data sources general. · 2019-10-29 · campo grande, ms: missão salesiana de mato grosso. // a...

1

[Text version of database, created 29/10/2019].

Annotated Swadesh wordlists for the Jê group (Macro-Jê family).

Languages included: Mẽbêngôkre, Xikrín [jee-xik]; Mẽbêngôkre, Kayapó [jee-kay];

Timbíra, Krahô [jee-krh]; Timbíra, Pykobjê [jee-pyk]; Timbíra, Canela [jee-can]; Timbíra,

Parkatêjê [jee-ptj]; Apinajé [jee-api]; Kĩsêdjê [jee-ksj]; Tapayúna [jee-tap]; Panará [jee-

pnr]; Xavánte [jee-xav]; Xerénte [jee-xer]; Laklãnõ [jee-lak]; Kaingáng, São Paulo [jee-

kgp]; Kaingáng, Paraná [jee-kpr]; Kaingáng, Central [jee-kgc].

DATA SOURCES

General.

Martius 1867 = Martius, Karl Friedrich Philip von. Beiträge zur Ethnographie und

Sprachenkunde Amerikas zumal Brasiliens, II. Glossaria linguarum Brasiliensium. Leipzig:

Friedrich Fleischer. // A collection of wordlists collected in XIX century or earlier (Cayapós =

Southern Kayapó, Krahô, Xavánte, Xerénte, Xakriabá, Acroa-Mirim, Apinajé, Apãniekrá).

Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011 = Rodrigues, Cíntia Karla Coelho; Marília de Nazaré

Ferreira-Silva. Comparando as consoantes das línguas Tapajúna e Suyá. Alfa 55(2): 601–

611. // A short comparative work, where several dozen Kĩsêdjê and Tapayúna words are cited.

Salanova 2001 = Salanova, Andrés Pablo. A nasalidade em Mebengokre e Apinayé: o limite

do vozeamento soante. (MA thesis.) Campinas, SP: Universidade Estadual de Campinas. //

A work on specific aspects of Mẽbêngôkré and Apinajé phonology and morphophonology. The

words are usually cited without any context.

Jolkesky 2010 = Jolkesky, Marcelo Pinho de Valhery. Reconstrução fonológica e lexical do

Proto-Jê Meridional. (MA thesis.) Campinas, SP: Universidade Estadual de Campinas. //

An attempt of a reconstruction of Proto-Southern Jê phonology and lexicon, including some

Kaingáng, São Paulo Kaingáng, Xokléng and Ingain wordlists.

I. Mẽbêngôkre (Xikrín and Kayapó).

2

(a) Xikrín.

Costa 2015 = Costa, Lucivaldo Silva da. 2015. Uma descrição gramatical da língua Xikrín do

Cateté (família Jê, tronco Macro-Jê). (PhD thesis.) Brasília, DF: Universidade de Brasília. //

A grammar sketch of Xikrín as spoken in Cateté. No glossary found.

Salanova 2019 = Andrés Pablo Salanovaʼs comments. // Based on own fieldwork conducted

between 1996 and 2016.

(b) Kayapó.

Jefferson 1989 = Jefferson, Kathleen. 1989. Gramática Pedagógica Kayapó. Anápolis, GO:

Associação Internacional de Linguística, SIL – Brasil. // A practical guide to Kayapó. Most

words are found in sample sentences.

Reis Silva 2003 = Reis Silva, Maria Amélia. 2003. Pronomes, ordem e ergatividade em

Mebengokre (Kayapó). (MA thesis.) Campinas, SP: Universidade Estadual de Campinas. //

A description of some aspects of Mẽbêngôkré grammar focused on the phenomena related to

alignment, case and finiteness. The author has carried out fieldwork both on Kayapó and Xikrín

and does not distinguish between the two when citing actual linguistic data; however, she claims

that the empiric part of her work relies more on the Kayapó data.

Stout & Thomson 1974 = Stout, Mickey; Thomson, Ruth. 1974. Fonêmica Txukuhamẽi

(Kayapó). Série lingüística 3: 153–176. Brasília, DF: Summer Institute of Linguistics. // A

description of Kayapó phonology. The words are cited without any context.

Salanova 2019 = Andrés Pablo Salanovaʼs comments. // Based on own fieldwork conducted


Nimuendajú 1932 = Nimuendajú, Curt. 1932. Idiomas indígenas del Brasil. Revista del

Instituto de Etnología de la Universidad Nacional de Tucumán 2(2): 543–618. Tucumán:

Universidad Nacional de Tucumán. // A selection of wordlists recorded by Curt

3

Nimuendajú, including a Kayapó wordlist.

II. Timbíra (Krahô, Pykobjê, Ramkokamekrá, Apãniêkrá, Parkatêjê).

Krahô

Miranda 2014 = Miranda, Maxwell Gomes. Morfologia e morfossintaxe da língua Krahô

(família Jê, tronco Macro-Jê). (PhD thesis.) Brasília, DF: Universidade de Brasília. // A

grammatical description of Krahô. No glossary is found, the examples are mostly rextracted from

glossed texts.

Pykobjê

Pries 2008 = Pries, Stanley T. Dicionário Gavião-Krikati. Mimeo. // A comprehensive

dictionary of Pykobjê (Gavião) and Krikati, two closely related varieties.

Sá 1999 = Sá, Rosane Muñoz de. Análise fonológica preliminar do Pykobyê. (MA thesis.) São

Paulo, SP: Universidade de São Paulo. // A description of Pykobjê phonology. All the data are

presented without any context.

Sá 2004 = Sá Amado, Rosane de. Aspectos morfofonológicos do Gavião-Pykobjê. (PhD thesis.)

São Paulo, SP: Universidade de São Paulo. // A description of Pykobjê morphophonology.

Some sample sentences are available but for most words no context is provided. A glossary

covering several semantic fields is found.

Silva 2011 = Silva, Talita Rodrigues da. Descrição e análise morfossintática do nome e do

verbo em Pykobjê-Gavião (Timbira). (MA thesis.) São Paulo, SP: Universidade de São

Paulo. // A description of Pykobjê morphosyntax. No glossary is found, the examples are mostly

extracted from glossed texts.

Silva 2012 = Silva, Talita Rodrigues da. Análise sobre a tipologia da ordem dos

constituintes do dialeto indígena Pykobjê-Gavião (Timbira). Estudos Linguísticos 41(1):

231–245. // A short article on certain syntactic aspects of Pykobjê. Several glossed examples are

4

available.

Canela

Grupp 2015 = Grupp, Bernhard. 2015. Dicionário Canela: Canela–Português–Inglês,

Português–Canela, Inglês–Canela. 2ª edição revisada. Barra do Corda, MA: Missão Cristã

Evangélica do Brasil. // A comprehensive dictionary of Canela.

Castro Alves 1999 = Castro Alves, Flávia de. Aspectos fonológicos do Apãniekrá (Jê). (MA

thesis.) São Paulo, SP: Universidade de São Paulo. // A description of Apãniekrá phonology.

Castro Alves 2004 = Castro Alves, Flávia de. O Timbira falado pelos Canela Apãniekrá: uma

contribuição aos estudos da morfossintaxe de uma língua Jê. (PhD thesis.) Campinas, SP:

Universidade Estadual de Campinas. // A description of Apãniekrá morphosyntax.

Popjes & Popjes 1971 [2009] = Popjes, Jack; Josephine Popjes. Phonemic Statement of

Canela. Anápolis, GO: Associação Internacional de Linguística, SIL – Brasil. // A

description of Ramkokamekrá phonology. All the data are presented without any context.

Popjes & Popjes 1986 = Popjes, Jack; Josephine Popjes. Canela-Krahô. In: Derbyshire,

Desmond C.; Pullum, Geoffrey K. (eds.). Handbook of Amazonian Languages 1, pp. 128–

199. Berlin, New York, Amsterdam: Mouton de Gruyter. // A grammatical description of

Ramkokamekrá (which the authors consider to be a dialect of Krahô). Most words are extracted

from glossed sentences.

Parkatêjê

Araújo 2016 = Araújo, Leopoldina. Dicionário Parkatêjê-Português. Belém. // A dictionary of

Parkatêjê, as spoken in the Terra Indígena Mãe Maria in the municipality of Bom Jesus do

Tocantins (Pará). The entries are usually accompanied with transcriptions, grammatical

information and usage examples.

III. Apinajé

5

DEA = Albuquerque, Francisco Edviges (org.). 2012. Dicionário Escolar Apinayé. Panhĩ

Kapẽr - Kupẽ kapẽr. Apinayé - Português. Belo Horizonte, MG: Editora da Faculdade de

Letras - UFMG. // A school dictionary of Apinajé. No contexts specified.

Oliveira 2005 = Oliveira, Christiane Cunha de. 2005. The language of the Apinajé people of

Central Brazil. (PhD thesis.) University of Oregon. // A reference grammar of Apinajé with a

glossary, where most entries are accompanied with examples and grammatical information.

Ham 1961 = Ham, Patricia. 1961. Apinayé Grammar. Summer Institute of Linguistics. // A

grammar sketch of the Apinajé language. No glossary is found.

Ham et al. 1979 = Ham, Patricia; Helen Wallen; Linda Koopman. 1979. Aspectos da língua

Apinayé. Cuiabá, MT: Sociedade Internacional de Lingüística. // A practical guide to

Apinajé. A short glossary is found.

Albuquerque 2011 = Albuquerque, Francisco Edviges. 2011. Gramática pedagógica da

língua Apinajé. Goiânia, GO: Editora da PUC Goiás. // A pedagogical grammar of Apinajé

written in traditional grammar terms.

IV. Kĩsêdjê

DMK = Dicionário Multimídia Kĩsêdjê. Available online at

<http://prodoclin.museudoindio.gov.br/index.php/etnias/kisedje/dicionario-

multimidia>. // A wordlist of Kĩsêdjê accompanied with audio recordings of each word or

phrase.

Santos 1997 = Santos, Ludoviko Carnasciali dos. 1997. Descrição de aspectos

morfossintáticos da língua Suyá (Kĩsêdjê), família Jê. (PhD thesis.) Florianópolis, SC:

Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina. // A grammatical description of Kĩsêdjê. No

wordlist found.

Nonato 2014 = Nonato, Rafael. 2014. Clause Chaining, Switch Reference and Coordination.

6

(PhD thesis.) Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology. // This work describes

certain syntactic phenomena in Kĩsêdjê and is accompanied with a short grammar sketch.

Guedes 1993 = Guedes, Marymarcia. 1993. Sɨwǰá mẽkapẽrẽra. SUYÁ: a língua da gente. Um

estudo fonológico e gramatical. (PhD thesis.) Campinas, SP: Universidade Estadual de

Campinas. // A grammatical description of Kĩsêdjê. The transcription is not very reliable. A

short vocabulary is found.

Nonato f.n. = Rafael Nonatoʼs field notes. // A short wordlist included into a comparative

table compiled and provided to us by Andrés Pablo Salanova.

V. Tapayúna

Camargo 2010 = Camargo, Nayara da Silva. Língua Tapayúna: aspectos sociolingüísticos e

uma análise fonológica preliminar. (MA thesis.) Campinas, SP: Universidade Estadual de

Campinas. // A phonological description of Tapayúna.

Camargo 2015 = Camargo, Nayara da Silva. Tapayuna (Jê): aspectos morfossintáticos,

históricos e sociolinguísticos. (PhD thesis.) Campinas, SP: Universidade Estadual de

Campinas. // A description of Tapayúna morphosyntax.

Santos 1990 = Santos, Ludoviko Carnasciali dos. Abordagem preliminar da Fonologia do

Tapayúna. Encontro Multidisciplinar de Indigenismo. M.s. Campinas, SP. Cited apud

[Guedes 1993]. // Several isolated words from Santosʼs work cited in [Guedes 1993].

Beauchamp 2018 = Jérémie Beauchampʼs comments. // Based on own fieldwork conducted


VI. Panará

Bardagil-Mas 2018 = Bardagil-Mas, Bernat. Case and agreement in Panará. (Naamval en

congruentie in het Panará.) (PhD thesis.) Groningen: Rijksuniversiteit Groningen. // A

work on Panará morphosyntax with an emphasis on case and agreement, containing extensive

7

glossed material.

Dourado 2001 = Dourado, Luciana. Aspectos Morfossintáticos da Língua Panará (Jê). (PhD

thesis.) Campinas, SP: Universidade Estadual de Campinas. // A description of Panará

morphosyntax, containing extensive glossed material.

Vasconcelos 2013 = Vasconcelos, Eduardo Alves. Investigando a hipótese Cayapó do Sul-

Panará. (PhD thesis.) Campinas, SP: Universidade Estadual de Campinas. // A work

whose main purpose is to demonstrate that Southern Kayapó wordlists represent an older stage

of Panará. Several hundred lexical items collected by the author in the field are included.

Bardagil-Mas 2015 = Bardagil-Mas, Bernat. Tangled up in mood: Exploring Panará split

ergativity. Linguistics in the Netherlands 32(1): 1–15. // An article on the split ergativity in

Panará. Some sample sentences are found.

Bardagil-Mas 2016 = Bardagil-Mas, Bernat. Negation mechanisms in Panará (Jê).

Presentation: Amazónicas VI, Leticia. // A conference presentation on the means of negation

in Panará.

Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016 = Bardagil-Mas, Bernat; Myriam Lapierre; Andrés Salanova. A

digital dictionary of Panará. Presentation: Symposium on American Indigenous

Languages. // A conference presentation with a proposal of a digital dictionary of Panará.

Lapierre et al. 2016 = Lapierre, Myriam; Bernat Bardagil-Mas; Andrés Salanova. The

nasal consonants of Panará. Presentation: WSCLA. // A conference presentation with a

proposal of an alternative analysis of some Panará consonants.

Bardagil-Mas f.n. = Bernat Bardagil-Masʼs field notes. // A short wordlist included into a

comparative table compiled and provided to us by Andrés Pablo Salanova.

VII. Xavánte

Lachnitt 1987 = Lachnitt, Georg. Romnhitsiʼubumro aʼuwẽ mreme, waradzu mreme:

8

Dicionário xavante-português. Campo Grande, MS: Missão Salesiana de Mato Grosso. // A

Xavánte-Portuguese vocabulary. Although it comprises more lexical data than any other source

on Xavánte, the entries tend to lack detailed semantic information. No usage examples are

provided for Xavánte words.

Estevam 2011 = Estevam, Adriana Machado. Morphosyntaxe du xavante, langue jê du Mato

Grosso (Brésil). (PhD thesis.) Paris: Université Paris-Diderot (Paris 7). // An extensive

description of Xavánte morphosyntax, including numerous glossed examples. No glossary is

provided.

Hall et al. 1987 [2004] = Hall, Joan; Ruth Alice McLeod; Valerie Mitchell. Pequeno

dicionário Xavante-Português, Português-Xavante. Damreme pibuzé hã a’uwẽ mreme,

warazu mreme na te te ĩsaprĩ mono zém na duré warazu mreme, a’uwẽ mreme na te te ĩsaprĩ

mono zém na. Cuiabá, MT: Sociedade Internacional de Lingüística. // A Xavánte-

Portuguese-Xavánte dictionary. The entries are frequently accompanied with

morphophonological information and with usage examples.

McLeod 1974 = McLeod, Ruth. Fonemas xavánte. Série Lingüística 3: 131–152. // A short

description of Xavánte phonology, including a small wordlist.

VIII. Xerénte

Krieger & Krieger 1994 = Krieger, Wanda Braidotti, Guenther Carlos Krieger (orgs.).

Akwẽ mrmẽze–ktâwankõ mrmẽze; ktâwankõ mrmẽze–akwẽ mrmẽze. Dicionário escolar:

Xerente–Português; Português–Xerente. Rio de Janeiro, RJ: Junta das Missões Nacionais da

Convenção Batista Brasileira. // A Xerénte-Portuguese dictionary. The entries lack detailed

information on the morphophonology of the stems and the usage examples are not provided.

Cotrim 2016 = Cotrim, Rodrigo Guimarães Prudente Marquez. Uma descrição da

morfologia e de aspectos morfossintáticos da língua Akwẽ-Xerente (Jê Central). (PhD thesis.)

Brasília: Universidade de Brasília. // A description of Xerénte morphosyntax. Includes a

vocabulary.

9

Souza 2008 = Souza, Shelton de Lima. Descrição fonético-fonológica da língua Akwen-

Xerente. (MA thesis.) Brasília, DF: Universidade de Brasília. // A study dedicated to Xerénte

phonology. The data are limited to isolated words.

Sousa Filho 2007 = Sousa Filho, Sinval Martins de. Aspectos morfossintáticos da língua

Akwẽ-Xerente (Jê). (PhD thesis.) Goiânia, GO: Universidade Federal de Goiás. // A

description of Xerénte morphosyntax comprising numerous glossed sentences. No glossary is

attached.

Santos 2007 = Santos, Jayme Célio Furtado dos. Contribuições didáticas para o ensino de

português aos akwẽ-xerente. (PhD thesis.) Rio de Janeiro, RJ: Universidade do Estado do

Rio de Janeiro. // A study dedicated to the issues unrelated to the Xerénte language. Includes a

329-item questionnaire on Xerénte vocabulary and grammar designed by the Museu Nacional.

Mattos 1973 = Mattos, Rinaldo de. Fonêmica Xerente. Série lingüística 1: 79–100. // A short

work on Xerénte phonology. Includes a short vocabulary.

Castelnau f.n. = a wordlist collected by Castelnau (Martius 1867: 139–141)

Ehrenreich 1895 = Ehrenreich, Paul. Materialien zur Sprachenkunde Brasiliens: III. Die

Sprache der Akuä oder Chavantes und Cherentes (Goyaz). Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 27:

149–162. // A XIX century description of Xavánte (as spoken in the Salinas village located on

the Southern Araguaia, close to its confluence with the Crixás-mirim river) and Xerénte (as

spoken in Santa Maria do Araguaia). The data on grammar are very scarce; there are a few

sample sentences but most data are restricted to isolated words.

XI. Laklãnõ

Alves 2014 = Alves Júnior, Ozias. Parlons xokleng / laklãnõ. Langua indigène du sud du

Brésil. Paris: LʼHarmattan. // A practical description of Laklãnõ with a Laklãnõ-French

glossary.

Gakran 2016 = Gakran, Nanblá. Elementos fundamentais da gramática Laklãnõ. (PhD

10

thesis.) Brasília, DF: Universidade de Brasília. // A grammar sketch of Laklãnõ. No glossary

is found.

Bublitz 1994 = Bublitz, Terezinha. Análise fonológica preliminar da língua Xokléng. (MA

thesis.) Brasília, DF: Universidade de Brasília. // A sketch of Laklãnõ phonology. All the

example are cited without any context.

Urban 1985 = Urban, Greg. Ergativity and accusativity in Shokleng (Gê). International

Journal of American Linguistics 51(2): 164–187. // A short article on certain aspects of Laklãnõ

grammar.

XII. Kaingáng

Central Kaingáng

Herold 1996 = Herold, Cristina. Aspectos da fonologia da língua Kaingáng: dialeto central.

(MA thesis.) Florianópolis, SC: Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina. // A description

of Central Kaingáng phonology. A sample wordlist is found.

São Paulo Kaingáng

Cavalcante 1987 = Cavalcante, Marita Pôrto. Fonologia e morfologia da língua Kaingang: o

dialeto de São Paulo comparado com o do Paraná. (PhD thesis.) Campinas, SP: Universidade

Estadual de Campinas. // A description of São Paulo Kaingáng phonology and morphology.

Paraná Kaingáng

Wiesemann 1981 = Wiesemann, Ursula. Dicionário kaingáng-português, português-

kaingáng. Brasília, DF: Summer Institute of Linguistics. // A vocabulary of Kaingáng

accompanied with some notes on morphophonology.

Wiesemann 2011 = Wiesemann, Ursula Gojtéj. Dicionário Kaingang-Português, Português-

Kaingang. 2ª edição atualizada pelo Novo Acordo Ortográfico. Curitiba, PR: Esperança. // A

11

dictionary of Kaingáng; the entries are usually illustrated with sample sentences.

NOTES

General.

Jê languages are rich in morphophonologic alternations.

So called class II stems are lemmatized in their uninflected (conominal) forms,

containing their thematic consonant, which is analyzed as a part of the stem (following

A. P. Salanovaʼs analysis, pace A. D. Rodriguesʼs and E. R. Ribeiroʼs analyses, who treat

them as segmentable prefixes). An exception is made for Panará nouns, given that in

this language the etymologically uninflected form surfaces only in the syntactically

marked context of incorporation.

Verbs are lemmatized in their finite forms, except in Panará, where the realis mood

forms (corresponding to the non-finite forms of other Jê languages) are used. Singular

verbs are preferred over plural/pluractional. Information on non-finite forms and

plural/pluractional equivalents is systematically provided in the comments section.

In most Jê languages, some stems surface in different manners utterance-medially and

utterance-finally. Utterance-medial allomorphs are preferred for Central Jê and

Southern Jê languages due to the fact that some important distinctions are neutralized

utterance-finally in these languages. For Kĩsêdjê and Tapayúna, utterance-final

allomorphs are preferred instead.

I. Mẽbêngôkre.

Mẽbêngôkre is spoken by two major ethnic groups: Xikrín (Cateté, Trincheira/Bacajá)

and Kayapó (subgroup Gorotire: Kayapó, Badjônkôre, Las Casas; subgroup

Mekrãknoti: Baú, Mekrãgnoti, Capoto-Jarina, Kapôt Nhinore; subgroup Kararaô:

Kararaô, partly Baú). Dialectal differences between them are minimal.

Costaʼs data are written in IPA (only minor adjustments to UTS are needed).

