniño vasco’smemorialservice.

16.05.2010 London AnnualreunionmealoftheNiños Vascos.

22.05.2011 London AnnualreunionmealoftheNiños Vascos.

220

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Secondary sources

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bowles, s.(2005)The Guernica Children[DVD].London:EyeWitnessProductionsLtd.

camino, j. (2001)Los Niños de Rusia[DVD].

hamPshire counTy council (HCC) (n.d.), The Basque Children of Eastleigh: a 1930s refugee camp in Hampshire[video].

idi ezkerra (2009)Gerrako euskal umeentzako omenaldia/homenaje a los niños y niñas de la guerra vascos[DVD].Bilbao:IdiEzkerra.

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Acciones 1.Actions.2.Stocksandshares.

Accionista Holderofstocksandshares.

BCCBasqueChildren’sCommittee.

Celebracción(pl.celebracciones)(Celebraction).See‘conmemoracción’.

Conmemoracción(pl.conmemoracciones)(Commemoraction).Made-uptermwhichencapsulates the active and dynamic character of the commemorative practicebeingthesitewherememory,thereforeidentity,isbeingconstructedbyanumberof social agents. This term is also associated to a ‘tendencia mercantilista’(‘commercialtendency’)andtoaworldofinvestmentand‘stocksandshares’oracciones(inSpanish),wheredifferentsocialactorsinvesttheirsocial‘capital’.

Conmemoraccionistas(Commemoractionists).Thememoryagentswhotakepartatthecommemorativepracticesandinvestsometypeofcapital,particularlythosewhoexpecttomakeaprofitoutofit.

Colonia Colony.InthisstudythistermreferstothehomeswheretheBasquerefugeechildrenweresentaftertheirinitialstayattheEastleighrefugeecampsite.

Evacuado Evacuee.

Exiliado Anexiledperson.

Exilio Exile.

Glossary

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Familia Family.

Fecha redonda Rounded date. Used here to express special anniversaries andcommemorationdatessuchasthe10th,20th,andsoon.

Guerra War.

Jubilado Retiredperson.

Ley de la Memoria Histórica LawofHistoricalMemory.Alsoknownas‘Ley de Extensión de derechos a los afectados por la Guerra Civil y la dictadura’.

Los olvidados Theforgotten(plural).

NJCSRNationalJointCommitteeforSpanishRelief.

NationalsInmostliteratureontheSpanishCivilWarwritteninEnglishthetermthathasbeenusedforthisisNationalists,butthisisambiguousintheSpanishcontext.InsteadofthistermIwilluseNationalsthroughoutthebookbecauseIfinditcloserto the Spanish term Nacionales, which is the word used to identify Franco’sfollowersasopposedtotheNationalistsorNacionalistasfromtheBasqueCountryorCatalonia(whodidnotsupportFrancobuttheRepublicanGovernment).

Niños de la guerra Childrenofthewar.

Niños Vascos BasqueChildren.Whilstifstrictgrammarrulesareappliedthiscommonnamedoesnotneedtobecapitalisedassuch,Iwilldoittoemphasiseitsfunction,whichistoidentifytheparticulargroupunderstudy.However,IwillmaintainthelowercasewhenIusethetermniños vascostorefertoalabelortochildrenwhowereevacuatedfromtheBasqueCountrytoanydestination(notonlytotheUK).Iwillkeeptheuseofitalicswhenthetermisappliedtoanysinglememberofthegroup,butinthatcasewithoutcapitalisation(i.e.niño vasco,niña vasca).WhenIquotesomeoneelse’swritingIwillkeeptheoriginalasitiswithregardtotheuseofbothcapitallettersanditalics.

Pacto del olvido Pactofforgetting.

Refugiado Refugee.

SRASocialResearchAssociation.

UNHCRUnitedNationsHighCommissionerforRefugees.

Urazandi bildumak munduan zehardauden euskal etxe nagusienenhistoria jasotzea du helburu,atzerriratutako euskaldunonbizipenetan oinarrituta

La colección Urazandi (“allendelos mares”) recoge la historia de losprincipales centros vascos del mundo,basada en los testimonios de primeramano de aquéllos que emigraron

The Urazandi (“from overseas”)Collection compiles the history of themost important Basque Clubs all overthe World, based on first handmemories of those who emigrated

La collection Urazandi (“outremer”)receuille les histoires des principauxcentres basques du monde basés surles témoignages directs de ceux quiémigrèrent

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THE ‘NIÑOS VASCOS’ OF 1937.UK

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.UK

Susana Sabín Fernández was born inBilbao in 1960 to former evacuee childrenof the Spanish Civil War from Erandio,Bizkaia. She obtained a degree in BasquePhilology from the Universidad de Deustoin Bilbao. For a number of years she taughtBasque Language and Literature in theBasque Country.

In 1996 she migrated to the UK andworked as a Project Leader setting upprojects in schools to raise achievementof ethnic minority children.

In 2011 she was awarded a PhD at theUniversity of Southampton for her studiesof the Basque children who wereevacuated to the UK in 1937. Her thesisfocussed on commemorative practicesand social agency. Dr Sabín has pioneeredlooking at this topic from a transnationalperspective, exploring processes ofmemorialisation both in the UK and alsoin the Basque Country and comparing keyevents and the agendas behind them.

Her main areas of research are forcedmigration and the transmission of itsmemory to the following generations. Sheis currently involved in the SouthamptonResidence Abroad Research Project at theUniversity of Southampton, UK.

ISBN: 978-84-457-3179-6