12

Correspondences between the orthography, Stout & Thompsonʼs transcription and the

UTS are as follows:

Orthography Stout & Thompson UTS (Xikrín) UTS (Kayapó)

p p p p

b b b b

m, -Vm m [m, -Vbm] m, -Vb m

w w w w

t t t t

d d d d

n, -Vn n [n, -Vdn] n, -Vd n

r r [ř, n] ɾ ɾ

x c [ty ~ tš, -ytš] č č

dj ǰ [dy ~ dž] ǯ ǯ

nh, -Vnh ñ [ñ, -Vdñ] ɲ ɲ

j y y y

k k k k

g g g g

ng ŋ ŋ ŋ

ʼ ʔ ʔ ʔ

a a a a

à ä ʌ ʌ

y ë ɤ ɤ

y ï ɯ ɯ

o ɔ ɔ ɔ

ô o o o

u u u u

e ɛ ɛ ɛ

ê e e e

i i i i

ã ã ã ã

ã

y

13

õ õ õ õ

ũ ũ ũ ũ

ẽ ẽ ẽ

ĩ ĩ ĩ ĩ

II. Timbíra (Krahô, Pykobjê, Apãniêkrá, Ramkokamekrá).

The following abbreviations are used: class A = zero 3rd person marker, class B = i-

(Pykobjê j-) as the 3rd person marker, class C = iʔ- (Pykobjê e -) as the 3rd person

marker, class D = iN- (Pykobjê e N-) as the 3rd person marker. These distinctions

continue earlier distinctions between Proto-Northern Jê stem-initial consonants, some of

which were later neutralized in Timbíra.

Krahô is spoken by almost 2000 people who live in the Terra Indígena Krahô. The data

in [Miranda 2014] were collected in the community of Pedra Branca, 31 km from Itacajá.

Mirandaʼs data are written in IPA. Minor adjustments to UTS are necessary (j > y, tʃ > č,

dʒ > ǯ, ã > ).

Pykobjê is spoken by approximately 700 people in the villages of Governador, Rubiácea

and Riachinho (municipality Amarante do Maranhão, state of Maranhão). Since Sáʼs

data are written in IPA, only cosmetic changes are required: tʃ > č, r > ɾ. Silva, on the

contrary, uses the unified Timbíra orthography involving the following conventions: č

{x}, k {c}, kʰ {k}, ng {(n)g}, ʔ {ʼ}, y {j}, ɾ {r}, i {ë}, u {ö}, ə {y}, ɨ {y}, {y}. In some cases Silva

writes oral vowels (kʰɾə 'head', te 'to go') where Sá attests nasal vowels (k 'head', tẽ 'to

go'). Pries uses the orthography (which is also widely used by the speakers), which,

unlike Sáʼs and Silvaʼs transcription systems, also represents the phonation constrast

(modal vs. breathy voice) found in the language but fails to capture the contrast

between k and kʰ. The following correspondences hold between the orthography and

UTS: č {x}, k(ʰ) {c/qu}, ng {g}, ʔ {ʼ}, y {j}, ɾ {r}, V {Vh}, {yh}, {y}, ɨ {y}, ə {à}. The nasality

on vowels is unmarked following nasal consonants.

Canela (ethnic population around 2200) is spoken by the Ramkokamekrá (Terra

Indígena Canela) and by the Apãniêkrá (Terra Indígena Porquinhos) in the state of

14

Maranhão. Castro Alves writes most of her data in IPA; these require only minor

cosmetic changes in compliance with UTS standards, like j > y. However, a smaller part

of her data is written in Common Timbíra practical orthography (not reproduced in the

lists and not actively used by the speakers). The lists are accompanied by the

orthographic representation in use by the speakers, as developed by Popjes & Popjes. In

UTS, echo vowels are omitted.

Common Timbíra

practical orthography

Orthography in use Phonemics (P & P) UTS

p p p p

t t t t

x x ¢ č

c c, qu k k

k k kʰ k

ʼ h h ʔ

m m m m

n n n n

g g ŋ ŋ

w w w w

j j j y

r r l ɾ, -ɻ

h h h h

a a, ã a, ã a, ã

e e ɛ ɛ

ë ê e e

ë i i i

ẽ ẽ

ĩ ĩ ĩ i

y y ï ɨ

y à ɜ

y y ë ɘ

y y

y ã

15

o o ɔ ɔ

ö ô o o

ö u u u

õ õ

ũ ũ ũ u

The Parkatêjê ethnic group comprises three subgroups, two of which inhabited two

villages (Km 30, Km 33, as of 2010) in the Terra Indígena Mãe Maria in the municipality

of Bom Jesus do Tocantins in the Brazilian state of Pará; the third group migrated to the

state of Maranhão (close to the city of Imperatriz) in the 19th century. As of 2011, 478

Parkatêjês lived in Mãe Maria.

The entries in [Araújo 2016] are provided both in their orthographic and phonetic

representations. Minimal adjustments are needed in order to match UTS (ʒ > ž, j > y).

III. Apinajé.

Ethnic Apinajé number approximately 1300; they inhabit the Terra Indígena Apinajé at

the confluence of the Araguaia and Tocantins rivers. Until the beginning of the 20th

century, the territory of the Apinajé was divided into three contiguous, politically

defined areas, each with its main village and chief. These areas are associated, in the

literature, with three distinct Apinajé groups: the Rõrkojoire, the Cocojoire, and the

Krĩjobreire.

UTS follows the analysis by Ham (upon which the orthography is based), which is

slightly different from Oliveiraʼs analysis. The denasalization in unstressed syllables

and the presence of echo vowels are denoted in UTS.

Orthography Oliveira UTS

p p p

m b, m nb, m

w v v

t t t

16

n d, n nd, n

r r ɾ

x č č

nh j, ɲ nǯ, ɲ

j j j

k k k

g g ng, ŋ

h ʔ ʔ

a a a

à ʌ, ə ʌ

y ɘ ɘ

y ɨ ɨ

e ɛ ɛ

ê e e

i i i

o ɔ ɔ

ô o o

u u u

ã ã, ã,

y

ẽ ẽ

ĩ ĩ ĩ

õ õ

ũ ũ ũ

IV. Kĩsêdjê

Kĩsêdjê (Suyá) is spoken by approximately 400 people in the Parque Indígena do Xingu.

The Kĩsêdjê are known to have arrived in the Xingu area from the east in the first half of

18th century, settling down at the confluence of the Xingu and the Suyá-Missu rivers

(Diawarum region). By 1915 they had relocated up the Suyá-Missu to the Yamarikumã

village. In 1959 they migrated back to Diawarum (Rikô village on the left bank of the

Suyá-Missu river, abandoned in 2000). Around 1993, the Ngôsoko village was formed at

17

the Wawi river. Currently Kĩsêdjê inhabit four villages: Ngôjhwêrê, Nĝosoko, Roptotxi

and Horehusikrô. The fieldwork by Nonato was carried out in the Ngôjhwêrê village;

Guedesʼ and Santosʼ fieldwork was carried out in the Rikô village.

Nonatoʼs and Santosʼ data are easily reconcilable. One major distinction is that Nonato

recognizes the phonemic nature of Kĩsêdjê kʰ and tʰ. Whenever the information in

[Nonato 2014] conflicts with [Nonato f.n.], the data from [Nonato 2014] are preferred.

The transcription in use by Guedes is of poor quality. For instance, she inconsistently

transcribes (and phonologizes) ɜ as [ə] or [ɔ], syllable-final -k as [k] or [ɣ] (note that in

Guedesʼs transcription ɣ corresponds to [hɽ], ɣw to [hw]).

In Kĩsêdjê, echo vowels are systematically inserted in utterance-final position. Only the

utterance-final allomorphs are given.

The correspondences between the orthography and UTS are presented below.

Orthography UTS

p p

mb nb

mbr nbɺ

mV mṼ

mrV mɺṼ

w w

t t

th tʰ

nd nd

nV nṼ

r ɺ, ɾ

tx ȶ

s s

j y

nhV ɲṼ

18

k k

kh kʰ

kr kɹ

ng ng, ŋ

ngr ngɹ, ŋɹ

h h

hr hɺ

a a

á ɜ

â ɘ

y ɨ

e ɛ

ê e

i i

o ɔ

ô o

u u

ã ã,

ẽ

ĩ ĩ

õ

ũ ũ

V. Tapayúna.

Tapayúna is spoken by more than 80 individuals. Since 2009, they reside in the

Kawêrêtxikô village (Terra Indígena Kapot-Jarina); before that, they inhabited the

Metuktire village together with speakers of Mẽbêngôkre. Some Tapayúna speakers live

in the Ngôsoko village, where the Kĩsêdjê constitute the ethnic majority.

Camargoʼs [2010] data are written in IPA. Minor adjustments to UTS are necessary (j > y,

> χ, tʃ > č, dʒ > ǯ, ʈ > ʈʰ, nɾ > , nb/m > ); the latter three adjustments are suggested by

Beauchampʼs comments based on his ongoing fieldowork. The free variation between

19

prenasalized and nasal allophones is normalized in favor of the prenasalized

allophones, since the variation with nasals can be attributed to recent contacts with

Mẽbêngôkre speakers. Camargo [2015] uses an orthographic representation is not

described explicitly; the following correspondences can be identified: ʈʰ {th}, kʰ {kh}, ,

w {w}, nd {nd}, n {n}.

VI. Panará

Panará is spoken in the basin of the Xingu river. The Panará occupied an extensive area

in the north of Mato Grosso and the south of Pará before the government made contact

with them in 1973, at which time they numbered approximately 700 individuals. Those

Panará were in fact the surviving members of the so-called Southern Kayapó, a group of

Brazilian natives that had highly violent encounters with the colonial and neo-colonial

Brazilian societies in the Goiás and Minas Gerais area, and were considered to be extinct

at the beginning of the 20th century. During the 1990s, after spending 20 years in the

Xingu Park, they succesfully established a new village in their demarcated indigenous

land on the banks of the Iriri Novo river, near the town of Guarantã do Norte in the

state of Mato Grosso. The current population of Panará speakers is considered to be

around 500, all of whom live in villages inside the Panará Indigenous Land (Nãsepotiti,

Kôtikô, Sõkârãsã, Sõnkwêê, Kresã).

Panará displays a number of epenthetic processes. Importantly, word-initially [i] is

inserted before geminates and post-oralized allophones of underlying nasals, and [n] (~

[ ] phrase-medially) is inserted before . These epenthetic segments are reflected in UTS

but are treated as if they were prefixes in order to facilitate the application of automatic

procedures to Panará data.

The correspondences between the orthography, Douradoʼs transcription and UTS are as

follows.

Orthography Dourado UTS

20

p, pp p p, pp

m m m

w w w

t, tt t t, tt

n n, -N n, -ŋ

VnC ṼC VnC

s, ss s s

r ɾ ɾ

j j y

k, kk k k, kk

h h h

a a a

â ə ʌ

y ɨ ɨ

o ɔ ɔ

ô o o

u u, w u, w

e ɛ ɛ

ê e e

i i, j i, y

ã ã

y

õ õ

ũ ũ ũ

ẽ ẽ

ĩ ĩ ĩ

VII. Xavánte

Ethnic Xavántes number approximately 15000. They inhabit a vast area in eastern Mato

Grosso and Goiás. Approximately 10000 of them are Xavánte speakers.

The orthography currently in use [Lachnitt 1987] is distinct from the transcription

21

systems employed in [Estevam 2011] and [Hall et al. 1987]. They are compared below.

Hall et al. 1987 Estevam 2011 Lachnitt 1987 UTS

p p p p

b b b b

m m m m

w w w w

t t t t

d d d d

n n n n

r r r ɾ

s s ts c

z z dz ʒ

nh ñ nh ɲ

h h h h

ʼ ʔ ʼ ʔ

a a a a

é é é ɛ

e e e e

i i i i

o o o ɔ

ô ô ô o

u u u u

â ö ö ə

y u y ɨ

ã, a ã, a ã, a

ẽ, e ẽ, e ẽ, e

ĩ, i ĩ, i ĩ, i ĩ

õ, o õ, o õ, o

In all these conventions the nasality is not marked on vowels when these are preceded

by {m, mr, n, nh}. The glottal stop is not written out in the word-initial position. Vowel

length is unmarked except in the 1SG index ĩː- {ĩĩ-}.

22

VIII. Xerénte

Ethnic Xerénte number over 3000. They live in the proximity of Tocantínia (Tocantins

state) on the left margin of the Tocantins River.

Correspondences between the orthography, the phonological representation used by

some of the authors and the UTS are presented below.

Orthography Sousa 2008 Sousa Filho 2007 UTS

p p p p

b b b b

m m m m

w w w w

t t t t

d d d d

n n n n

r ɾ r ɾ

s s s s

z z z z

k k k k

h h h h

a a a a

â ə ɨ ə

û ə ɨ ɨ

e ɛ ɛ ɛ

ê e e e

i i i i

i j j y

o ɔ ɔ ɔ

ô o o o

u u u u

ã

23

ẽ ẽ ẽ ẽ

ĩ ĩ ĩ ĩ

õ õ õ õ

ũ ũ ũ ũ

IX. Laklãnõ

Laklãnõ (Xokléng) is spoken by the Laklãnõ people, who inhabit 8 villages in the Terra

Indígena Laklãnõ (municipalities José Boiteux, Vítor Meireles, Doutor Pedrinho e

Itaiópolis, state of Santa Catarina): Sede, Pavão, Barragem, Palmeirinha, Figueira,

Coqueiro, Bugio e Toldo.

The UTS transcription can be directly derived from the orthographic representation or

from Jolkeskyʼs phonemic analysis. Echo vowels after the word-final continuants are

denoted. The correspondences are as follows:

Orthography Jolkesky UTS

p p p

b m nb

m m m, bn

v v v

t t t

d n nd

n n n, dn

l l l

z θ ð

tx c č

dj ɲ nǯ

nh ɲ ɲ, y

j j y, ɲ

k, gk k k

g, gg ŋ ng, ŋ, gn

h h h

24

a ɑ a

á ɤ ə

y ɯ ɨ

ó ɔ ɔ

o o o

u u u

é ɛ ɛ

e e e

i i i

ã ã

y

õ

ũ ũ ũ

ẽ

ĩ ĩ ĩ

X. Kaingáng

Ethnic Kaingáng number around 30000; the language is spoken by approximately 18000

individuals. It is subdivided into five dialects: São Paulo Kaingáng (sometimes

considered a distinct language), Paraná, Central, South-Western and South-Eastern. The

main structural differences between them are:

1) only in Paraná and South-Eastern dialects the distinction between ã ( ) and ẽ ( ) is

observed; 2) in São Paulo Kaingáng ɸ and w are frequently mixed up; 3) only in Paraná

special utterance-final forms for nouns are systematically used (in other dialects they

are found only in verbs or fixed constructions); 4) the main negation morpheme is tũ in

Paraná, Central and São Paulo Kaingáng and pi in South-Western and South-Eastern

Kaingáng (pɛ 'intensified negation', found in Paraná and Central Kaingáng, is probably

cognate).

In UTS, non-phonemic phenomena such as the prevocalization of ɾ, the insertion of ʔ

before word-initial vowels, the presence of echo vowels after the word-final continuants

25

and the prenasalization/postnasalization/preoralization of consonants are reflected. The

main correspondences between Kaingáng orthography, phonemic representation and

UTS for consonants are as follows (T stands for any voiceless consonant):

Orthography Phonology UTS (Central) UTS (Paraná) UTS (SP)

p p p p p

m (oral) m nb-, -bn nb-, -bn, -bnb-, bT nb-, -bn

m (nasal) m m m, bT m, mpT

f ɸ f ɸ ɸ

v (oral) w v-, -w w, -wV w

v (nasal) w ɱ-, -w w, -wṼ w, -w

t t t t t

n (oral) n nd-, -dn nd-, -dn, -dnd-, dT nd-, -dn

n (nasal) n n n, dT n, ntT

r (oral) ɾ ɻ Vɾ-, Cɾ, -ɾV ʔəɾ-, Cɾ, -

r (nasal) ɾ ɻ Ṽɹ-, Cɹ, -ɹṼ ʔəɾ-, Cɾ, -

s c š š (y)č

nh (oral) ɲ ng-, -yn nȡ-, -ȡn, -ȡnȡ-, ȡT nȡ-, -(y)ȡn

nh (nasal) ɲ ɲ ɲ, ȡT (y)ɲ, (y)ɲčT

j j y y, -yV yV, Vy

g (oral) ŋ ng-, -gn ng-, -gn, -gng-, gT ng-, -gn

g (nasal) ŋ ŋ ŋ, kT ŋ, ŋkT

ʼ ʔ ʔ ʔ ʔ

h h x h h

Vowels:

Orthography Phonology UTS (Central) UTS (Paraná) UTS (SP)

a ɑ a a a

á (older à) ɤ ə ʌ ə

y ɯ ɨ ɨ ɨ

ó (older ò) ɔ ɔ ɔ ɔ

o o o o o

26

u u u u u

é (older è) ɛ ɛ ɛ ɛ

e e e e e

i i i i i

ã

y ã,

ũ ũ ũ ũ õ

ẽ

ĩ ĩ ĩ ĩ ĩ

Database compiled and annotated by: André Nikulin (April 2019).

27

1. ALL

Xikrin kunˈĩ {kunĩ} (1), Kayapo kunˈĩ {kunĩ} (1), Kraho kunˈẽ-a (1), Pykobje ko n {cohneh}

(1), Canela kunˈɛ-a ~ kunˈ -a {cunea ~ cunẽa} (1), Parkateje kunˈĩn {kunĩn} (1), Apinaje piː-t

~ piː-t {piitã ~ piitãã} (2), Kisedje hwˈet-ɺi {hwêtri} (3) / kunˈĩ {kuni} (1), Tapayuna kunˈĩ (1) /

hʷˈeɾe (3), Panara p p {pãpã} # (4), Xavante ʔubuɾɛ {uburé} (5), Xerente kbuɾɛ ~ kubuɾɛ

{kbure ~ kubure} (5), Laklano kˈɔlɔ ~ kˈɔlɔ-kˈadn {kól ~ kól kan} (6) / nãlˈi {nãli} (7), Parana

Kaingang kˈaɾa {kar} (6) / n iɾˈi {nẽri} (7), Central Kaingang kaɻ (6).

References and notes:

Xikrin: Costa 2015: 86, 87, 88. Distinct from pa {pa} 'to finish', grammaticalized as a cessative aspect marker [Costa 2015: 307].

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 140; Reis Silva 2003: 64. Distinct from ɔ=inˈɔ-ɾɛ {oinore} 'to finish', grammaticalized as a cessative aspect

marker [Salanova 2019].

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 34, 84, 122. Class C. Attested variably as kunˈe-a ~ kũnˈe-a. Used in its Swadesh meaning, for example, in hɨ

kunˈẽ-a 'all the seeds' [Miranda 2014: 324]. Distinct from pˈaɾa ~ paɾ-tu 'completive aspect' [Miranda 2014: 157].

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 31; Silva 2011: 117-118. Class C.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 111; Castro Alves 1999: 66, 74; Castro Alves 2004: 42, 71, 86; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 177. Class C. Cf. tu {tu}

[Grupp 2015: 98; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14], glossed as 'all'. Distinct from the completive aspect operator pˈa-ɻ / pa-ɻ-tu {par / partu}

[Grupp 2015: 171; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 182; ].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 148. Distinct from am- {am-} 'collective' [Araújo 2016: 30], iɾɔ {iro} 'all of them' [Araújo 2016: 86], kapˈẽn

{kapẽn} 'all this / every member of a family' [Araújo 2016: 115], kũ=mɾˈẽy {kũmrẽi} 'everyone' [Araújo 2016: 147], kũpˈẽ {kupẽ}

'everything' [Araújo 2016: 149], pa-ɾ {par} 'completive' [Araújo 2016: 189], maɾˈɔn (colloquial) ~ pi=kaɾˈɔn (archaic) {maron ~ pikaron}

'everyone' [Araújo 2016: 162, 196].

Apinaje: DEA: 63; Oliveira 2005: 367, 405; Albuquerque 2011: 50, 89. Polysemy: 'all / everyone / everything'. Distinct from kunˈĩ,

m =kunˈĩ {kunĩ, mẽhkunĩ} 'everyone / the population of the village' [Ham et al. 1979: 58; Oliveira 2005: 396], =pa {=pa} 'completive'

[Oliveira 2005: 402; Albuquerque 2011: 108, 126, 127].

Kisedje: DKP: 8, 10, 21, 22; DMK; Santos 1997: 124; Nonato 2014: 72, 94, 95. Distinct from the completive marker =hwa {=hwa} [DKP:

3, 7, 18, 25; Santos 1997: 31; Guedes 1993: 274].DKP: 15, 25; Nonato f.n. Attested as a quantifier in the phrases 'all the people', 'all of

us', 'the whole village'.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 59; Camargo 2015: 143, 144. Polysemy: 'many / much / all'.Camargo 2015: 95, 139. Attested only in the

construction 'all of us' (wa=hʷˈeɾe ~ wa=hʷˈɛɾi).

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 50, 249; Dourado 2001: 25, 54; Vasconcelos 2013: 187. Attested only in the meanings 'everyone / to be

done'.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 91; Estevam 2011: 60; Hall et al. 1987: 236; McLeod 1974 (ʔubuːɾɛ). Distinct from ʔayhinĩ ~ ʔayhĩnĩ {aihini ~

aihĩni} [Lachnitt 1987: 15; Estevam 2011: 61; Hall et al. 1987: 236; McLeod 1960], which can only refer to humans. Cf. =bə / =pə {=bö /

=pö} [Lachnitt 1987: 20; Hall et al. 1987: 19], which likely represents completive aspect. Apparently more basic than m

{nhoʼõmo} (utterance-finally u {nhoʼu} 'all' [Lachnitt 1987: 45], which is almost absent from available textual examples; it is mostly

found in derivatives like u-m {nhoʼuma} 'all the people / all the peoples / everybody' [Lachnitt 1987: 46, 89], pa= m

{panhoʼõmo} 'big river / stream' [Lachnitt 1987: 50; Estevam 2011: 143; Hall et al. 1987: 77], ʔɾi= m {ʼrinhoʼõmo} 'city' (lit. 'many

houses') [Lachnitt 1987: 59; Hall et al. 1987: 127], da=hu= m {dahunhoʼõmo} 'village / city / many people' [Lachnitt 1987: 22; Hall

et al. 1987: 23].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 15, 99; Cotrim 2016: 97; Sousa Filho 2007: 119, 175; Santos 2007: 238, 244; Mattos 1973. Apparently

distinct from pə / bə {pâ / bâ}, glossed as 'everything / the whole / totally' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 31, 99; Cotrim 2016: 62, 69].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 164.Alves 2014: 169; Jolkesky 2010: 267.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Not attested.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 37; Wiesemann 2011: 40. Denotes completion, hence glossed as 'all / to end'. Plural: kɨd=kˈaɾa ~

28

kad=kˈaɾa {kynkar ~ kankar} [Wiesemann 1981: 37; Wiesemann 2011: 39, 58]. Active: k n {kãn}, plural: k d=k n {kãnkãn} [Wiesemann

1981: 42; Wiesemann 2011: 43].Wiesemann 1981: 71 ('all in the same way / completely'); Wiesemann 2011: 65 ('completely'); Jolkesky

2010: 267.

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 128, 158.

2. ASHES

Xikrin mɾɔ {mro} (1), Kayapo mɾɔ {mro} (1), Kraho pɾɔ (1), Pykobje pɾo {pro} (1), Canela pɾo

{pro} (1), Parkateje pɾɔ {pro} (1), Apinaje nbɾɔ {mro} (1), Kisedje s=a=hɺˈɜ ~ hɺɜ {sahrá ~ hrá}

(2), Tapayuna hɾʌ (2), Panara i=sːɨ=yakyˈati {issyjakjati} (3), Xavante ʔɾuy {ʼrui} (4), Xerente

smĩ=ka {smĩka} (5), Laklano mlã {mlã} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang m y (1), Parana Kaingang

m y {mrẽj} (1), Central Kaingang m (1).


Xikrin: Salanova 2019.

Kayapo: Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 560. Distinct from pɾʌ {prà} 'coal' [Salanova 2019], mistranslated as 'ashes' by Stout &

Thompson [1974].

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 64.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 93. Class C.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 176; Castro Alves 2004: 83; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 17. Class C.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 202. Distinct from pɾʌ {prà} 'embers', pɾˈʌy=pɾˈʌy {pràiprài} 'coal' [Araújo 2016: 200].

Apinaje: DEA: 52; Oliveira 2005: 397 (kuvɨ=nbɾˈɔ {kuvymro}). pɾʌ {prà} is glossed as 'ashes' in [Salanova 2001: 30] but as 'ember' in

[DEA: 65; Albuquerque 2011: 50].

Kisedje: DKP: 24 (s=a=hɺɜ {sahrá}); Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (hɺa {hra}); Nonato f.n. (hɺɜ {hrá}, with a question mark). In

[DMK] this word is glossed as 'lit up' and written as {hra}, but in the attached audio file the vowel ɜ {á} is clearly audible. Guedes

[1993: 268] quotes tu=sˈeɾe {thusêrê}. Distinct from nbɺɔ=sˈeɾe {mbro sêrê} 'coal' [DKP: 17].

Tapayuna: Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (hɾa); Beauchamp 2018. Cf. kutɨ=kˈumũ 'smoke', apparently erroneously glossed as

'ashes' in [Camargo 2015: 82].

Panara: Vasconcelos 2013: 225 (as sɨ=yakyˈati {syjakjati}). The word transcribed by Vasconcelos [2013: 196] as ĩ=sˈɨ and translated as

'ashes' is apparently the same word as i=sːˈɨ {issy} 'fire / torch / lighter' (transcribed as ĩ=sˈɨ by Vasconcelos [2013: 168]), which is also

the first part of the compound in question.

Xavante: Hall et al. 1987: 128; McLeod 1974. Also cited as ʔɾu-ʔa {ʼruʼa} [Lachnitt 1987: 66], literally 'white ashes' (note that this word

is glossed as 'ember' in [Estevam 2011: 194]). Distinct from pɾɔ {pro} 'burnt powder, soot', wede=pɾɔ {wedepro} 'sawdust' [Lachnitt

1987: 54] or 'coal / coffee' [Hall et al. 1987: 121], ʒaday=pɾɔ {dzadaipro} 'saliva, spit' [Lachnitt 1987: 54; Hall et al. 1987: 29; McLeod

1974], ʔəʒay=pɾɔ {ödzaipro} 'beer' [Lachnitt 1987: 48] or 'foam' [Hall et al. 1987: 18].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 44, 69; Sousa Filho 2007: 116; Santos 2007: 240 (smi=ka {smika}); Mattos 1973. Distinct from pɾɔ {pro}

'to burn' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 33, 93], wde=pɾɔ {wdêpro} 'coal' [Cotrim 2016: 49].

Laklano: Gakran 2016: 61; Bublitz 1994: 6 (mlãŋ {mlãg}); Jolkesky 2010: 267. Translated as 'gray' in [Alves 2014: 168], likely as a result

of a translation error (in Portuguese both meanings are conveyed by the word {cinza}). Cf. p =plˈəy {pẽplánh} 'ashes' [Bublitz 1994:

16].

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Jolkesky 2010: 267.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 67; Wiesemann 2011: 62; Jolkesky 2010: 267.

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 55. The word ɻɔɻɔɻ ~ ɻɔɻoɻ is also translated as 'cinza' in [Herold 1996: 131], but it probably means

'gray'.

29

3. BARK

Xikrin kʌ {kà} (1), Kayapo kʌ {kà} (1), Kraho kʰɐ (1), Pykobje kʰə {cy} (1), Canela kʰɜ {kà} (1),

Parkateje kʌ {kà} (1), Apinaje kʌ {kà} (1), Kisedje kʰɜ {khá} (1), Tapayuna kʰʌ (1), Panara kʌ

{kâ} (1), Xavante həy {höi} (1), Xerente həy ~ he {hâi ~ hê} (1), Laklano ðˈələ ~ kɔ=ðˈələ {zál ~ kó

zél} (2), Sao Paulo Kaingang ɸˈəɾə (2), Parana Kaingang ɸˈʌɾʌ {fár} (2), Central Kaingang

fəɻ (2).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 52. Polysemy: 'bark / skin'.

Kayapo: Salanova 2001: 19; Nimuendajú 1932: 565. Polysemy: 'bark / skin / breast'.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 27, 63. Polysemy: 'skin / bark'. Class A. Attested variably as kʰə.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 35; Sá 2004: 88, 133, 168. Class C. Polysemy: 'bark / skin / leather / breast / body'.

Canela: Castro Alves 1999: 30 (pĩʔ=kʰˈɜ {pĩhkà}); Castro Alves 2004: 51. Class C. Polysemy: 'skin / bark'.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 105, 190. Polysemy: 'skin / bark / cover / female breast'.

Apinaje: DEA: 31, 62; Oliveira 2005: 384. Polysemy: 'bark / skin / leather' (according to Oliveira, 'bark / skin / body').

Kisedje: DKP: 10; Santos 1997: 41; Guedes 1993: 105, 268 (kɔ ~ =ngɔ); Nonato f.n. ({ká}). Polysemy: 'skin / bark / clothes'. Cf. kʰɜ {khá}

'shirt' [Nonato 2014: 111].

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 44; Camargo 2015: 79. Polysemy: 'skin / bark / breast'.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 207; Vasconcelos 2013: 197. Works as a classifier for barks, skins, clothes and all sorts of covers. Vasconcelos

[2013: 185] glossed ky =kˈʌ ~ ĩ=nky =kˈʌ {kjãkâ ~ ĩnkjãkâ} as 'casca' in Portuguese, but this most likely refers to fruit peel.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 30; Hall et al. 1987: 121 (wede=hə {wedehö}); McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'bark / skin / female breast'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 68; Cotrim 2016: 179, 365; Sousa Filho 2007: 114; Santos 2007: 237; Mattos 1973 (also wde=hə

{wdê hâ} 'tree bark'). Polysemy: 'skin / bark / leather / surface / female breast'. Cotrim [2016: 54] also lists wde=nĩ {wdênĩ} 'bark' as an

ingredient suitable for the preparation of traditional medicines (da=si=kunmõ-zɛ {dasikunmõze}), but this word is translated as

'medicine' by Krieger & Krieger [1994: 55].

Laklano: Bublitz 1994: 15 (kɔ=ðˈɛlɛ {kó zél}); Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'skin / bark'.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'skin / bark'.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 5; Wiesemann 2011: 16; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'bark / cortex / skin / leather'. Distinct

from k {kyrẽg} 'bread crust' [Wiesemann 2011: 59].

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 158.

4. BELLY

Xikrin tu {tu} (1), Kayapo tu {tu} (1), Kraho tu (1), Pykobje to {toh} (1), Canela tu {tu} (1) /

kʰo=kʰˈat {kô kat} (2), Parkateje ku=kɾˈat {kukrat} (2), Apinaje {nhõhy} (3) / u / tu {u / tu}

(1), Kisedje tʰˈiki {thiki} (4), Tapayuna ʈʰu (1), Panara tu {tu} (1), Xavante n m {nõmõ} (1),

Xerente dki ~ diki {dki ~ diki} (4), Laklano ndugn {dug} (5), Sao Paulo Kaingang ndugn (5),

Parana Kaingang ndugn {nug} (5), Central Kaingang ndugn (5).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 38. According to Salanova [2019], tik {tik} 'belly / stomach' is probably more frequent in Xikrín than in Kayapó,

but more information would be needed in order to decide whether it qualifies as a secondary synonym for tu {tu}.

30

Kayapo: Salanova 2001: 18. Glossed as 'thick intestine' in [Jefferson 1989: 238] and as 'stomach' in [Stout & Thompson 1974].

According to Salanova [2019], this term usually refers to the external part of the belly and is more frequent and less marked than tik

{tik} 'belly / stomach' [Jefferson 1989: 238; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 558]. Nimuendajú [1932: 558] also cites y

{nhõʼy}, which is not used in the modern language.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 74, 242. Class C.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 42; Sá 2004: 78. Class C. Polysemy: 'belly / tuber / to make pregnant'. Cf. jõːkʰwˈa {jõocwa} 'thorax, chest, belly'

[Pries 2008: 75]. Distinct from te k {tehc} 'pregnant' [Pries 2008: 41], which is also attested in a locative construction te k-k m {tehc

cym} 'in one's belly'.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 129; Castro Alves 1999: 39; Castro Alves 2004: 31. Class C. Polysemy: 'stomach / belly / tuber / to swell'. Refers

to the part of the belly above the navel.Grupp 2015: 117. Polysemy: 'belly / lower part of the torso'. Refers to the part of the belly

below the navel.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 146. Distinct from tik {tik} 'paunch / pregnant} [Araújo 2016: 86, 228], tu {tu} 'swollen' [Araújo 2016: 232].

Apinaje: DEA: 29, 58; Ham et al. 1979: 53, 55; Albuquerque 2011: 42. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Distinct from tu {tu} 'intestine',

according to [DEA: 72; Ham et al. 1979: 55]. A different description is given in [Oliveira 2005: 189, 400], where it is explicitly stated

that {nhõhy} denotes the inner part of the belly. Both roots are listed as synonyms to reflect these conflicting data.Oliveira 2005:

189, 411. More specifically, 'outer part of the belly'. Glossed as 'intestine' in [DEA: 72; Ham et al. 1979: 55]. Both roots are listed as

synonyms to reflect these conflicting data.

Kisedje: DKP: 26 (quoted as tˈiki {tiki}); DMK; Nonato 2014: 127. Distinct from tʰu {thu} 'inflated' [DKP: 27].

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 36, 44; Camargo 2015: 51.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 238; Vasconcelos 2013: 194. Attested as i=tˈu {itu} 'tuber' in [Bardagil-Mas f.n.].

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 22, 46; Estevam 2011: 147; Hall et al. 1987: 22, 74; McLeod 1974. Utterance-final allomorph: du {du}.

Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Glossed as 'stomach' by Hall et al., but since it can metaphorically refer to round vegetables, its real

meaning probably includes the Swadesh meaning 'belly (outer part)'. Conversely, diʔi {diʼi} 'uterus / abdomen / bowels / breast /

belly' [Lachnitt 1987: 22; Estevam 2011: 79; Hall et al. 1987: 22] is found in examples referring to stomach ache [Hall et al. 1987: 22] or

filling up stomach [Estevam 2011: 79] and most likely means, more precisely, 'the inner part of the belly'. Apparently more basic

than wa {nhowa} 'belly / abdomen / in front of' [Lachnitt 1987: 46, 89; Estevam 2011: 93; Hall et al. 1987: 133] and p {pẽʼẽ} 'belly /

abdomen / entrails / thought / to be sad / to miss' [Lachnitt 1987: 52; Estevam 2011: 129; Hall et al. 1987: 26].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 2, 9, 64; Cotrim 2016: 53, 65, 67; Souza 2008: 54, 69; Santos 2007: 236; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n.

({da-di}); Ehrenreich 1895: 152 (=dedi). Distinct from nmõ {nmõ} 'fat / thick' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 28]; nn =dup-tɔ {nnã dupto}

'stomach' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 77], related to dup-tɔy ~ dup-tɔm {duptoi ~ duptom} 'swollen' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 9; Santos

2007: 235]. Cf. {=dou} in [Castelnau f.n.].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 148; Gakran 2016: 65, 78; Bublitz 1994: 8; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 75; Wiesemann 2011: 67; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Distinct from ɸˈɔɾɔ {fór} 'full stomach / full'

[Wiesemann 1981: 8; Wiesemann 2011: 19], tɔgngˈʌ {tógá} 'full stomach' [Wiesemann 1981: 103; Wiesemann 2011: 87], t =ɸˈɔɾɔ {tyfór}

'stomach' [Wiesemann 1981: 107; Wiesemann 2011: 90].


5. BIG

Xikrin ɾay {raj} (1), Kayapo ɾač {rax} (1) / tˈi-ɾɛ {tire} (2), Kraho ka-tˈi (3), Pykobje ka-tiʔ-tˈe

{catiʼteh} (3), Canela ka-tˈi {cati} (3), Parkateje ĩ=nkˈɨ-ɾˈɛ {ĩnkyre} (4) / ɾˈũn-tˈi {rũnti} (5),

Apinaje ɾač {rax} (1), Kisedje ȶi {txi} (2), Tapayuna či (2), Panara pˈiʌ {piâ} (7) / wɨ {wy} (8),

Xavante ʒa t {dzaʼẽtẽ} (9), Xerente awɾɛ / zawɾɛ ~ dawɛɾɛ ~ dawɛɾ {awre / zawre ~ dawere ~

dawer} (10), Laklano nbəgn {bág} (11), Sao Paulo Kaingang nbəgn ~ nbɨgn (11), Parana

Kaingang nbʌgn {mág} (11) / ʔehˈe ~ ʔɛhˈɛ {ehe ~ éhé} (12), Central Kaingang nbəgn (11) / ɛxe ~

ɛxɛ (12).

31


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 47, 69, 242. Distinct from abatˈʌɾi {abatàri} 'huge, big (of humans)' [Salanova 2019]. Unlike in Kayapó, tˈi-ɾɛ {tire} is

not commonly used as a predicate [Salanova 2019]; =tˈi {=ti} is a very productive augmentative suffix [Costa 2015: 67].

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 175, 248; Reis Silva 2003: 41 (ɾay {raj}); Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019. Polysemy: 'big / very /

much'. Distinct from abatˈʌɲ {abatành} 'huge, big (of humans)' [Jefferson 1989: 175; Salanova 2019].Jefferson 1989: 175, 248; Salanova

2001: 19. A diminutive suffix occurs on this word when it functions as a predicate [Salanova 2019]. Related to the augmentative

suffix =tˈi {=ti}.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 91. Class A. Emphatic: ka-tˈi-a 'huge'. Cf. =ti, which is a very productive augmentive suffix [Miranda 2014: 90].

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 17; Silva 2011: 77. Class A. More frequent in available sources and apparently more basic than ɾat {rat} and n

{rõhn} 'big, large, thick, wide' [Pries 2008: 48, 49]. Cf. =te {=teh}, which is an augmentative suffix [Pries 2008: 98; Sá 1999: 27, 46; Sá

2004: 134, 135; Silva 2011: 62].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 36; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 19; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 143. Class A. Polysemy: 'big / great / important'. Distinct

from ti {ti} [Castro Alves 1999: 62; Castro Alves 2004: 41, 51, 103], which is usually used as an augmentative suffix [Popjes & Popjes

1971: 13, 14]. Grupp [2015: 85, 146] also gives ɾat-tˈi {ratti} and jĩrɜ-tˈi {jĩràti} 'big, large', which are hardly basic terms for 'big'.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 84.Araújo 2016: 216. Polysemy: 'big / long'.

Apinaje: DEA: 68; Oliveira 2005: 154; Ham 1961: 24; Ham et al. 1979: 15; Salanova 2001: 77; Albuquerque 2011: 50. Polysemy: 'large /

very / a lot'. Distinct from the augmentative suffix =ti {=ti} [DEA: 71; Oliveira 2005: 411; Salanova 2001: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 62],

ɾũɲ {rũnh} 'great / intensively / plenty' [DEA: 69; Oliveira 2005: 408, 409]. According to Oliveira, both ɾač {rax} and ɾũɲ {rũnh} are

used as intensifiers encoding permanent properties as opposed to təč {tyx} [DEA: 72; Oliveira 2005: 409; Albuquerque 2011: 71]

which encodes temporal properties.

Kisedje: DKP: 28; DMK; Santos 1997: 62, 67; Nonato 2014: 126; Guedes 1993: 49; Nonato f.n. Also quoted as ȶi=kum nĩ {txikumeni}

[DKP: 28]. Distinct from hɺˈek-ȶi {hrêktxi} 'tall' [DKP: 9, 24].

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 62, 99; Camargo 2015: 143. Can be used both as an augmentative suffix and as a descriptive verb.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 22, 89, 183, 184, 235; Vasconcelos 2013: 173 (hĩ=pyˈʌ ~ ĩ=pyˈʌ 'tall'). Polysemy: 'big / tall'. Apparently more basic

than n {nã} [Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas 2016], i=yˈɨ ~ yɨ {ijy ~ jy} [Dourado 2001: 32; Vasconcelos 2013: 182], k -nsi {kãnsi}

[Dourado 2001: 111].Bardagil-Mas 2018: 41; Dourado 2001: 77, 80, 144); Vasconcelos 2013: 198.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 73; Estevam 2011: 76; Hall et al. 1987: 12, 65, 86; McLeod 1960. Very similar in meaning to waw {wawẽ} 'big /

voluminous / wide / AUGM / father-in-law / mother-in-law' [Lachnitt 1987: 103; Estevam 2011: 160; Hall et al. 1987: 120; McLeod

1974]; however, the latter root cannot be used as a stative verb [Estevam 2011: 160]. Distinct from y-hə {ʼrãihö} 'tall / high' [Lachnitt

1987: 56; Estevam 2011: 269, 298; Hall et al. 1987: 126]. In all likelihood, more basic than wawa {wawa} 'big / intense' [Hall et al. 1987:

119, 120].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 3, 8, 81; Cotrim 2016: 106, 175; Souza 2008: 25; Sousa Filho 2007: 100, 116, 220; Santos 2007: 235, 238,

244, 246; Ehrenreich 1895: 157 (s=aure). Polysemy: 'big / numerous'. Cotrim [2016: 175] also cites aɾɛ {are}. Distinct from wawẽ {wawẽ}

'old' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 54; Cotrim 2016: 416; Souza 2008: 47; Sousa Filho 2007: 220; Santos 2007: 243; Mattos 1973], which is

often used as an augmentative suffix, as in kə-wawẽ {kâwawẽ} 'Tocantins River'.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 145; Gakran 2016: 129; Bublitz 1994: 6; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Cited as nbədn {bán} in [Bublitz 1994: 38].

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 21, 89, 90; Jolkesky 2010: 267.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 64; Wiesemann 2011: 59; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Distinct from nbagn {mag} 'very big' [Wiesemann

2011: 59].Wiesemann 1981: 1; Wiesemann 2011: 13.

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 53.Herold 1996: 59, 158. Polysemy: 'big / wide'.

5. BIG

Parkateje ka-tˈi {kati} (3) / nkɾˈi-ɾɛ {nkrire} (6).


32

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 121.Araújo 2016: 176.

6. BIRD

Xikrin ʌk {àk} (1), Kayapo ʌk {àk} (1), Pykobje p -ɾe-yaɾˈaː {pryyhre jaraa} (2) / hək {hyc}

(1), Canela pɾˈɨ-y-aɾˈa ~ pɾˈɨ-ɾɛ-y-aɾˈa {pryjara ~ pryre jara} (2), Parkateje koβˈen {kôwên} (3),

Apinaje kuvˈeɲ {kuwênh} (3), Kisedje sˈɜkɜ {sáká} (1), Tapayuna tˈʌgʌ (1), Panara i=sːwˈɨŋ

{isswyn} (4), Xavante ciː {tsi} (5), Xerente si {si} (5), Laklano čã ~ čã-č ~ čã-ŋˈõɲ {txã ~ txãtxẽ

~ txãggõnh} (6), Sao Paulo Kaingang č -čˈĩ (6), Parana Kaingang š -šˈĩ ~ y -šˈĩ {sẽsĩ ~ jẽsĩ}

(6), Central Kaingang š -šĩ ~ -šĩ (6).


Xikrin: Salanova 2019. According to Salanova, this term is more generic than kwˈey {kwêj} 'small bird', glossed as 'bird' by Costa

[2015: 52]. Costa [2015] translates ʌk {àk} as 'hawk' instead.

Kayapo: Salanova 2001: 46; Stout & Thompson 1974. According to Salanova [2019], this term is more generic than kweɲ {kwênh}

'small bird', glossed as 'bird' in some sources [Stout & Thompson 1974 (kweɲ ~ kwen {kwênh ~ kwên}); Reis Silva 2003: 64 (kwey

{kwêj})].

Kraho: Not attested.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 93; Sá 1999: 29; Sá 2004: 161.Pries 2008: 78. A generic term, used especially for large birds. Distinct from the

generic term for small birds, aʔ=p -ɾˈe {aʼpryyhre} [Pries 2008: 1].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 176; Castro Alves 2004: 169. Found only in the common Timbíra wordlist. Literally 'winged animal'. Distinct

from kuwˈên-ɾɛ {cuwênre} 'small bird' (generic) [Grupp 2015: 54]; hɜk(-tˈi) {hàc(-ti)} 'hawk' [Grupp 2015: 56; Castro Alves 2004: 43]; k

{quẽ} 'hawk sp.' [Grupp 2015: 180] (translated simply as 'bird' [Popjes & Popjes 1971: 15]).

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 132. Distinct from hʌk {hàk} 'hawk' [Araújo 2016: 55].

Apinaje: DEA: 43; Oliveira 2005: 397; Ham 1961: 11; Ham et al. 1979: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 83. ˈʌkʌ {àk} is glossed as 'bird' in

[Salanova 2001: 39] but it apparently refers only to certain species of large birds [DEA: 19; Oliveira 2005: 419].

Kisedje: DKP: 24; DMK; Santos 1997: 41, 109; Guedes 1993: 139, 275 (sɔɣ ~ səɣ); Nonato f.n.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 54, 86; Camargo 2015: 51, 127. Polysemy: 'bird / wing / feather'.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 21; Dourado 2001: 99, 234 (s ~ i=s ); Vasconcelos 2013 (ĩ=su ).

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 78; Hall et al. 1987: 87; McLeod 1974.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 39, 64; Cotrim 2016: 64; Souza 2008: 72; Sousa Filho 2007: 214; Santos 2007: 236; Mattos 1973;

Castelnau f.n. ({chi}). Translated as 'small bird' in [Sousa Filho 2007: 61] and [Castelnau f.n.], but no other candidate for a generic

word for 'bird' is attested. Cf. si-baka {sibaka} 'heron' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 39; Cotrim 2016: 162; Sousa Filho 2007: 61], translated

as 'big bird' in [Castelnau f.n. ({chi-baca})].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 177 (čã-č ~ čã-ŋˈõɲ {txãtxẽ ~ txãggõnh}); Gakran 2016: 128 (čã-ŋˈõɲ {txãggõnh}); Bublitz 1994: 20 (čã {txã});

Jolkesky 2010: 266 (čã-č {txãtxẽ}).


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 96; Wiesemann 2011: 82; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Cf. š 'game' [Wiesemann 1981: 96].

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 138, 156. š -ši [Herold 1996: 61] is likely a typo.

7. BITE

Xikrin ɲa {nha} (1), Kayapo ɲã {nhã} (1), Kraho ca (1), Pykobje ča {xa} (1), Canela ča {xa}

(1), Parkateje ča ~ nča {xa ~ nxa} (1), Apinaje nǯa {nha} (1), Kisedje nta {nta} (1), Tapayuna

33

ntˈa (1), Panara ĩ=nsˈa-ɾi {ĩnsari} (1), Xavante ca {tsa} (1), Xerente sa {sa} (1), Laklano plɔ {pló}

(2), Sao Paulo Kaingang pɾa (2), Parana Kaingang pɾa {pra} (2), Central Kaingang pɻa (2).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 31, 283. ku-class. Non-finite form not attested.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 246; Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019. ku-class. Non-finite form: ɲã-ɲ {nhãnh}. Cf. ǯu=m=yˈã {djumjã},

ka=m=yˈã {kamjã} 'to chew' [Jefferson 1989: 243; Salanova 2019].

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 107, 109, 114. Class D. ku-class. Non-finite form: cˈa-ɾa. Cf. also the antipassive derivation am=cˈa (non-finite

form: y=ɔm=cˈa-ɾa) [Miranda 2014: 68].

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 55; Sá 2004: 75, 110. Class D. ko -class. Non-finite form: ča-ɾ {xar}. Distinct from tõk {tõc} 'to sting, to make so.

trip, to tickle', kãm=čˈa {cãmxa} 'to chew, to bite, to eat (metaphoric)' [Pries 2008: 28, 42].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 139; Castro Alves 1999: 23, 44; Castro Alves 2004: 20; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 156. Class D. ku-class. Non-finite

form: ča-ɻ {xar}. Cf. also kã=m=cˈa {cãmxa} 'to bite / to chew' [Grupp 2015: 107; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 186].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 249. ku-class. Non-finite form: ča-ɾ / nča-ɾ {xar / nxar}. Distinct from ka=čwə / ka=čwə-ɾ {kaxwy / kaxwyr} 'to

sting / to perforate' [Araújo 2016: 124].

Apinaje: DEA: 56; Oliveira 2005: 382 (nonfinite form: nǯa {nha}); Ham et al. 1979: 56; Albuquerque 2011: 38 (um=nǯˈa {umnha}). ku-

class. Non-finite form: nǯa-ɾ {nhar}.

Kisedje: Santos 1997: 129, 153; Guedes 1993: 53, 74 (tã ~ ntã ~ ndã); Nonato f.n.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 49; Guedes 1993: 88. ku-class.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 55; Dourado 2001: 43, 115; Vasconcelos 2013: 208; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas 2016. Cf. kˈʌ-ɾi {kâri},

used once of a snake [Dourado 2001: 148] and once of an alligator [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 48] (ĩ=nsˈa-ɾi {insari} may also be used of

snakes [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 166]). Vasconcelos [2013: 219] also cites k t n {kãtẽn}.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 71, 75; Estevam 2011: 174, 199, 317; Hall et al. 1987: 63; McLeod 1974. Non-finite form: ca-ɾi {tsari}. Polysemy:

'to bite / to sting'. Distinct from the partly homonymous verbs cay {tsai} 'to eat.SG/DU (intransitive)' [Lachnitt 1987: 71; Estevam

2011: 107, 125; Hall et al. 1987: 104] and ca {tsa} 'to drag / to pull' [Lachnitt 1987: 75; Estevam 2011: 184; Hall et al. 1987: 104; McLeod

1974].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 36, 37, 87; Cotrim 2016: 68, 115; Souza 2008: 37; Sousa Filho 2007: 282; Santos 2007: 242; Mattos

1973; Castelnau f.n. ({ansari}); Ehrenreich 1895: 158. Non-finite form: sa-ɾ ~ sa-ɾi {sa / sar ~ sari}. Partly homonymous with sa {sa} 'to

eat' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 36; Cotrim 2016: 68; Sousa Filho 2007: 124].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 161, 172; Gakran 2016: 156; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Utterance-finally: pla {pla}. Perfective: pla-gn {plag}. Plural:

kə=plˈa-gn {káplag}. Polysemy: 'to bite / to sting'. Distinct from nba-n {ban} (perfective: nba-gn {bag}) 'to bite / to kill by biting' [Alves

2014: 145], kagn=ɲˈã-ŋ {kagjãŋ} 'to chew' [Bublitz 1994: 11]. Apparently more basic than ngɛ-j ~ ngɛ-gn {génh ~ gég}, quoted only in

[Alves 2014: 150].

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 9; Jolkesky 2010: 267.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 85, 281; Wiesemann 2011: 74; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Utterance-finally: p {prã}. Perfective: p -ŋ

{prãg}. Plural: kɨ=pɾˈa {kypra} [Wiesemann 1981: 279; Wiesemann 2011: 58]. Distinct from ngɛdn ~ ngɛȡn {gén ~ génh} 'to season'

[Wiesemann 1981: 11; Wiesemann 2011: 21] (active from ngˈeɾe {ger} 'flavor' [Wiesemann 1981: 11; Wiesemann 2011: 20]), ka=y {kajẽ}

'to chew' [Wiesemann 1981: 35; Wiesemann 2011: 38].

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 59, 169. Utterance-finally: p .

8. BLACK

Xikrin tɯk {tyk} (1), Kayapo ka=k =tˈɯk ~ tɯk {kakrãtyk ~ tyk} (1), Kraho tɨk (1), Pykobje

t k-ɾe ~ t k {tyhcre ~ tyhc} (1), Canela tɨk {tyc} (1), Parkateje tɨk {tyk} (1), Apinaje tˈɨkɨ {tyk}

(1), Kisedje tʰˈɨk-ȶi {tyktxi} (1), Tapayuna ʈʰˈɨgɨ (1), Panara n= =nky {nãnkjã} (2), Xavante

=dəʔə {ʼrãdöʼö} (1), Xerente wa=ktɨ {waktû} (3), Laklano čə {txá} (4), Sao Paulo Kaingang

34

čə-čˈə ~ čə (4), Parana Kaingang šʌ {sá} (4), Central Kaingang šə (4).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 67.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 244; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 567. Nimuendajú [1932: 567] gives also kaŋɾˈɔ {kangro}

'black', glossed as 'brown' in other sources.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 42 (with a diminutive suffix); Sá 1999: 42; Sá 2004: 37. Class C.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 129; Castro Alves 1999: 62 (with an augmentative suffix); Castro Alves 2004: 41 (with an augmentative suffix);

Popjes & Popjes 1986: 172. Class C.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 234. Polysemy: 'black / dark / closed'.

Apinaje: DEA: 72; Oliveira 2005: 410; Ham et al. 1979: 36; Albuquerque 2011: 62. Polysemy: 'black / dirty'. Apparently more basic

than kʌʔtɨt-ɾˈɛ {kàhtytre} [DEA: 33].

Kisedje: DKP: 27; DMK; Santos 1997: 67; Nonato 2014: 112 (glossed as 'dirty'); Guedes 1993: 62 (tɨk-ɾɛ, tɨk); Nonato f.n. Cf. ngo=tʰˈɨkɨ

{ngô thyky} 'coffee' (literally 'black water') [Nonato 2014: 16].

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 53 (tˈɨgɨ).

Panara: Dourado 2001: 24, 36, 88 (ɾ= =ky , y=a=ky ); Bardagil-Mas f.n. (kʌ=ɾ= ky {kârãkiã}). Vasconcelos [2013: 182] also cites kʌ=tˈɨ

~ kʌ=tˈɨː.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 56; Estevam 2011: 152, 379; Hall et al. 1987: 41; McLeod 1974 ( =dəʔə-di). Apparently more basic than

{ʼrã} 'black' [Lachnitt 1987: 56], which is absent from the available textual examples (cf. the derivative bədədi= {bödödi ʼrã} 'asphalt'

(lit. 'black road') [Lachnitt 1987: 56]).

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 51, 92; Cotrim 2016: 49 (wa=kɾdɨ {wakrdû}), 116, 266; Sousa Filho 2007: 113; Santos 2007: 235, 243

(wa=kdu {wakdu}); Mattos 1973. Attested as ima=kdu {imakdu} in [Souza 2008: 40] and as wa=ktu in [Ehrenreich 1895: 157]. In

compounds: =k {=krã} [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 71, 79, 88, 99; Cotrim 2016: 368], cf. za=k ~ da=k {zakrã ~ dakrã} 'dark' [Krieger &

Krieger 1994: 76; Cotrim 2016: 106]. Castelnau [f.n.] also attests {kran} 'black'. Cf. kuzɛ= =dkə {kuzerã dkâ} 'dark green' [Krieger &

Krieger 1994: 101].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 177; Gakran 2016: 56; Bublitz 1994: 16; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Cf. kɨ=tˈɨ {kyty} 'dark' [Bublitz 1994: 8].


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 95; Wiesemann 2011: 81; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Active: šʌ-dn {sán}.


9. BLOOD

Xikrin kamɾˈo {kamrô} (1), Kayapo kamɾˈo {kamrô} (1), Kraho kapɾˈo (1), Pykobje kapɾuː

{capruu} (1), Canela kapɾˈo {caprô} (1), Parkateje kapɾˈo {kaprô} (1), Apinaje kanbɾˈo {kamrô}

(1), Kisedje kanbɺˈo {kambrô} (1), Tapayuna ka o (1), Panara n= npyˈu {nãnpju} (1), Xavante

waːpɾuy {waprui} (1), Xerente wapɾu {wapru} (1), Laklano kəvˈɛy {kávénh} (2), Sao Paulo

Kaingang kɨɸˈɛyɛ (2), Parana Kaingang kɨwˈɛȡn {kyvénh} (2), Central Kaingang k (2).



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 235, 236, 237 (kamɾˈõ {kamrõ} 'blood', kamɾˈo {kamrô} 'to bleed, spleen'); Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 559.

Polysemy: 'blood / to bleed / spleen'.


35

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 15, 16; Sá 1999: 74; Sá 2004: 73. Class A. Polysemy: 'blood / lineage / to bleed / to menstruate'.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 34; Castro Alves 1999: 34; Castro Alves 2004: 26, 43, 83. Class A.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 118. Polysemy: 'blood / menstruation'.

Apinaje: DEA: 34; Oliveira 2005: 84, 98, 386; Ham et al. 1979: 57; Salanova 2001: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 133. Polysemy: 'blood /

menstruation / to menstruate'.

Kisedje: Guedes 1993: 185 (kaːmɾo); Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (kʰaːmɾo); Nonato f.n.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 213 (kanɾˈɔ-či); Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (kanbɾˈo); Beauchamp 2018.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 34, 45, 48; Dourado 2001: 75; Vasconcelos 2013: 178 (n= pyˈuː); Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 99; Estevam 2011: 147; Hall et al. 1987: 28; McLeod 1974.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 95; Cotrim 2016: 55; Sousa Filho 2007: 328; Santos 2007: 236; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n. ({da-oua-

prou}). Ehrenreich also lists the form pawapɾɛ [1895: 152].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 161; Gakran 2016: 78; Jolkesky 2010: 266.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 23; Jolkesky 2010: 266 (kɨɸɛȡn).

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 64; Wiesemann 2011: 59; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Active: kɨwˈɛȡn {kyvénh}.


10. BONE

Xikrin ʔi {ʼi} (1), Kayapo ʔi {ʼi} (1), Kraho hi (1), Pykobje he {heh} (1), Canela hi {hi} (1),

Parkateje hi {hi} (1), Apinaje ži {ji} (1), Kisedje si {si} (1), Tapayuna ti (1), Panara si {si} (1),

Xavante hi {hi} (1), Xerente hi {hi} (1), Laklano kukˈɔ {kugkó} (2), Sao Paulo Kaingang kukˈa

(2), Parana Kaingang kukˈa {kuka} (2), Central Kaingang kuka (2).



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 237; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 559.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 36; Sá 1999: 45; Sá 2004: 48, 168; Silva 2011: 19. Class C.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 113; Castro Alves 2004: 175; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14. Class C.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 67.

Apinaje: DEA: 26, 58; Oliveira 2005: 379; Ham 1961: 19; Ham et al. 1979: 56; Albuquerque 2011: 117.

Kisedje: DKP: 24; DMK; Santos 1997: 10; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Guedes 1993: 104, 275 (sɨ); Nonato f.n. Polysemy:

'bone / finger'.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 81; Camargo 2015: 51; Santos 1997: 10; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Guedes 1993: 88.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 20; Dourado 2001: 79; Vasconcelos 2013: 184, 195; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 30; Estevam 2011: 335; Hall et al. 1987: 23; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'bone / leg'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 89; Cotrim 2016: 366; Souza 2008: 57; Sousa Filho 2007: 67; Santos 2007: 236; Mattos 1973;

Ehrenreich 1895: 152 (hiː).

Laklano: Alves 2014: 165; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Alves [2014: 175] also attests tɔndˈɔ {tódó}, unattested in other sources.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 16; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'bone / thin (of a person)'.



11. BREAST

Xikrin ɲõmyˈe {nhõmjê} (1) / ɲõkˈot {nhõkôt} (2), Kayapo ɲõkˈot {nhõkôt} (2), Kraho ɲõkʰˈot (2),

36

Pykobje jõːkʰwˈa {jõocwa} (3), Canela yitˈo {jitô} (4) / yi k {jigẽc} (5), Parkateje yõkˈot {jõkôt}

(2) / yõkwˈa {hõkwa} (3), Apinaje kˈoto {nhõkôt} (2), Kisedje kɔndˈɔ {kondo} (7), Tapayuna

ɲõ=kondˈɔ (7), Panara s=õkwa {sõkwa} (3), Xavante utu {nhoʼutu} (2), Xerente nõktõ {nõktõ}

(2), Laklano ðe=palˈu {ze palu} (8), Parana Kaingang ɸe {fe} (9) / ɸe=paɔɾˈɔ {fe paró} (8),

Central Kaingang p nke (10).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 140, 141. Judging by the explicit gloss 'his/her breast' of the 3 person form =õmyˈe {õmjê}, the word can refer to

male breast. Distinct from kʌ {kà} 'female breast, skin, bark' [Jefferson 1989: 236; Salanova 2019], ɲõmyˈe-k {nhõmjê krã} 'nipple'

[Salanova 2019].Salanova 2019.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 237 (as ɲõkˈot-ɲˈĩ {nhõkôt nhĩ}); Salanova 2019. Distinct from kʌ {kà} 'female breast, skin, bark' [Jefferson 1989:

236; Salanova 2019], ɲõmyˈe-k {nhõmjê krã} 'nipple' [Salanova 2019].


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 75. Polysemy: 'thorax / chest / belly'. Distinct from kʰə {cy}, which may refer only to female breast [Pries 2008:

35], sometimes glossed simply as 'breast' [Sá 2004: 168] Sá [2004: 168] gives also yõkʰˈot (possibly yõkʰˈut {jõcut}) 'female breast'.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 82. Polysemy: 'torso / chest / thorax'. Distinct from kʰɜ {kà} 'female breast, nipple' [Grupp 2015: 115; Castro

Alves 2004: 175]; y kʰwˈa {jõkwa} 'fore quarter of the body, encompassing chest and back' [Grupp 2015: 90]; yak n {jakẽn} 'young

woman's breast' [Grupp 2015: 64]; kaka-ˈčɜ {caca xà} 'thought, idea, culture, chest, breath, place where thoughts come from' [Grupp

2015: 133]; y kʰˈot {jõkôt} 'female breast' [Castro Alves 2004: 175]. The latter is also found in some non-gender-specific compounds,

such as y kʰˈot=hˈi {jõkôt hi} 'breast bone', paɻ=y kʰˈot {par jõkôt} 'heel' [Grupp 2015: 89, 124].Grupp 2015: 86. Polysemy: 'chest / thorax'.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 75. Distinct from to {tô} 'thorax' [Araújo 2016: 87]; kʌ {kà} 'skin / skin / cover / female breast' [Araújo 2016:

105].Araújo 2016: 76.

Apinaje: DEA: 58; Oliveira 2005: 400; Ham et al. 1979: 57. Cf. ɲĩndˈo {nhĩnô} 'abdomen / thorax' [DEA: 26; Ham et al. 1979: 58], kʌ {kà}

'female breast' [DEA: 32; Oliveira 2005: 384; Ham et al. 1979: 57].

Kisedje: DKP: 13. Guedes [1993: 268] quotes the form kɜ ~ kʰɜ {ká}, which probably denotes 'female breast'.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 173. Refers specifically to male chest. Likely ill-transcribed. Distinct from kʌ 'female breast'.

Panara: Vasconcelos 2013: 224. Distinct from s=õsˈe {sõsê} 'female breast' [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 175; Vasconcelos 2013: 224].

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 46 (glossed as 'chest / heart'); Estevam 2011: 139, 147; Hall et al. 1987: 26. Distinct from hə {hö} 'female breast'

[Estevam 2011: 147; Hall et al. 1987: 22; McLeod 1974].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 45, 90; Sousa Filho 2007: 203; Santos 2007: 235; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n. ({dajoucoudou}),

Ehrenreich 1895: 152 (n=akeno). Distinct from nõktõ-hi- {nõktõ hirã} 'thorax' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 99], hə {hâ} 'female breast'

[Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 98].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 184; Bublitz 1994: 5; Jolkesky 2010: 250. The form nũŋnǯˈe {nũgdje} [Alves 2014: 170; Jolkesky 2010: 265] likely

means 'female breast'.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Not attested. Cf. nduyˈe ~ ndugyˈe 'female breast' [Jolkesky 2010: 265].

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 5; Wiesemann 2011: 16. Polysemy: 'chest / heart'. Distinct from nũŋyˈe {nũgje} 'female breast /

milk' [Wiesemann 1981: 76; Wiesemann 2011: 68; Jolkesky 2010: 265], ĩɹĩnyˈa {rĩnja} 'front part of the body, chest and belly'

[Wiesemann 1981: 92; Wiesemann 2011: 79].Wiesemann 1981: 6; Wiesemann 2011: 17; Jolkesky 2010: 250. Polysemy: 'thorax / chest'.


12. BURN

Xikrin čˈeɾe {xêr} (1), Kayapo čˈeɾe {xêr} (1), Kraho po-k (2), Pykobje čit {xit} (1), Canela

tɔ=kapˈa {to capa} (3), Parkateje čet {xêt} (1), Apinaje ɔ=čˈeɾe {oxêr} (1), Kisedje k {khrã} (4),

Tapayuna tˈeɾe # (1), Panara tˈiti {titi} (1) / po {pô} (2), Xavante ʒata {dzata} (1) / =ɾɔ {ãro}

37

(5), Xerente pɾɔ {pro} (6) / k mĩ {krãmĩ} (7), Laklano pũn {pũn} (8), Sao Paulo Kaingang

põn (8), Parana Kaingang pũn {pũn} (8), Central Kaingang pũn (8).


Xikrin: Salanova 2019. Non-finite form: čet {xêt}. Labile. Distinct from pˈoɾo {pôr} 'to ignite' [Salanova 2019].

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 135, 150; Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019. Non-finite form: čet {xêt}. Labile. Distinct from pˈoɾo {pôr}

'to ignite' [Salanova 2019], kum=a=ǯˈʌ {kum adjà} 'to set on fire.SG' [Salanova 2019], kum=a=ŋˈiya {kum angij} 'to set on fire.PL'

[Jefferson 1989: 98; Salanova 2019], kwɤn {kwyn} 'to be burnt' [Jefferson 1989: 98] (the existence of this verb is not confirmed by

Salanova [2019]).

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 44. It should be noted that inchoative readings (typical for the cognate of this verb in other Northern Jê

languages) are not possible in examples like ɾam mẽ=i=tɛ puɾ po-k kwəɾ-yape ɾam i=təy mẽ=kãm aʔ=kɾɛ 'since we have already burnt

the field, we can already plant there' [Miranda 2014: 242].

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 44; Sá 1999: 45; Sá 2004: 37. Class C. Polysemy: 'to burn / to roast'. Glossed as intransitive in [Silva 2011: 61, 116].

Likely more basic than kapˈa {capa} (non-finite form: kačˈə-ɾ {caxyr}) 'to take out, to extract, to pull off, to burn' [Pries 2008: 18].

Distinct from pɾəː {pryy} 'to be lit, to emit light' [Pries 2008: 40; Sá 2004: 115], amj =ko =čˈut {amjõhcoohxut} 'to be burned, scorched'

[Pries 2008: 7], ko =kəː=kˈək {cohcyycyc} 'to scorch' [Pries 2008: 19], ko =kˈək 'to set on fire (eg. ants)' [Pries 2008: 32], pur {pur} (non-

finite form: pu-k {puc}) 'to be lit, to be ignited' [Pries 2008: 40].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 160, 180; Castro Alves 1999: 61; Castro Alves 2004: 40, 50, 55, 108. Non-finite form: tɔ=kačˈɜ-ɻ {to caxàr}. A

causative of kapˈa {capa} 'to burn (vi) / to take out / to extract' [Grupp 2015: 37; Castro Alves 1999: 21]. Class A. Distinct from the

intransitive verb poɻ {pôr} (used above all for thatch of palm-tree leaves) [Grupp 2015: 125, 175; Castro Alves 2004: 49; Popjes &

Popjes 1971: 12; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 140], which seems to be intransitive, and from čet {xêt} 'to roast' [Grupp 2015: 130; Castro

Alves 1999: 21; Castro Alves 2004: 94].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 251. Polysemy: 'to burn / to roast'. Apparently the verb po {pô} 'to burn / to roast' [Araújo 2016: 198] is

intransitive. Distinct from žet {jêt} 'to catch fire' [Araújo 2016: 96], poɾ {pôr} 'to ignite' [Araújo 2016: 199] (cf. also its non-finite form

po-k {pôk} 'flame / blaze' [Araújo 2016: 199]).

Apinaje: Oliveira 2005: 267. Non-finite form: ɔ=čˈet {oxêt}. Causative from čˈeɾe {xêr} 'to burn (intr.)' [DEA: 74; Oliveira 2005: 374; Ham

1961: 28; Salanova 2001: 29]. Distinct from pˈoɾ {pôr} (non-finite form: pˈo-ko {pôk}) 'to light up / to set on fire / to burn' [DEA: 65;

Oliveira 2005: 405; Ham et al. 1979: 15].

Kisedje: DKP: 13; Guedes 1993: 268. Distinct from the intransitive verb sˈeɾe {sêrê} [DKP: 24; DMK; Santos 1997: 10, 27; Rodrigues &

Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Nonato f.n]. Guedes [1993: 273] also quotes the form ngɹɔ {ngro}.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 87; Santos 1997: 10; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (čˈeɾe). Used as an intransitive verb in the only

available example.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 53, 59 (intransitive); Dourado 2001: 142; Vasconcelos 2013: 219; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Distinct from ĩ=nkyˈe

{inkjê} 'to make fire' [Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016], tɔw {too} 'to set on fire' [Dourado 2001: 125].Bardagil-Mas 2018: 22.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 23, 26, 71, 76 ('to burn / to roast / to scorch'); Estevam 2011: 388; Hall et al. 1987: 69. Apparently a labile verb.

Distinct from caʒu {tsadzu} 'to toast seeds' [Lachnitt 1987: 73; Estevam 2011: 337; Hall et al. 1987: 57].Lachnitt 1987: 63; Hall et al.

1987: 50; McLeod 1974 (ɾɔː-ʔɔ). Non-finite form: ɾɔ-ʔɔ {roʼo}. Polysemy: 'to burn / to light up / to set on fire / to illuminate / to warm up

/ light'. Apparently a labile verb.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 33, 93; Cotrim 2016: 64; Santos 2007: 249; Mattos 1973. Distinct from h = ɾɔ {hãro} (non-finite form: ɾ-

kɔ ~ ɾɔ-k ~ ɾɔ-kɔ {rko ~ rok ~ roko}) 'to ignite / to catch fire / to burn (vi.)' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 34; Santos 2007: 237]; saɾõ {sarõ}

'to set on fire / to burn' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 93; Cotrim 2016: 396; Mattos 1973]; sasu {sasu} 'to set on fire / to burn / to toast'

[Krieger & Krieger 1994: 37; Cotrim 2016: 70]; zata {zata} 'to burn in the flame / to toast' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 56]. No apparent

distinction could be established between pɾɔ {pro} and k mĩ {krãmĩ}; these verbs are listed as synonyms, although further research

might unveil syntactic and/or semantic differences between them. The verb su {su}, glossed as 'to burn' in [Krieger & Krieger 1994:

46], is not attested in other sources and is assumed to be less basic. The verb kupɾi {kupri} 'to burn / to singe' [Krieger & Krieger 1994:

23, 93; Souza 2008: 84; Sousa Filho 2007: 198] is likely intransitive.Krieger & Krieger 1994: 19, 93; Sousa Filho 2007: 148; Santos 2007:

249.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 161, 173; Bublitz 1994: 32; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Plural: kə=pˈũn {kápũn} [Alves 2014: 161; Gakran 2016: 200].

38

Causative from pũlũ {pũl} (plural: kə=pˈũlũ {kápũl}) [Alves 2014: 173; Gakran 2016: 158].

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Jolkesky 2010: 267. Causative of pˈõɾõ [Cavalcante 1987: 21].

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 87; Wiesemann 2011: 76; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Plural: kug=pɹˈũ {kugprũ} [Wiesemann 1981: 279;

Wiesemann 2011: 54]. Active from pˈũɹũ {pũr}. Cf. intransitive ku=pˈũɹũ {kupũr} (plural kug=pˈũɹũ {kugpũr} [Wiesemann 2011: 54, 55],

p {prãnh} 'to burn (of pain)' [Wiesemann 1981: 85; Wiesemann 2011: 75].


13. NAIL

Xikrin ɲi=kˈɔp {nhikop} (1), Kayapo ɲi=kˈɔp {nhĩkop} (1), Pykobje y =kʰˈop {jõhʼcop} (1),

Canela y=ũʔ=kʰˈɔp {jũhkop} (1), Parkateje žõ=kˈɔp {jõkop} (1), Apinaje ɲi=kˈɔpɔ ~ ɲiʔ=kˈɔpɔ

{nhĩkop ~ nhĩhkop} (1), Kisedje kʰˈɜwɜ {kháwá} (1), Tapayuna (2), Panara s=ikʌkˈʌ {sikâkâ}

(3), Xavante ɲĩ=pɔ {nhipo} (1), Xerente nĩ=kpɔ {nĩkpo} (1), Laklano n =nga=kl =nglˈu {nẽgga

klẽnh glu} (4), Sao Paulo Kaingang nĩ=ŋɾˈu (4), Parana Kaingang nĩ=ngɾˈu {nĩgru} (4),

Central Kaingang nĩ=ngɻu (4).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 40, 139.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 237; Nimuendajú 1932: 559.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 71; Sá 2004: 87, 169. Polysemy: 'nail / claw / hook'. Distinct from paɾ-kʰˈop {par cop} 'toenail' [Pries 2008: 38].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 95; Castro Alves 1999: 20, 72; Castro Alves 2004: 174. Distinct from paɻ=kʰˈɔp {parkop} 'toenail' [Grupp 2015:

125].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 75, 98.

Apinaje: DEA: 26, 30, 57; Oliveira 2005: 380; Ham et al. 1979: 58; Albuquerque 2011: 48.

Kisedje: DKP: 11; Nonato 2014: 127 (kʰpˈɜwɜ {khpáwá}).

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 88, 89. Polysemy: 'nail / claw'. Distinct from kʰˈɔwɔ, =ɲĩ=kʰˈɔwɔ, =kʰˈɔwɔ 'claw' [Camargo 2010: 46, 48;

Camargo 2015: 73].

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 238; Vasconcelos 2013: 224; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Polysemy: 'nail / claw'. s=i=kyˈa {sikja}, glossed as 'nail' in

[Dourado 2001: 76], actually means 'hand'.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 43; Hall et al. 1987: 25. McLeod [1974] quotes paɾa=ɲĩ=pɔ {paranhipo}, which more precisely means 'toenail'

[Hall et al. 1987: 26] or 'toe' [Lachnitt 1987: 51].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 100; Souza 2008: 68; Sousa Filho 2007: 88; Santos 2007: 236; Mattos 1973. Ehrenreich: da=ni=kebo

[1895: 150]. Cf. pɾa=kɾpɔ-hə {pra krpohâ} 'toenail' [Sousa Filho 2007: 90]. Souza [2008: 90] also lists nip=kta / nip=kda {nipkta / nipkda}

(incorrect gloss?).

Laklano: Gakran 2016: 92, 93; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Cf. kl =nglˈu {klẽnh glu} 'claw' [Alves 2014: 163].


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 73 (nĩŋ=ngɾˈu {nĩggru}); Wiesemann 2011: 66; Jolkesky 2010: 267.

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 55. Polysemy: 'nail / claw'.

14. CLOUD

Xikrin ka=kˈũm {kakũm} (1), Kayapo kˈa=k {kakrã} (2), Pykobje kujkʰwˈaː=p k ~

kujkʰwˈaː=pˈãk {cujcwaa pyc ~ cujcwaa pãc} (3) / kujkʰwˈaː=č m {cujcwaa xõhm} (4), Canela

39

aʔ=ka=k {ahcakrã} (2), Parkateje kˈoykwˈa=ya=kˈa {kôikwajaka} (5), Apinaje kaʔ=k {kahkrã}

(2), Kisedje nda {nda} (6), Tapayuna ka=kʰˈũwũ (1), Panara s= =kˈõw {sãkõõ} (1), Xavante

həywa=ʔa {höiwaʼa} (5) / həywa= t {höiwanhirõtõ} (7), Xerente ayn =ka {ainãka} (5),

Laklano ngugn {gug} (8), Sao Paulo Kaingang ngɔgn (8), Parana Kaingang ngɔgn {góg} (8),

Central Kaingang kayk =ngɔgn (8).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 168; Salanova 2019. Polysemy: 'smoke / cloud'.

Kayapo: Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 559.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 24. Literally 'dirty sky'. Distinct from am=k {amcry} 'shadow, clouded' [Pries 2008: 5].Pries 2008: 24. Literally

'dirty sky'.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 167, 238; Castro Alves 2004: 64. Cf. taʔ=ka=k {ta cakrã} 'rain cloud' [Grupp 2015: 183], am=k -tˈi {amkrãhti}

'cloudy' [Grupp 2015: 25]. Distinct from aʔ=ka=kʰˈũm {ahcakũm} 'fog, mist' [Grupp 2015: 1].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 128. Literally 'the white of the sky', refers to white clouds. Distinct from ka=k {kakrã} 'rain cloud' [Araújo

2016: 111].

Apinaje: DEA: 32; Oliveira 2005: 387. Cf. nda tˈɨkɨ {na tyk} 'rain cloud' (literally 'black rain') [DEA: 55].

Kisedje: DKP: 18; Nonato f.n. Polysemy: 'rain / cloud'.

Tapayuna: Beauchamp 2018. Distinct from ka=k 'rain cloud'.

Panara: Vasconcelos 2013: 225 (s= =kˈõ).

Xavante: McLeod 1960. Cf. t =ʒa= {tãdzaʼrã} 'rain cloud' [Hall et al. 1987: 92] (likely related to ʒa= {dzaʼrã} 'shadow' [Lachnitt

1987: 26, 75]).Lachnitt 1987: 32. Derived from t {nhirõtõ} 'mist / smoke' [Lachnitt 1987: 44, 84].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 88; Cotrim 2016: 177 (əyn =ka {âinãka}); Sousa Filho 2007: 274; Santos 2007: 238; Mattos 1973. Cf.

ayn =ka-k {ainãka krã} 'rain cloud'. Cotrim [2016: 120] also quotes the form hewa=ɾtu {hêwa rtu}, literally 'rough sky'.

Laklano: Jolkesky 2010: 267.




15. COLD

Xikrin kɾɯ / ya=kɾˈɯ {kry / jakry} (1), Kayapo kɾɯ / ya=kɾˈɯ {kry / jakry} (1), Kraho kʰɾɨ /

ya=kʰɾˈɨ (1), Pykobje k / ya=k {cryh / jacryyh} (1), Canela kʰɾɨ / ya=kʰɾˈɨ {kry / jakry} (1),

Parkateje kɾɨ {kry} (1), Apinaje kɾɨ / ya=kɾˈɨ {kry / jakry} (1), Kisedje kʰɹɨ {khry} (1),

Tapayuna kʰχɨ (1), Panara kyɨ {kjy} (1), Xavante hə {hö} (1), Xerente hə ~ wa=hə {hâ ~ wahâ}

(1), Laklano kučˈɔ {kutxó} (2), Sao Paulo Kaingang kučˈa (2), Parana Kaingang kušˈa {kusa}

(2), Central Kaingang kuša (2).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 55, 68, 300. These two lexemes are listed together because they share the same root, but they differ in their

argumental structure (kɾɯ {kry} takes a dative subject; ya=kɾˈɯ {jakry} takes an absolutive subject).

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 32; Salanova 2001: 47; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 567. These two lexemes are listed together

40

because they share the same root, but they differ both in their argumental structure (kɾɯ {kry} takes a dative subject; ya=kɾˈɯ {jakry}

takes an absolutive subject) and in semantics: ya=kɾˈɯ {jakry} has several additional meanings. Polysemy: 'cold / salty / spicy / numb'

(for ja=kɾˈɯ {jakry}).

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 67, 68. These two lexemes are listed together because they share the same root, but they differ in their

argumental structure (kʰɾɨ takes a dative subject; ya=kʰɾˈɨ takes an absolutive subject).

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 23, 58; Sá 2004: 56, 114. These two lexemes are listed together because they share the same root, but they differ

both in their argumental structure (k {cryh} takes a dative subject; ya=k {jacryyh} takes an absolutive subject) and in

semantics: ya=k {jacryyh} is broader in meaning. Polysemy: 'cold / happy' (for ja=k {jacryyh}).

Canela: Grupp 2015: 65, 157; Castro Alves 1999: 46; Castro Alves 2004: 43, 74; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 133.

These two lexemes are listed together because they share the same root, but they differ in their argumental structure (kɾɨ {kry} takes

a dative subject; ya=kɾˈɨ {jakry} takes an absolutive subject).


Apinaje: DEA: 41; Oliveira 2005: 391; Ham 1961: 14; Ham et al. 1979: 7; Albuquerque 2011: 80, 84.

Kisedje: DKP: 14; Santos 1997: 67; Nonato 2014: 144; Guedes 1993: 48, 60 (kɾɨ, kɾɨt); Nonato f.n.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 63.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 116; Dourado 2001: 107; Vasconcelos 2013: 199; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Cf. am kˈi {amãki} 'cold water'

[Vasconcelos 2013: 144].

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 30; Estevam 2011: 74; Hall et al. 1987: 35; McLeod 1974 (həː-di).

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 81; Cotrim 2016: 66, 365; Sousa Filho 2007: 221; Santos 2007: 238, 243; Mattos 1973. Souza [2008: 62]

quotes the form bədə {bâdâ} (incorrect gloss?). Castelnau also lists the form kɨkɨ {cucudi}.



Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 59; Wiesemann 2011: 56; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Utterance-finally: kuš {kusã}. Active: kuš -ŋ

{kusãg}, plural kuš -g-š -ŋ {kusãgsãg}.


16. COME

Xikrin tẽ {tẽ} (1), Kayapo tẽ {tẽ} (1), Kraho tẽ (1) / mõ (2), Pykobje tẽ {tẽ} (1) / mõ {mõ} (2),

Canela t {tẽ} (1) / m {mõ} (2), Parkateje amnˈẽ=tˈẽ {amnẽ tẽ} (1) / amnˈẽ=mˈõ {amnẽ mõ} (2),

Apinaje t {tẽ} (1), Kisedje t {thẽ} (1), Tapayuna ʈ (1) / wəy (3), Panara mɨ=kwˈɨ {my kwy}

(4) / pow {pôô} (3), Xavante we=m {we mo} (2), Xerente mõ {mõ} (2), Laklano ka=t {katẽ}

(1), Sao Paulo Kaingang k =tˈĩ-ŋ ~ k =tˈĩ-ɲ (1), Parana Kaingang k =tˈĩ {kãtĩ} (1), Central

Kaingang =tĩ-n # (1).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 103. Non-finite form: tẽ {tẽm}. Plural: mõ {mõ} [Costa 2015: 103, 299]. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Distinct from

boy {bôj} 'to arrive' [Costa 2015: 83, 88].

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 21. Non-finite form: tẽ {tẽm}. Plural: mõ {mõ} [Jefferson 1989: 71]. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Distinct from

boč {bôx} 'to arrive' [Jefferson 1989: 71; Reis Silva 2003: 56 (boy {bôj}); Salanova 2001: 28; Stout & Thompson 1974].

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 150, 161. Class A. Polysemy: 'to go / to walk / to come'. Non-finite form: tẽ-m. Plural: pɾa [Miranda 2014: 129,

134]. No transparent semantic difference from mõ. Distinct from poy 'to arrive' [Miranda 2014: 110, 127].Miranda 2014: 85, 213. Class

A. Non-finite form: mˈõ-ɾõ. No transparent semantic difference from tẽ.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 41; Sá 2004: 78, 103; Silva 2011: 78. Class C. Non-finite form: tẽ-m {tẽm}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Distinct

from pus {pux} 'to arrive' [Pries 2008: 48; Sá 2004: 113]. The distinction between tẽ {tẽ} and mõ {mõ} is not that of number; tẽ {tẽ} refers

to a faster movement than mõ {mõ}.Pries 2008: 87; Sá 2004: 110; Silva 2011: 88. Non-finite form: mõ-ɾ {mõr}. Polysemy: 'to go / to

41

come'. Class A. Refers to a faster movement than tẽ {tẽ}.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 128; Castro Alves 1999: 20; Castro Alves 2004: 142. Class C. Non-finite form: t -m {tẽm}. Polysemy: 'to go / to

come / to travel'. The distinction between t {tẽ} and m {mõ} is not that of number; t {tẽ} might refer to a faster movement than m

{mõ}. Distinct from poy {pôj} 'to arrive' [Castro Alves 2004: 88].Grupp 2015: 166; Castro Alves 1999: 31; Castro Alves 2004: 25, 89.

Class A. Non-finite form: m -ɻ {mõr}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 36. Non-finite form: amnˈẽ=tˈẽ-n {amnẽ tẽn}. Literally 'to go hither'. See 'go'. Cf. katˈɔ {kato} 'to go out / to

appear / to arrive / to be born' [Araújo 2016: 121].Araújo 2016: 105. Non-finite form: amnˈẽ=mˈõ-n {amnẽ mõ / amnẽ mõn}. Literally 'to

go hither'. See 'go'.

Apinaje: Oliveira 2005: 410; Albuquerque 2011: 89. Non-finite form: t ~ t -m {tẽẽ ~ tẽm}. Means 'to go' if used with the directional

particle ma {mã}. Plural: m {mõ} [DEA: 52; Oliveira 2005: 399; Ham et al. 1979: 55; Salanova 2001: 30, 35]. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'.

Distinct from ⁿbɾa {mra} 'to walk / to stroll' [DEA: 52; Oliveira 2005: 373; Ham et al. 1979: 53]. ɾˈũmũ {rũm} and amn {amnẽ},

translated as 'to come' in [DEA: 15, 69], are actually an ablative postposition and an adverb ('towards here') respectively [Oliveira

2005: 366, 409].

Kisedje: DKP: 26; Santos 1997: 98, 154; Nonato 2014: 15, 24, 145; Guedes 1993: 115; Nonato f.n. ({tẽ}). Non-finite form: t -m {thẽ /

thẽm}. Usually occurs with the centripetal particle amn {amnẽ}. Plural: m {mo} [DKP: 18; Santos 1997: 48; Nonato 2014: 24, 141;

Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605]. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Distinct from pˈəyi {pâji} (non-finite form: pˈoɾo {pôrô}) 'to arrive'

[DKP: 4, 22; DMK; Santos 1997: 30, 155; Nonato 2014: 141; Guedes 1993: 164].

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 140, 141, 151, 178. Non-finite form: -m. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. The verb a is also attested in this

meaning [Camargo 2015: 135, 140], but in all available examples a pluractional reading is possible.Camargo 2015: 86, 93, 95, 97, 103,

106, 124, 151. Non-finite form: wot. Polysemy: 'to arrive / to come'.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 32, 169. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. mɨ {my} is a venitive (centrifugal) clitic; it is opposed to the itive

(centripetal) particle pɨ {py}. kwɨ {kwy} is the basic Panará movement verb (see 'to go').Bardagil-Mas 2018: 46, 52, 53, 55, 238;

Dourado 2001: 120 (po {pô}); Vasconcelos 2013: 199 (po {pô}); Bardagil-Mas 2015: 4 (po {pô}); Bardagil-Mas f.n. Irrealis: pˈow-ɾi {pôôri}.

Usually glossed as 'to arrive', but it is significantly more frequent in available materials than mɨ=kwˈɨ {my kwy} and is hence

included as a synonym.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 38; Estevam 2011: 332; Hall et al. 1987: 121, 326; McLeod 1974 (weː=m ). Non-finite form: we=m -ɾĩ {we morĩ}.

we {we} is a venitive (centrifugal) particle [Lachnitt 1987: 103; Estevam 2011: 108-109; Hall et al. 1987: 121]; it is opposed to the itive

(centripetal) particle m {ãma}. m {mo} is the basic Xavánte movement verb (see 'to go'). Distinct from wi {wi} 'to arrive.SG',

ʔay=m cici {aimasisi} 'to arrive.DU', ʔay=hutu {aihutu} 'to arrive.PL' [Lachnitt 1987: 15, 104; Estevam 2011: 200; Hall et al. 1987: 46, 68].

Xerente: Cotrim 2016: 147, 248; Sousa Filho 2007: 175, 180, 272, 323; Santos 2007: 240; Mattos 1973. Non-finite form: mõ-ɾĩ ~ mõ-ɾ

{mõrĩ ~ mõr}. Usually occurs with the centripetal marker mnĩ {mnĩ} or we {wê}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Distinct from wi {wi}

(singular) [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 55, 69; Cotrim 2016: 93; Sousa Filho 2007: 133, 176, 191; Mattos 1973], si=m ssi ~ si=m sis ~ si=m sisi

{simãssi ~ simãsis ~ simãsisi} (dual.NF) [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 41, 69; Cotrim 2016: 93], si=n {sinã} (plural) [Krieger & Krieger

1994: 41, 69; Cotrim 2016: 93; Sousa Filho 2007: 104, 128], all meaning 'to arrive'.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 161 ('to arrive on foot'); Gakran 2016: 155; Urban 1985: 177; Jolkesky 2010: 261. Perfective form: ka=t -ŋ {katẽg}.

Plural: ka=mˈũ {kamũ} [Alves 2014: 160; Gakran 2016: 155; Jolkesky 2010: 266]. Distinct from yˈulu {jul} 'to arrive' [Alves 2014: 157,

Gakran 118; Jolkesky 2010: 228], tavˈi {tavi} 'to arrive' [Alves 2014: 175; Gakran 2016: 146; Urban 1985: 179], kaɲˈã {kajã} 'to arrive'

[Alves 2014: 160], kaˈtã {katã} 'to come close' [Alves 2014: 161].

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Jolkesky 2010: 266. Cf. yudn 'to arrive' [Cavalcante 1987: 13; Jolkesky 2010: 228] (plural: yudnyˈudn).

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 44; Wiesemann 2011: 44, 64; Jolkesky 2010: 261. Perfective: k =t ˈĩ-ŋ {kãtĩg}. Active: k =tˈĩ-n

{kãtĩn}. Plural: k =mˈũ {kãmũ}, k =mũ-y {kãmũjẽg} (active: k =mˈũ-n {kãmũn}) [Wiesemann 1981: 42; Wiesemann 2011: 43; Jolkesky

2010: 261].


17. DIE

Xikrin tɯ {ty} (1), Kayapo tɯ {ty} (1), Kraho tɨ (1), Pykobje t {tyh} (1), Canela tɨ {ty} (1),

Parkateje tɨ {ty} (1), Apinaje tɨ {ty} (1), Kisedje tʰɨ {ty} (1), Tapayuna ʈʰɨ (1), Panara tɨ ~ tɨː

{ty ~ tyy} (1), Xavante dəɾə {dörö} (1), Xerente dəɾ ~ dəɾə {dâr ~ dârâ (1), Laklano tɨ {ty} (1),

42

Sao Paulo Kaingang tˈeɾe (2), Parana Kaingang tˈeɾe {ter} (2), Central Kaingang teɻ (2).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 31, 185. Non-finite form: tɯ-k {tyk}.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 248; Salanova 2001: 18; Stout & Thompson 1974. Non-finite form: tɯ-k {tyk}.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 26, 113, 128. Class C. Non-finite form: tɨ-k.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 42; Sá 2004: 116; Silva 2011: 133. Class C. Non-finite form: t -k {tyhc}. Polysemy: 'to die / to faint / to be

switched off'. There are also euphemisms: amjõ =jaɾčˈa {amjõhjarxa}, amjõ =kaʔt k {amjõhcaʼtyhc}, amjõ =ko =ja=tˈe {amjõhcohjate}

(non-finite form: amjõ =ko =ja=hˈik {amjõhcohjahic}) 'to return, to die', am=mɾˈẽ {ammrẽ} 'to end up, to die' [Pries 2008: 6, 7, 8, 10].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 129; Castro Alves 1999: 33, 58, 62; Castro Alves 2004: 41, 143; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14; Popjes & Popjes 1986:

139, 188. Class C. Non-finite form: tɨ-k {tyc}. More basic than the very rare verb ɾaɾak {rarac} [Grupp 2015: 146] and the euphemisms

a=ktˈɔ {acto} (literally 'to disappear') and ɾˈoɻ=pˈɘ {rôr py} (literally 'to grab termites') [Grupp 2015: 183].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 234. Non-finite form: tɨ-k {tyk}.

Apinaje: DEA: 72; Oliveira 2005: 409; Ham et al. 1979: 32, 35; Albuquerque 2011: 69. Non-finite form: tɨ-k {tyk}.

Kisedje: DKP: 9, 16, 24, 27; DMK; Santos 1997: 71; Nonato 2014: 29; Guedes 1993: 267; Nonato f.n. ({ty}). Non-fitine form: tʰˈɨ-ɺɨ ~ tʰˈɨ-

kɨ {thyry ~ thyk}.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 163, 176. Non-finite form: ʈʰɨ-k.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 40, 44, 220; Dourado 2001: 63, 114, 178; Vasconcelos 2013: 200; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas

2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n. The variant with a long vowel is attested only once in [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 220], but it is the one which

would be etymologically expected.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 22; Estevam 2011: 190, 203, 319, 405; Hall et al. 1987: 53; McLeod 1974 (dəːɾə). Non-finite form: də-ʔə {döʼö}.

Truncated finite form (2SG): a=tə {atö}. Polysemy: 'to die / to faint'. Distinct from ʔayʔut {aiʼutõ} 'to run out / to go by (of time) / to

die' [Lachnitt 1987: 16; Hall et al. 1987: 47]. Cf. ʔa=də-ʔə {adöʼö} 'dead' [Lachnitt 1987: 14].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 87; Cotrim 2016: 362; Sousa Filho 2007: 159, 175, 186; Santos 2007: 241; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n.

({dadeu}). Non-finite form: d-kə ~ də-kə {dkâ ~ dâkâ}. Sousa [2008: 62, 92] lists the form da-ɾə {darâ} 'to die', da=dke {dadkê} 'dead'.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 159, 178; Gakran 2016: 101; Urban 1985: 173. Plural, according to Alves, but this is hardly true. Active. Distinct

from the stative tˈele {tel} (plural: kək=tˈele {kágtel} [Gakran 2016: 157; Bublitz 1994: 8; Jolkesky 2010: 265]), which Gakran glosses as 'to

die (slowly) / to be tired / to be sick' [Gakran 2016: 64, 149, 169] (cf. also [Alves 2014: 175], active: tɛdn {tén}). Plural: kək=tˈã {kágtã}

[Alves 2014: 159; Gakran 2016: 255; Bublitz 1994: 8].

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 14, 81; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Plural: k =tˈeɾe.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 101; Wiesemann 2011: 85; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Polysemy: 'to die / to be drunk / to faint'. Plural:

k g=tˈeɾe {kãgter} [Wiesemann 1981: 140; Wiesemann 2011: 42]. Active: tɛdn {tén}, plural k g=tˈɛdn {kãgtén}. Apparently more basic

than tũ-ŋ {tũg} 'to decease / to kill / to end' [Wiesemann 1981: 105; Wiesemann 2011: 89]. Distinct from tɨ {ty} 'tired / numb'

[Wiesemann 1981: 106; Wiesemann 2011: 89].


18. DOG

Xikrin ɾɔp {rop} (1), Kayapo ɾˈɔp-ɾɛ {ropre} (1), Kraho ɾɔp (1), Pykobje čoː {xoo} (2), Canela

ɾɔp {rop} (1), Parkateje ɾˈɔpu {rop} (1), Apinaje ɾˈɔpɔ {rop} (1), Kisedje ɺɔp-kasˈɜkɜ {rop-kasáká}

(1), Tapayuna ɾɔp-kʌtˈʌgʌ ~ ɾɔp-katˈʌgʌ (1), Panara sɔ-tˈi {soti} (2), Xavante wapc {waptsã}

(3), Xerente waps {wapsã} (3), Laklano kačˈolo {katxol} (-1), Sao Paulo Kaingang k čˈoɾo (-1),

Parana Kaingang kašˈoɾo {kasor} (-1), Central Kaingang kašoɻ (-1).


43

Xikrin: Costa 2015: 185. Cf. ɾɔp-kɾˈɔɾi {ropkrori} 'jaguar' [Costa 2015: 57, 87].

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 110, 248; Reis Silva 2003: 35; Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 563. Cf. ɾɔp {rop}

'jaguar' (without the diminutive suffix).

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 90. Cf. ɾɔp-tˈi 'jaguar' (with augmentative), ɾɔp-ɾˈɛ 'oncilla' (with diminutive) [ibidem].

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 100; Sá 1999: 64; Sá 2004: 132; Silva 2011: 62.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 182; Castro Alves 1999: 20; Castro Alves 2004: 28; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 10; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 130.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 214. Polysemy: 'jaguar / dog'.

Apinaje: DEA: 68; Oliveira 2005: 407; Ham 1961: 14; Ham et al. 1979: 33; Salanova 2001: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 42.

Kisedje: DKP: 23; DMK; Santos 1997: 41; Nonato 2014: 135, 143; Guedes 1993: 107 (ɾɔp-kasɔɣ-ɾɛ); Nonato f.n. Literally 'pseudo-jaguar'.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 54; Camargo 2015: 75, 135. Derived from ɾˈɔwɔ 'jaguar / dog' [Camargo 2010: 63; Camargo 2015: 73].

Panara: Dourado 2001: 128; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Found as sɔʔ-tˈi 'pet / fox' in [Vasconcelos 2013: 174]. Apparently distinct from yˈɔwpɨ

{joopy} 'jaguar', which is translated as 'jaguar / dog' in [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 19; Vasconcelos 2013: 206].

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 99; Estevam 2011: 226; Hall et al. 1987: 118; McLeod 1974. Cf. ʔay=waʒaʔɛ {aiwadzaʼé}, used by shamans

[Estevam 2011: 508].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 66; Cotrim 2016: 71; Souza 2008: 55; Sousa Filho 2007: 162; Santos 2007: 236, 241; Mattos 1973;

Castelnau f.n. ({ouapchon}).

Laklano: Alves 2014: 153, 161; Gakran 2016: 95. Borrowed from Portuguese kašˈoɦu {cachorro}. Likely distinct from hok=hˈogn

{hoghog} [Alves 2014: 153; Jolkesky 2010: 266], which probably denotes another species (Speothos venaticus). Distinct from mãŋ {mãg}

[Alves 2014: 168; Gakran 2016: 95], which is a possession mediator for domestic animals.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 87. Borrowed from Portuguese kašˈoɦu {cachorro}. Probably distinct from hog=hˈogn {hoghog}

[Jolkesky 2010: 266], which may denote another species (Speothos venaticus). Distinct from m ~ m n {mẽg ~ mẽn} [Jolkesky 2010:

263], which is a possession mediator for domestic animals.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 40. Distinct from ʔɛ {é} 'Pseudalopex gymnocercus', hog=hˈogn {hoghog} 'Speothos venaticus'

[Wiesemann 1981: 1, 16; Wiesemann 2011: 13, 25; Jolkesky 2010: 266]. Borrowed from Portuguese kašˈoɦu {cachorro}. Distinct from

m {mẽg} [Wiesemann 1981: 65; Wiesemann 2011: 60], which is a possession mediator for domestic animals.

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 139. Borrowed from Portuguese kašˈoɦu {cachorro}.

19. DRINK

Xikrin i=kõ {ikõ} (1), Kayapo i=kõ {ikõ} (1), Kraho i=kʰõ (1), Pykobje y=kʰˈõ {ẽhjcõ} (1),

Canela i=k {ikõ} (1), Parkateje i=kˈõ {ikõ} (1), Apinaje ič=k {ixkõ} (1), Kisedje i=k {ikhõ}

(1), Tapayuna i=kʰˈõ (1), Panara k ~ k ~ k -ɾi {kõ ~ kõn ~ kõri} (1), Xavante ʒə= / hə=

{dzöʼrẽ / höʼrẽ} (2), Xerente ze=kɾẽ {zêkrẽ} (2), Laklano kaklˈa {kagkla} (3), Sao Paulo Kaingang

kɾodn (3), Parana Kaingang kɾodn {kron} (3) / ʔogn {og} (4), Central Kaingang kɾodn (3).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 64, 90; Salanova 2019. Non-finite form attested as kõ-y {kõj} [Costa 2015: 64] instead of the etymological *kõ-m

{kõm}; this is not confirmed by Salanova [2019].

Kayapo: Salanova 2001: 19; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 567. Non-finite form: kõ-m {kõm}.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 25, 206, 230, 251. Non-finite form: kʰõ-m. Class C. Misanalyzed as a sequence of a person prefix i= and a zero

'relational' prefix in the cited source. Also attested as i=kõ.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 31; Sá 1999: 53; Sá 2004: 45, 100, 117. Non-finite form: kʰõ-m {cõm}. Distinct from pe {pe} 'to drink up' [Pries 2008:

38], sometimes glossed simply as 'to drink' [Silva 2011: 86].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 117, 194; Castro Alves 1999: 32; Castro Alves 2004: 41, 75, 76; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 8, 15. Class C. Non-finite

form: k -m {kõm} (attested as k -n {kõn} by Castro Alves). Distinct from pɛ {pe} 'to drink all' [Grupp 2015: 125].

44

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 128, 229. Lemmatized as kõ ~ tɔ=y=kˈõ {kõ ~ toikõ}.

Apinaje: DEA: 21, 29, 58, 59; Oliveira 2005: 382 (it=k ); Ham et al. 1979: 53; Albuquerque 2011: 46. Non-finite form: k -m {kõm}.

Distinct from ʔo ~ o {hô ~ ô} 'to suck a fruit / to drink juice or honey' [DEA: 34; Oliveira 2005: 419] and pɛ {pe} 'to finish someone's

drink' [DEA: 17, 43; Oliveira 2005: 401; Albuquerque 2011: 37, 127].

Kisedje: DKP: 9, 13; DMK; Santos 1997: 70; Nonato 2014: 139; Guedes 1993: 265; Nonato f.n. ({kõ}). Non-finite form: k -m {khõ /

khõmo}.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 123, 144; Beauchamp 2018. Non-finite form: kʰõ-w.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 22; Dourado 2001: 93, 239; Vasconcelos 2013: 200; Bardagil-Mas f.n. k -ɾi {kõri} would appear to be an

irrealis form, but in Douradoʼs data this form is attested in prototypical realis contexts.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 28, 33; Estevam 2011: 390; Hall et al. 1987: 108; McLeod 1974. Non-finite form: ʒə= -n / hə= -n {dzöʼrẽne /

höʼrẽne}. Dual: ʒə=ci {dzötsi} [Lachnitt 1987: 28, 34; Hall et al. 1987: 97]. Plural: ʔə=hu / ʔə=hu-ɾi {öhu / öhuri} [Lachnitt 1987: 48;

Estevam 2011: 390; Hall et al. 1987: 96].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 57, 65; Cotrim 2016: 103, 260, 426; Sousa Filho 2007: 162, 187, 237, 279; Santos 2007: 236, 242; Mattos

1973 (ze=kɾẽ-nẽ {zêkrênẽ}); Castelnau f.n. (žo=kɾe-ne {jaucrene}). Non-finite form: ze=kɾ-nẽ ~ ze=k-nẽ ~ ze=kɾẽ-nẽ {zêkrnẽ ~ zêknẽ ~

zêkrẽnẽ}. Dual, plural: he=si {hêsi} [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 11, 65]. The general verb (ka=hu {kahu}) for ingestion can also be used

([Krieger & Krieger 1994: 65; Cotrim 2016: 249; Sousa Filho 2007: 237]).

Laklano: Alves 2014: 159; Gakran 2016: 159; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Active: kaklˈa-dn {kagklan}. Plural: m =kəklˈɔ {mẽ kágkló}. Causative:

kəkla-dn {kágklan} (plural m =kaklˈa-gn {mẽ kagklag}) [Gakran 2016: 159].

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 13; Jolkesky 2010: 266 (kɾodn / kɾod=kɾˈodn).

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 53; Wiesemann 2011: 52; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Plural: kɾod=kɾˈodn {kronkron}. Distinct from ʌgn,

kʌgn {ág, kág} 'to drink everything' [Wiesemann 1981: 1, 38; Wiesemann 2011: 13, 41].Wiesemann 1981: 77; Wiesemann 2011: 69.

Plural: ʔog=ʔˈogn {ogʼog}.

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 125. Cf. ogn, used of a jaguar in [Herold 1996: 156].

20. DRY

Xikrin ŋɾʌ {ngrà} (1), Kayapo ŋɾʌ {ngrà} (1), Kraho kɾɐ (1), Pykobje kɾəː {cryy} (1), Canela

kɾɜ {crà} (1), Parkateje kɾʌ ~ nkɾʌ {krà ~ nkrà} (1), Apinaje ngɾʌ {grà} (1), Kisedje ngɹɜ {ngrá}

(1), Tapayuna ngʁʌ (1), Panara nĩ {nĩ} (2), Xavante ʔɾɛ {ʼré} (1), Xerente kɾɛ {kre} (1),

Laklano lˈulu {lul} (3) / kangˈagn {kaggag} (4), Sao Paulo Kaingang k (4), Parana

Kaingang k {kãgãg} (4), Central Kaingang tɔgn (5).



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 194, 247.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 82, 196, 285. Class D. Also attested as kʰɾɐ.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 52; Sá 1999: 47; Sá 2004: 115. Class D.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 134; Castro Alves 1999: 59; Castro Alves 2004: 39, 102, 134. Class D. Polysemy: 'dry / sterile'.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 133, 175. Polysemy: 'dry / slim'.

Apinaje: DEA: 22; Oliveira 2005: 98; Albuquerque 2011: 80.

Kisedje: DKP: 20; Santos 1997: 88 (ngɾɔ); Nonato f.n.


Panara: Vasconcelos 2013: 228. Cf. kɨpa= {kypa rĩ} 'dry earth' [Vasconcelos 2013: 181]. Cf. ɾi {ri} 'to become dry' [Dourado 2001: 209].

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 58; Estevam 2011: 75, 349, 394; Hall et al. 1987: 126; McLeod 1974 (ʔɾɛː-di).

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 19, 96; Cotrim 2016: 377; Santos 2007: 238, 243; Mattos 1973.

Laklano: Gakran 2016: 266. Translated as 'gray' in [Alves 2014: 168].Alves 2014: 158. Distinct from kagnǯu {kagdju} 'to dry' [Alves

45

2014: 158], tugn {tug} 'to dry' [Alves 2014: 176] (glossed as 'dry' in [Jolkesky 2010: 267].

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Jolkesky 2010: 256. Distinct from tɔgn 'dry (of plants)'. Cf. kɔgŋˈuɾu 'to wither' [Cavalcante 1987: 81].

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 2011: 41. Distinct from tɔgn {tóg}, plural tug=tɔgn {tugtóg} 'to dry (plants)' [Wiesemann 1981: 103, 105;

Wiesemann 2011: 87; Jolkesky 2010: 267]. Both are glossed as transitive verbs, but since tɔgn {tóg} can be used intransitively

([Wiesemann 2011: 16, 29, 50]), it seems appropriate to fill this slot with this verb. Glossed as 'to rinse' in [Wiesemann 1981: 39].

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 165. Distinct from k 'withered'.

21. EAR

Xikrin ya=mˈa-k {amak} (1), Kayapo ya=mˈa-k {jamak} (1), Kraho ya=pˈa-k (1), Pykobje ya=pˈa-

k {japac} (1), Canela ya=pˈa-k {japac} (1), Parkateje ya=pˈa-k {japak} (1), Apinaje ya=nbˈa-ka

{jamak} (1), Kisedje ɲũm-kʰɹˈɛ {nhumkhre} (2), Tapayuna ɲũm-kʰχˈɛ (2), Panara s=i-kɾˈɛ

{sikre} (3), Xavante pɔ-ʔɾe {poʼre} (4), Xerente npɔ-kɾep ~ npɔ-kɾe {npokrêp ~ npokrê} (4),

Laklano n =ŋlˈãŋ {nẽgglãg} (5), Sao Paulo Kaingang nĩ= (5), Parana Kaingang nĩ=

{nĩgrẽg} (5), Central Kaingang nĩ= ~ nĩ= ~ nĩ=ngɻɛ (5).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 40, 138.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 235, 236; Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 558.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 44, 288.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 60; Sá 1999: 69, 70, 72; Sá 2004: 168.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 69; Castro Alves 1999: 23, 73; Castro Alves 2004: 35, 45.


Apinaje: DEA: 15, 24, 29; Oliveira 2005: 361 (ya=nbˈa-ka ~ ya=nbˈa); Ham et al. 1979: 57; Albuquerque 2011: 77.

Kisedje: DKP: 24 (s=um-kʰɹɛ-yk n-ȶˈi {sumkhrejkhãntxi} 'public phone'); DMK (s=um-kʰɹɛ-yk n {sumkhrejkhãna}); Santos 1997: 10,

142; Nonato 2014: 129 (s=um-kʰɹɛ-yk n {sumkhrejkhãna}); Nonato f.n. ({ũ krej kãna}).

Tapayuna: Santos 1997: 10. Cf. t=anbak-ɲĩk y-či 'public telephone' [Camargo 2015: 84], which is apparently a calque from Portuguese

{orelhão} 'big ear'.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 19; Vasconcelos 2013: 174 (s=iʔ-kɾˈɛ ~ s=i-kɾˈɛ); Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 53; Estevam 2011: 147; Hall et al. 1987: 26; McLeod 1974. Cf. wa-ʔɾe {waʼre}, used by shamans [Lachnitt 1987:

100].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 89; Cotrim 2016: 181, 403; Souza 2008: 25; Sousa Filho 2007: 260; Santos 2007: 235; Mattos 1973;

Castelnau f.n. {da-inporé}; Ehrenreich 1895: 152 (=nipo-kɾeː). Souza [2008: 90] also lists the form sɛkidi {sekidi} (incorrect gloss?).

Laklano: Alves 2014: 169; Gakran 2016: 82; Bublitz 1994: 12; Jolkesky 2010: 265.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 92; Jolkesky 2010: 265 (nĩ= ).


Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 55, 126, 131.

22. EARTH

Xikrin pɯkˈa {pyka} (1), Kayapo pɯkˈa {pyka} (1), Kraho pye (2), Pykobje pyi {pji} (2),

Canela pye {pjê} (2), Parkateje pye {pjê} (2) / pɨkˈa {pyka} (1), Apinaje pɨkˈa / pɨkˈap- {pyka /

pykap-} (1), Kisedje hwɨkʰˈa {hwykha} (1), Tapayuna hʷɨkʰˈa (1), Panara kˈɨːpa {kypa} (1),

Xavante tiʔay {tiʼai} (3), Xerente tkay {tkai} (3), Laklano ngɔ {gó} (4), Sao Paulo Kaingang

46

nga (4), Parana Kaingang nga {ga} (4), Central Kaingang nga (4).





Pykobje: Pries 2008: 91; Sá 1999: 14; Sá 2004: 42. Polysemy: 'earth / ground'. Distinct from p kʰaː {pyhcaa} 'sand, homeland' [Pries

2008: 94].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 174; Castro Alves 1999: 24; Castro Alves 2004: 37; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 17.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 197. Polysemy: 'earth / soil / ground'.Araújo 2016: 205. Polysemy: 'earth / ground / terrain'. Usage examples

include 'this earth is good for planting', which justifies the inclusion of this root here.

Apinaje: DEA: 64, 67 (pɨka ~ pika / pɨkap-); Oliveira 2005: 402; Ham et al. 1979: 4; Albuquerque 2011: 110. This pronunciation is used

in the village of São José; in the Mariazinha village the variant pikˈa {pika} is used [DEA: 76]. utɨ {uty} is translated as 'earth' in [Ham

et al. 1979: 10] but as 'to land, to put on the ground' in [DEA: 73]. Albuquerque [2011: 68] also attests pye {pjê}, which is less

abundantly attested and hence is likely to be less basic.

Kisedje: DKP: 8; Santos 1997: 14; Guedes 1993: (ɣuka ~ ɸuka ~ kuka ~ puka); Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Nonato f.n.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 65; Camargo 2015: 75 (hʷɨkˈʌ); Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 45; Dourado 2001: 115, 234; Vasconcelos 2013: 181; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 5; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 69; Estevam 2011: 214, 255; Hall et al. 1987: 110. Cf. ɾɔm {ro} 'land / field / village' [Estevam 2011: 96, 302; Hall

et al. 1987: 27; McLeod 1974].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 48, 98; Cotrim 2016: 466-467; Souza 2008: 87; Sousa Filho 2007: 204, 258; Santos 2007: 238; Mattos

1973. Distinct from supɾa {supra} 'sandstone plateau' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 46], which is glossed as 'earth' in earlier sources (suːpa

'earth / sand' in [Ehrenreich 1895: 153], šupɾa {choupra} in [Castelnau f.n.]. Distinct from ɾɔ {ro} 'chapada, plateau' [Cotrim 2016: 64].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 150; Gakran 2016: 118, 126; Bublitz 1994: 29; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'land / earth'. Distinct from pla /

a=plˈa {pla / apla} [Alves 2014: 144 (glossed as 'sol / terre'); Jolkesky 2010: 228 (glossed as 'ground / road')].




23. EAT

Xikrin kɾẽ {krẽ} (1), Kayapo kɾẽ {krẽ} (1), Kraho kʰɾẽ (1) / a=pˈɐ (2), Pykobje kʰɾẽː {crẽe} (1) /

aː=pˈə {aapy} (2), Canela k {krẽ} (1) / a=pˈɜ {apà} (2), Parkateje kɾẽ {krẽ} (1) / a=pˈʌ {apà} (2),

Apinaje k {krẽ} (1) / ku {ku} (3), Kisedje kʰu {ku} (3) / k {khrẽ} (1), Tapayuna kʰu (3) /

k (1), Panara kˈu-ɾi {kuri} (3) / k {krẽ} (1), Xavante {ʼrẽ} (1) / cay {tsai} (4), Xerente kɾẽ

{krẽ} (1) / say {sai} (4), Laklano ko ~ ko-y {ko ~ konh} (2), Sao Paulo Kaingang ko (2), Parana

Kaingang ko {ko} (2) / y {jẽ} (4), Central Kaingang ko ~ ko-yn (2).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 184, 217, 223. ku-class. Non-finite form: kɾẽ-n {krẽn}. Plural: ku {ku} [Costa 2015: 102].

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 245; Reis Silva 2003: 35, 36; Salanova 2001: 27; Nimuendajú 1932: 567. ku-class. Non-finite form: kɾẽ-n {krẽn}.

Plural: ku {ku} [Jefferson 1989: 110; Salanova 2001: 58].

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 85, 150. Class C. Non-finite form: kʰɾˈẽ-ɾẽ. Transitive. Distinct from pi-n 'to eat completely' (only non-finite form

attested) [Miranda 2014: 41], pepˈey 'to eat everything' [Miranda 2014: 47].Miranda 2014: 68, 203, 225. Intransitive. Non-finite form:

47

y=ɔ=pˈɐ-n.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 33. Class C. ko -class. Transitive, singular.Pries 2008: 82; Sá 2004: 89. Non-finite form: y=əː=pˈə-n {jyypyn}.

Intransitive.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 121; Castro Alves 1999: 28, 57; Castro Alves 2004: 82, 85; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 15; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 148.

Class C. Non-finite form: k -ɻ {krẽr}. Transitive.Grupp 2015: 70; Castro Alves 1999: 24, 29; Castro Alves 2004: 55, 57, 65, 68; Popjes

& Popjes 1971: 14. Non-finite form: y=ɜ=pˈɜ-n {jàpàn}. Intransitive.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 137. ku-class. Non-finite form: kɾẽ-ɾ {krẽr}. More specifically, 'to eat wild animalsʼ meat, vegetables, potatoes'

[Araújo 2016: 114]. Distinct from k m=čˈa {kãmxa} 'to eat hard food (like turtles, kupa vine, wings)', ka=hˈo ~ ka=ho=hˈo {kahô ~ kahôhô}

'to eat fruits by sucking the flesh' [Araújo 2016: 107], ho {hô} 'to eat soft food (like fish with bones, fruits with stones) / to suck'

[Araújo 2016: 73], žipˈɨ / žipˈɨ-ɾ {jipy / jipyr} 'to eat together, encircling the food' [Araújo 2016: 71].Araújo 2016: 38. Intransitive.

Apinaje: DEA: 27; Oliveira 2005: 393; Ham 1961: 2; Ham et al. 1979: 54; Salanova 2001: 30; Albuquerque 2011: 72, 94. ku-class. Non-

finite form: k -ɾ {krẽr}. More specifically, 'to eat food of only one kind / to swallow'.DEA: 42, 43; Oliveira 2005: 394; Ham et al. 1979:

54; Albuquerque 2011: 72, 94. ku-class. Non-finite form: ku-ɾ {kur}. More specifically, 'to eat food of more than one kind'.

Kisedje: DKP: 4, 8, 14, 15, 21; DMK; Santos 1997: 112, 127; Nonato 2014: 15, 31; Guedes 1993: 116, 132; Nonato f.n. ku-class. Non-

finite form: kʰˈu-ɺu {khuru}.DKP: 12; Santos 1997: 80, 99; Nonato 2014: 133 (glossed as 'to devour'); Guedes 1993: 66, 133; Nonato f.n.

ku-class. Non-finite form: k - ~ k -n {khẽrẽ ~ khrẽnẽ}.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 84; Camargo 2015: 105. Non-finite form: kʰˈu-ɾu.Camargo 2015: 85, 105, 122. Non-finite form: k - .

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 28, 32; Dourado 2001: 14, 34, 196; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 3; Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.Bardagil-

Mas 2018: 34; Dourado 2001: 195; Vasconcelos 2013: 213; Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Transitive. Irrealis: k -ŋ {krẽjn}. Cf.

also ku=k {kukrẽ} 'to eat' [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 36], also attested as ku=kɾˈe {kukrê} [Dourado 2001: 119].

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 58; Estevam 2011: 157, 174; Hall et al. 1987: 105; McLeod 1974. Non-finite form: -n {ʼrẽne}. Dual: ci {tsi}

[Lachnitt 1987: 78]. Plural: ʔm =ci {ʼmatsi} [Lachnitt 1987: 38; Hall et al. 1987: 109]. Distinct from hu {hu} 'to ingest' [Lachnitt 1987: 34

('to eat.PL / to have sex.SG'); Estevam 2011: 126, 199].Lachnitt 1987: 71, 73; Estevam 2011: 79, 107, 171; Hall et al. 1987: 104.

Intransitive. Plural: cay=hu {tsaihu} [Lachnitt 1987: 73; Estevam 2011: 112, 159, 301; Hall et al. 1987: 104] (literally 'to ingest food').

More basic than ay=ʔupaɾi {aiʼupari}, attested only in [Estevam 2011: 195] in this meaning (according to Lachnitt [1987: 86], it means

'to lay down / to have a rest / to have a snack').

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 19, 20, 70; Cotrim 2016: 92; Sousa Filho 2007: 198. Non-finite form: kɾ-nẽ ~ kɾẽ-nẽ {krnẽ ~ krẽnẽ}.

Polysemy: 'to eat / to swallow'. Dual: kne-kwa {knêkwa}. Plural: kme=si ~ kmẽ=si {kmêsi ~ kmẽsi} [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 17, 70;

Cotrim 2016: 75, 92; Sousa Filho 2007: 137; Santos 2007: 241; Mattos 1973]. Distinct from ka=hu {kahu} [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 70;

Sousa Filho 2007: 199, 293], which requires a plural object; pɾɔ {pro} 'to eat meat' [Souza Filho 2007: 114].Krieger & Krieger 1994: 36,

37; Cotrim 2016: 68, 199, 245; Sousa Filho 2007: 154; Ehrenreich 1895: 157 (aɾwa=sa). The utterance-final allomorph sa {sa} is

homonymous with the verb 'to bite'. Castelnau attests unšada {ounchada}, whose segmentation is unclear; it might belong here.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 163, 164; Gakran 2016: 158, 206; Urban 1985: 182; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Utterance-finally: ku {ku}. Plural: same.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 81; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Plural: same.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 46, 277; Wiesemann 2011: 47; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Utterance-finally: kɔ {kó}. Distinct from kagngɾˈa

{kagra} 'to eat everything' [Wiesemann 1981: 34, 275; Wiesemann 2011: 37, 42].Wiesemann 1981: 25, 275; Wiesemann 2011: 31.

Perfective: y -ŋ {jẽg}. Non-finite: y -n {jẽn}. Active: y -n {jẽn}.


23. EAT

Kraho kʰu (3), Pykobje kʰo {coh} (3), Canela kʰu {ku} (3), Parkateje ku {ku} (3), Panara

s= =npˈʌ {sãpâ} (2).


Kraho: Miranda 2014: 151, 155, 186, 236, 306. Class C. ku-class. Non-finite form kʰˈu-ɾu. Also attested variably as ku. This verb is

typically used with partitive objects.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 31; Sá 2004: 100, 110; Silva 2011: 47, 113; Silva 2012: 237. Class C. ko -class. Non-finite form: kʰo -ɾ {cohr}. This

48

verb is typically used with partitive objects and is much more frequent in available data than kʰɾẽː {crẽe}.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 122; Castro Alves 1999: 62; Castro Alves 2004: 41; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 147, 181.

Class C. Non-finite form: kʰu-ɻ {kur}. Transitive. This verb is typically used with partitive objects.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 143. ku-class. Non-finite form: ku-ɾ {kur}.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 123, 139, 150. Intransitive.

24. EGG

Xikrin ŋɾɛ {ngre} (1), Kayapo ŋɾɛ {ngre} (1), Kraho kɾɛ (1), Pykobje kɾe {cre} (1), Canela kɾɛ

{cre} (1), Parkateje kɾɛ ~ nkɾɛ {kre ~ nkre} (1), Apinaje ngɾɛ {gre} (1), Kisedje ngɹɛ {ngre} (1),

Tapayuna ngʁɛ (1), Panara ĩ=nkɾˈɛ {ĩnkre} (1), Xavante ʔɾe {ʼre} (1), Xerente kɾe {krê} (1),

Laklano nglɛ {glé} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang ngɾɛ-ɸˈɨ (1), Parana Kaingang ʔˈowo {ov} (-1),

Central Kaingang ow (-1).



Kayapo: Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 564.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 29. Class D. Polysemy: 'egg / testicle'. Miranda [2014: 26] also gives katˈẽ 'egg' (without any examples), but as

this word means 'squash' in sister languages, I take it to be a mistranslation.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 52; Sá 1999: 47, 52. Class D.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 134; Castro Alves 1999: 59; Castro Alves 2004: 30, 39; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14. Class D. Polysemy: 'egg /

testicles'.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 136, 175. Polysemy: 'egg / testicle'. Cf. kačwˈən {kaxwyn} 'the contents of an egg' [Araújo 2016: 124].

Apinaje: DEA: 22. Polysemy: 'egg / vagina'.

Kisedje: DKP: 20; Santos 1997: 135; Guedes 1993: 185; Nonato f.n.


Panara: Vasconcelos 2013: 184; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 58; Hall et al. 1987: 42; McLeod 1974 (ciːʔaː=ʔɾe). Polysemy: 'egg / anus / vagina'. It should be noted that the

latter meanings might be assigned rather to the etymologically unrelated ʔɾe {ʼre} 'orifice / hole / cavity'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 89; Cotrim 2016: 376; Sousa Filho 2007: 151 (sika=kɾe {sika krê}); Santos 2007: 236 (sika=kɾe {sika krê});

Mattos 1973.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 150, 177; Bublitz 1994: 12 ('penis'). Polysemy: 'egg / penis'.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 2011: 69. Borrowed from Portuguese ˈovu {ovo}. The form k {krẽ}, cited in [Jolkesky 2010: 267],

actually means 'son' and is not a cognate of the Xokléng and São Paulo Kaingáng words, contra Jolkesky.

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 157. Borrowed from Portuguese ˈovu {ovo}.

25. EYE

Xikrin nɔ {no} (1), Kayapo nɔ {no} (1), Kraho tɔ (1), Pykobje to {to} (1), Canela tɔ {to} (1),

Parkateje tɔ {to} (1), Apinaje ndɔ / ndɔp- {no / nop-} (1), Kisedje ndɔ {ndo} (1), Tapayuna ndɔ

(1), Panara ĩ=ntˈɔ {ĩnto} (1), Xavante t m {tõmo} (1), Xerente tmõ {tmõ} (1), Laklano kɔ=nˈã

{kónã} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang ka=n (1), Parana Kaingang ka=n {kanẽ} (1), Central

Kaingang ka=n (1).

49



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 237; Salanova 2001: 7; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 558.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 29. Class D.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 54; Sá 1999: 73; Sá 2004: 131; Silva 2011: 72. Class D.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 136; Castro Alves 1999: 21; Castro Alves 2004: 31; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 137. Class D. Polysemy: 'eye / inner

part of a seed'.


Apinaje: DEA: 56; Oliveira 2005: 375; Ham 1961: 27; Ham et al. 1979: 56; Salanova 2001: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 129.

Kisedje: DKP: 19; Santos 1997: 135; Nonato 2014: 142; Guedes 1993: 185; Nonato f.n.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 59; Camargo 2015: 101; Guedes 1993: 88.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 77; Vasconcelos 2013: 187; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 70, 71; Estevam 2011: 142; Hall et al. 1987: 28; McLeod 1974. Utterance-finally: to {to}. Cf. ʔay=wat e

{aiwatõʼõre}, used by shamans [Lachnitt 1987: 16; Estevam 2011: 508].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 48, 88; Cotrim 2016: 154, 266, 273; Souza 2008: 62; Sousa Filho 2007: 163; Santos 2007: 235; Mattos

1973; Castelnau f.n. ({datoi}); Ehrenreich 1895: 152 (=toy). Utterance-finally: tɔ(-m) {to(m)}.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 164; Gakran 2016: 74; Bublitz 1994: 22; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Polysemy: 'eye / fruit'.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 16; Jolkesky 2010: 265 (kandˈɛ).

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 35; Wiesemann 2011: 38; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Polysemy: 'eye / fruit / to look / to search'.


26. FAT

Xikrin twɤb {twym} (1), Kayapo twɤm {twym} (1), Kraho twəm (1), Pykobje twɨm {twym}

(1), Canela twɘm-pˈe {twym pê} (1) / pe {pê} (2), Parkateje twəm {twym} (1), Apinaje twˈɘmɘ

{twym} (1), Kisedje twˈɘmɨ {twâmy} (1), Tapayuna ʈʰwˈɘwɘ (1), Panara tũm ~ ĩ=ntum

{tũmã ~ ĩntuma} (1), Xavante wam {wam} (1), Xerente wam {wam} (1), Laklano klək=tˈagn ~

tagn {klágtag ~ tag} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang t (1), Parana Kaingang ʌɾˈʌbn {rám} (3),

Central Kaingang ndɛdn=ũ=t (1).





Pykobje: Pries 2008: 42; Sá 1999: 14; Sá 2004: 88. Class C.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 129. Class C. The bare form twɘm {twym} is attested by Castro Alves [1999: 21; 2004: 175] and Popjes & Popjes

[1971: 7] (only in the meaning 'fat (adj.)').Grupp 2015: 132. Polysemy: 'sweat / fat / to lubrificate'.


Apinaje: DEA: 72; Oliveira 2005: 411. Also used as a descriptive verb: 'to be fat' [Albuquerque 2011: 82].

Kisedje: Nonato f.n. Possibly a mistranscription of tʰwˈɘmɨ {thwâmy}.

Tapayuna: Beauchamp 2018.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 115; Vasconcelos 2013: 187; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 65, 96; Hall et al. 1987: 28, 40; McLeod 1974. Usually occurs with the prefix ɾɔː= {ro-} as ɾɔː=wam {rowam}.

50

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 81; Souza 2008: 22; Mattos 1973; Castenau f.n. ({oua}). Usually found with the prefix ɾɔm= {rom=} as

ɾɔm=wam {romwam}.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 147, 162; Gakran 2016: 79; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Works as an adjective as well [Gakran 2016: 110; Bublitz 1994:

13].


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 89; Wiesemann 2011: 77. Distinct from t {tãg} [Jolkesky 2010: 266], which is an adjective



27. FEATHER

Xikrin yaɾˈa {jara} (1), Kayapo yaɾˈa {jara} (1), Kraho kwən # (2), Pykobje pɾə {pry} (3) /

hək=yaːɾˈa {hyc jaara} (1), Canela pɾɘ {pry} (3), Parkateje yaɾˈa {jara} (1), Apinaje pɾɘ {pry} (3),

Kisedje yaɺˈa {jara} (1) / so {sô} (5), Tapayuna tʌk=ǯˈaɾa (1) / tʌ=gwˈey (6), Panara s=ayˈa {saja}

(1) / s=asˈi {sasi} # (8), Xavante ʒaɾipi {dzaripi} (9), Xerente zdaɾpi {zdarpi} (9), Laklano kə=kˈi

{kágki} (10) / ðˈãlã {zãl} (1), Parana Kaingang kɨ=kˈi {kyki} (10) / {fẽr} (1), Central

Kaingang kɨ=ki ~ ki=ki (10).



Kayapo: Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 564. Polysemy: 'wing / flight feather'. Distinct from ŋwˈɤn {ngwyn} 'down' [Salanova

2019], sometimes glossed as 'feather' [Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 564] and from pɾɤ 'tuft / corn husk' [Salanova

2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 564].

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 65. No context specified; it may be the case that this word actually means 'body feather', as in the related

varieties.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 39; Sá 2004: 166. Class C. Polysemy: 'flight feather / corn husk'. Distinct from kwɨn {cwyn} 'body feather' [Sá

2004: 162].Pries 2008: 78; Sá 2004: 87. Polysemy: 'feather / wing'.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 126; Castro Alves 2004: 173. Class C. Polysemy: 'feather / corn husk'. Distinct from kwɘn {cwyn} 'body feather,

down' [Grupp 2015: 135; Castro Alves 1999: 24; Castro Alves 2004: 30, 64], y=aːɾˈa {jara} 'arm, wing' [Grupp 2015: 75; Popjes & Popjes

1971: 9].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 61. Polysemy: 'wing / flight feather / forequarter cut'. Distinct from kwəm {kwym} 'breast feather' [Araújo

2016: 156].

Apinaje: DEA: 66; Oliveira 2005: 63; Ham et al. 1979: 12; Salanova 2001: 30; Albuquerque 2011: 37. pɘ {py} is glossed as Portuguese

'pena' (which might mean 'feather' or 'pity') in [DEA: 59], but the word is not attested in other sources.

Kisedje: DKP: 5; Santos 1997: 40, 107, 109; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Nonato f.n. Polysemy: 'wing / feather'. Glossed as

'wing' in [Guedes 1993: 74].DKP: 24. Polysemy: 'leaf / feather'.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 79; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 604. Glossed as 'bird body' in [Camargo 2010: 56]. The form t=ˈaɾa is

translated as 'wing' in [Camargo 2015: 80].Camargo 2010: 56.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 78; Bardagil-Mas f.n. More specifically, a flight feather. Vasconcelos [2013: 174] glosses it as 'wing with

feathers'.Bardagil-Mas f.n. Vasconcelos [2013: 174, 192] glosses saʔsˈi ~ saːsi {sasi ~ saasi} as 'wing (without feathers)'.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 26 ('flight feather'); McLeod 1974. Hall et al. [1987: 39] attest it in the meaning 'wing' (cf. pay-hi {paihi} 'wing'

[McLeod 1974] / 'arm' [Lachnitt 1987: 50]).

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 38, 90; Santos 2007: 236; Mattos 1973. Sousa [2008: 70] lists the form smi=daɾbi {smidarbi}. Polysemy:

'feather / wing'. Older sources quote a different root: i-baka {ibaka} [Castelnau f.n.], ti-baka {tibaka} [Ehrenreich 1895: 152], which is

likely the same word as si-baka {sibaka} 'heron' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 39; Cotrim 2016: 162; Sousa Filho 2007: 61].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 159; Gakran 2016: 90; Jolkesky 2010: 266 ('a hair'). Polysemy: 'hair / feather'.Alves 2014: 183. Apparently

51

distinct from klubn {klum} [Gakran 2016: 282], klubn-yˈɔ {klumjó} [Alves 2014: 163] 'colored feathers on a bird's breast'.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 2011: 58; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'feather / a hair / hairy leather'. Only the latter two meanings

are attested in [Wiesemann 1981: 62].Wiesemann 1981: 7; Wiesemann 2011: 18. Polysemy: 'feather / wing'. Plural: d= {fẽnfẽr}.


27. FEATHER

Tapayuna tˈʌgʌ (7), Panara ĩ=nkwˈʌŋ {inkwân} # (2).


Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 51, 127. Polysemy: 'bird / wing / feather'.

Panara: Vasconcelos 2013: 197, 227 (ĩ=kˈu ). Glossed as 'down' in [Bardagil-Mas f.n.].

28. FIRE

Xikrin kwɯ {kwy} (1), Kayapo kuwˈɯ ~ kwɯ {kuwy ~ kwy} (1), Kraho kuhˈɨ (1), Pykobje

k h ~ ko h {cyhhyh ~ cohhyh} (1), Canela kuhˈɨ {cuhy} (1), Parkateje kuhˈɨ {kuhy} (1),

Apinaje kuvˈɨ {kuwy} (1), Kisedje kʰusˈɨ {khusy} (1), Tapayuna kutˈɨ (1), Panara i=sːˈɨ {isy} (1),

Xavante ʔu m {unhama} (1), Xerente kunm {kunmã} (1), Laklano p {pẽ} (2), Sao Paulo

Kaingang pĩ ~ pĩɲ (2), Parana Kaingang pĩ {pĩ} (2), Central Kaingang pĩ (2).



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 46; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 560; Salanova 2019.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 84. kuhɛ [Miranda 2014: 175] is probably a typo.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 19, 25; Sá 2004: 134. Dialectal variation.



Apinaje: DEA: 44, 45 (kuvˈɨ ~ kɨvˈɨ {kuwy ~ kywy}); Oliveira 2005: 397; Ham 1961: 25; Ham et al. 1979: 10; Albuquerque 2011: 36.

Kisedje: DKP: 16, 24 (kʰusˈɨ ~ kusˈɨ {khusy ~ kusy}); Santos 1997: 10; Guedes 1993: 269 (kwisɨ); Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605;

Nonato f.n.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 87; Camargo 2015: 52, 79; Santos 1997: 10; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 604; Guedes 1993: 88. Also

found as kusˈɨ (Kĩsêdjê influence) [Camargo 2010: 37; Camargo 2015: 52].

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 48, 50; Dourado 2001: 147; Vasconcelos 2013: 159, 168 (i=sˈɨ, ĩ=sˈɨ); Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Lapierre et al.

2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Polysemy: 'fire / torch / lighter'. Cf. yʌː ~ yʌŋ {jââ ~ jân}, glossed as 'fire' in [Dourado 2001: 104; Bardagil-Mas

2016] but as 'fire drill' in [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 147].

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 92, 93; Estevam 2011: 125, 143; Hall et al. 1987: 115; McLeod 1974. Utterance-finally: ʔuʒə {udzö}.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 23, 24, 79; Cotrim 2016: 89, 379, 380; Souza 2008: 38; Sousa Filho 2007: 150; Santos 2007: 239; Mattos

1973; Castelnau f.n. ({coujeu}); Ehrenreich 1895: 150 (kuːze). Utterance-finally: kuzə(p-) {kuzâ(p-)}.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 172; Gakran 2016: 172; Bublitz 1994: 19; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'fire / firewood'.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 84; Wiesemann 2011: 74; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'fire / firewood'.


52

29. FISH

Xikrin tɛp {tep} (1), Kayapo tɛp {tep} (1), Kraho tɛp (1), Pykobje tep {tep} (1), Canela tɛp

{tep} (1), Parkateje tɛp {tep} (1), Apinaje tˈɛpɛ {tep} (1), Kisedje tʰˈɛwɛ {thewe} (1), Tapayuna

ʈʰˈɛwɛ (1), Panara tˈɛpi {tepi} (1), Xavante tepe {tepe} (1), Xerente tpe {tpê} (1), Laklano kaklˈo

{kagklo} (2), Sao Paulo Kaingang koɸˈəɾə (3), Parana Kaingang pi {pirã} (-1), Central

Kaingang k =kufəɻ (3).



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 108, 144; Reis Silva 2003: 36; Salanova 2001: 21; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 565.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 98; Sá 2004: 159; Silva 2011: 82.


Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 226. Polysemy: 'fish / any water animals (like otters, alligators, capybaras, turtles, snake)'.

Apinaje: Oliveira 2005: 410; Ham 1961: 28; Ham et al. 1979: 33; Salanova 2001: 38; Albuquerque 2011: 57. In [DEA: 71] the bare stem

is translated as 'candiru (Vandellia cirrhosa) / jaraqui (flagtail prochilodus) / margarida'. Cf. pɾičwa-ɾɛ {prixware}, translated as 'fish'

in [DEA: 70] but as 'payara (Hydrolycus scomberoides)' elsewhere in the same work [DEA: 66].

Kisedje: DKP: 27; DMK; Santos 1997: 10, 29; Nonato 2014: 131, 135; Guedes 1993: 74; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Nonato

f.n. ({tewe}).

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 65; Camargo 2015: 85; Santos 1997: 10; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605. Also attested as tˈɛwɛ, tˈewe

and ʈʰˈewe [Camargo 2015: 88, 105], which are likely typos.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 19, 32; Dourado 2001: 121, 239; Vasconcelos 2013: 197; Lapierre et al. 2016.

Xavante: Estevam 2011: 140; Lachnitt 1987: 69; Hall et al. 1987: 95; McLeod 1974. Refers to edible kinds of fish. There is another root,

pe- {pe-}, that is commonly found in the names of different fish species, cf. pe-ʔa {peʼa} 'Astyanax sp.' (literally 'white pê') [Lachnitt

1987: 52 ('fish'); Hall et al. 1987: 78], pe-ʒapɔtɔ {pedzapoto} 'pacu fish' (literally 'round pê') [Lachnitt 1987: 52; Hall et al. 1987: 78], pe-

həyɾɛ {pehöire} 'Brycon amazonicus' [Lachnitt 1987: 52; Hall et al. 1987: 78], pe-ʒayʔɨ ~ pe-ʒaʔiʔɨ {pedzaiʼy ~ pedzaʼiʼy} 'Inia araguaiaensis'

[Lachnitt 1987: 52; Hall et al. 1987: 78], pe-pa {pepa} 'Boulengerella maculata' (literally 'long pê') [Lachnitt 1987: 52], pe-tob- {petobʼrã}

'papatene fish' (literally 'tar pê') [Lachnitt 1987: 52], pe-ʔwa-ɲĩpti {peʼwanhipti} 'Acestrorhynchus sp.' (literally 'branched teeth pê')

[Lachnitt 1987: 52], pe-ʔwa-t {peʼwatõ} 'pacu fish' (literally 'toothless pê') [Lachnitt 1987: 52], pe-həy {pehöi} 'fish skin' [Lachnitt 1987:

52].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 47, 49, 90; Cotrim 2016: 406, 410; Souza 2008: 25, 87; Sousa Filho 2007: 95, 156; Santos 2007: 237, 245;

Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n. ({tobiai}, {tebeweni} 'to fish'); Ehrenreich 1895: 155 (tobe). Utterance-finally: tbe {tbê}. Cf. {piera-y-po} 'big

fish' [Castelnau f.n.].



Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 84; Wiesemann 2011: 74. Distinct from k =kuɸˈʌɾʌ ~ k =koɸˈʌɾʌ ~ k =koɸˈʌɾʌ ~ k =kɾoɸˈʌɾʌ

{kãkufár ~ kãkofár ~ krẽkofár ~ kãkrofár} 'small fish' [Wiesemann 1981: 41; Wiesemann 2011: 42]. Borrowed from a Tupí-Guaraní

language. In [Jolkesky 2010: 265] the form k kɾˈo {kãkro} is also cited.


30. FLY

Xikrin tɔ {to} (1), Kayapo tɔ {to} (1), Kraho tɔ (1), Pykobje to {to} (1), Canela tɔ {to} (1),

53

Parkateje tɔ {to} (1), Apinaje tɔ {to} (1), Kisedje tʰɔ {to} (1), Tapayuna ʈʰɔ (1), Panara tɔ-w

{too} (1), Xavante waɾa {wa} (2), Xerente waɾa ~ waɾ ~ wɾa {wara ~ war ~ wra} (2), Laklano

tã-n-ngˈe {tãn ge} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang t (1), Parana Kaingang t {tẽ} (1), Central

Kaingang t / t w (1).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 100; Salanova 2019. Non-finite form: tˈɔ-ɾɔ {toro}. Polysemy: 'to fly / to dance'.

Kayapo: Reis Silva 2003: 39. Non-finite form: tˈɔ-ɾɔ {toro}. Polysemy: 'to fly / to dance'.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 36. Only the non-finite form tˈɔ-ɾɔ is in fact attested.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 42. Class C. Only the non-finite form to-ɾ {tor} is in fact attested.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 129; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 196. Class C. Non-finite form: tɔ-ɻ {tor}.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 231. Non-finite form: tɔ-ɾ {tor}.

Apinaje: DEA: 71; Oliveira 2005: 418 (ɔʔ=tˈɔ {ohto}); Ham 1961: 24. Non-finite form: tɔ-ɾ {tor}.

Kisedje: DKP: 26, 27; DMK; Guedes 1993: 119 (t ); Nonato f.n. (tɜ {tá}). Non-finite form: tʰˈɔ-ɺɔ {toro}.

Tapayuna: Beauchamp 2018. Non-finite form: ʈʰˈɔ-ɾɔ {toro}.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 35; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Irrealis: tɔ-w-j {tooj}. Polysemy: 'to leave / to fly / to dance'.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 100; Estevam 2011: 168; Hall et al. 1987: 107, 110, 290; McLeod 1974 (waː-ɾa). Truncated finite form (2SG):

ay=wa {aiwa}. Polysemy: 'to run / to fly / to travel'. Dual: ʔa=cam {atsamro} [Lachnitt 1987: 18; Estevam 2011: 195; Hall et al. 1987:

95]. Plural: ci=caʔɾe {tsitsaʼre} [Lachnitt 1987: 85; Estevam 2011: 166; Hall et al. 1987: 102].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 53, 101; Santos 2007: 243. Polysemy: 'to run / to flee / to fly / to flow'. Also attested in its non-

Swadesh meanings in [Cotrim 2016: 92; Sousa Filho 2007: 125, 287; Santos 2007: 238; Mattos 1973]. Dual: ssa=mɾõ ~ sa=mɾõ {ssamrõ ~

samrõ}. Plural: ssa=kɾe ~ sa=kɾe {ssakrê ~ sakrê} [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 46, 101; Cotrim 2016: 92; Sousa Filho 2007: 287; Santos 2007:

236; Mattos 1973].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 174; Jolkesky 2010: 266.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 101 (t ~ t w {tẽ ~ tẽv}, plural t g=t ~ t g=t w {tẽgtẽ ~ tẽgtẽv}); Wiesemann 2011: 85; Jolkesky

2010: 266. Plural: t g=t {tẽgtẽ}. Causative: t -m {tẽm}, plural t g=t -m {tẽgtẽm}.


31. FOOT

Xikrin pˈaɾi {pari} (1), Kayapo pˈaɾi {pari} (1), Kraho pˈaɾa (1), Pykobje paɾ {par} (1), Canela

paɻ {par} (1), Parkateje paɾ {par} (1), Apinaje pˈaɾa {par} (1), Kisedje hwˈayi {hwaji} (1),

Tapayuna hʷay (1), Panara paː {paa} (1), Xavante paɾa {para} (1), Xerente pɾa {pra} (1),

Laklano pãn {pãn} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang p n (1), Parana Kaingang p n {pẽn} (1),

Central Kaingang p n (1).



Kayapo: Salanova 2001: 21; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 559.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 38; Sá 2004: 37, 78. Class C.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 124; Castro Alves 1999: 25; Castro Alves 2004: 31; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 12. Class C. Polysemy: 'foot / claw'.

54


Apinaje: DEA: 61; Oliveira 2005: 403; Ham et al. 1979: 57; Albuquerque 2011: 40.

Kisedje: DKP: 7; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (hwˈani ~ hwˈayi); Nonato f.n.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 107; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 22, 24; Dourado 2001: 21; Vasconcelos 2013: 195 (ĩ=pˈaː), 209; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Lapierre et al. 2016;

Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 50; Estevam 2011: 93; Hall et al. 1987: 26; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'foot / inside / wheel'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 7, 32, 90; Cotrim 2016: 391; Souza 2008: 33; Santos 2007: 235, 244; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n.

({dapra}); Ehrenreich 1895: 151. Polysemy: 'foot / footprint'.





32. FULL

Xikrin =i=pˈu {ipu} (1), Kayapo =i=pˈu {ipu} (1), Kraho h=i=pˈu (1), Pykobje h= =pˈo

{hẽhpoh} (1), Canela h=i=pˈu {hipu} (1), Parkateje təm {tym} (2), Apinaje ndˈɘtɘ {nyt} (3),

Kisedje kahˈoɾo ~ kʰahˈoɾo {kahôrô ~ khahôrô} (4) / ndˈɘɾɘ {ndârâ} (3), Tapayuna kahɾˈɨ (5),

Panara pu {pu} (1), Xavante ʔm =c=i {ʼmatsi} (6), Xerente n-sĩ-pse {ssĩ psê} (6), Laklano ðˈulu

{zul} (7), Sao Paulo Kaingang ɸˈɔɾɔ ~ ɸɔgn (7), Parana Kaingang ɸˈɔɾɔ {fór} (7), Central

Kaingang tofiɻ (8).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 281. Occurs in the meaning 'pregnant' in the cited work, but glossed as 'full' (the existence of this meaning is

confirmed by Salanova [2019]). Polysemy: 'full / pregnant'.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 243; Reis Silva 2003: 46; Stout & Thompson 1974.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 42. Cf. the word tik [Miranda 2014: 39], which is also glossed as 'full' (Portuguese cheio) but which possibly

means 'full, satisfied' (< PNJ *tik 'stomach').

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 68. Distinct from čuk-te {xucteh} [Pries 2008: 44] 'swollen, full (of a boll)'; təm {tym} 'full (of rivers)' [Pries 2008:

43].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 85. Cf. yičˈu {jixu} [Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14], not attested in any other source.


Apinaje: DEA: 56; Oliveira 2005: 375; Ham et al. 1979: 15. Cf. ɲi=pˈu {nhĩpu}, translated as 'full' in [Ham et al. 1979: 9] and as 'to

overflow' in [Oliveira 2005: 185].

Kisedje: DKP: 10; DMK.DKP: 19.


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 22, 37, 107; Dourado 2001: 115; Vasconcelos 2013: 218; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 38, 105; Estevam 2011: 79, 200; Hall et al. 1987: 126; McLeod 1974. Non-finite form: ʔm =ci-ci {ʼmatsitsi}.

Lachnitt [1987: 85] also quotes ci-ci {tsitsi} 'to fill' [Lachnitt 1987: 85]. Estevam [2011: 440] attests yet another root, ci=ɾɛ {tsiré}, which

is reportedly found only in the speech of elderly speakers.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 46, 69; Santos 2007: 239 (s=...-si-pse {ssi psê}); Mattos 1973 (...-sĩ-pse {sĩpsê}). Cf. nĩ-sĩ ~ nĩ-s ~ n-sĩ;

km =s=ĩ-sĩ {nĩsĩ ~ nĩs ~ nsĩ; kmã sĩsĩ} 'to fill' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 43, 46, 75]; hu {hu} 'to fill with liquid' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 12,

75].

Laklano: Jolkesky 2010: 266. Cf. hə {há} 'entire' [Alves 2014: 152]. Found in the meaning 'full stomach / satisfied' in [Alves 2014: 185].

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Jolkesky 2010: 263, 266.

55

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 8; Wiesemann 2011: 19; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'full stomach / full / satisfied'. Plural:

ɸud=ɸˈɔɾɔ {funfór}. Active: n {fãn}, plural ɸɔd= n {fónfãn} [Wiesemann 1981: 5, 8; Wiesemann 2011: 19].


33. GIVE

Xikrin {ngã} (1), Kayapo {ngã} (1), Kraho hõ (1), Pykobje ngõ {ngõ} (1), Canela {gõ}

(1), Parkateje hõ {hõ} (1), Apinaje {gõ} (1), Kisedje {ngõ} (1), Tapayuna (3) / ŋõ (1),

Panara s= -ɾi {sõri} (1), Xavante c {tsõ} (1), Xerente sõ {sõ} (1) / kamõ {kamõ} (5), Laklano

n -m {nẽm} (6), Sao Paulo Kaingang nĩ-m (6), Parana Kaingang nĩ-m {nĩm} (6).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 61, 214, 285. Non-finite form: - {nhãr}.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 153; Reis Silva 2003: 75; Salanova 2001: 28; Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019. Non-finite form: ɲˈõ-ɾõ

{nhõr}.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 107, 133. Non-finite form: ɲˈõ-ɾõ.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 76; Sá 2004: 115; Silva 2011: 46, 61; Silva 2012: 236. ko -class. Non-finite form: yõ-ɾ {jõr}.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 91; Castro Alves 1999: 23; Castro Alves 2004: 118, 135; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 10; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 168, 179.

Non-finite form: y -ɻ {jõr}. Polysemy: 'to give / to loan / to oint'. Distinct from ci {xi} 'to lay' [Grupp 2015: 85], glossed as 'to give' in

[Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 73. ku-class. Non-finite form: žõ-ɾ {jõr}.

Apinaje: DEA: 21, 59; Oliveira 2005: 377; Ham 1961: 2, 10, 12; Ham et al. 1979: 54; Salanova 2001: 34. Non-finite form: -ɾ ~ -t

{nhõr ~ nhõt}. Cf. mĩ {mĩ} 'to give / to take' [DEA: 51].

Kisedje: DKP: 10, 16, 20; DMK; Santos 1997: 29, 72, 91; Nonato 2014: 44; Guedes 1993: 273; Nonato f.n. Non-finite form: - ~ -

{nhõrõ ~ ngõrõ}.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 145, 149, 155.Camargo 2015: 149, 172.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 32; Dourado 2001: 56, 71, 126; Vasconcelos 2013: 208 (s -ɾĩ).

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 88; Estevam 2011: 177, 199; Hall et al. 1987: 64; McLeod 1974. Non-finite form: c m-ɾĩ {tsõmri}. Polysemy: 'to

give / to send'. Lachnitt [1987: 13, 14] and Estevam [2011: 408] also quote ʔay {ai}.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 44, 45, 72; Cotrim 2016: 116, 188, 247; Sousa Filho 2007: 127, 133, 276; Mattos 1973. Non-finite form:

sõ-mɾ ~ sõ-mɾĩ {sõmr ~ sõmrĩ}.Krieger & Krieger 1994: 14, 72; Cotrim 2016: 188, 371; Sousa Filho 2007: 143, 187, 207, 225, 298.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 170; Gakran 2016: 147, 207; Bublitz 1994: 19 ('to give a small round object'); Jolkesky 2010: 266. Plural: vin {vin}

[Urban 1985: 177]. Causative from n v {nẽv} [Gakran 2016: 159]. Distinct from ɲã-ŋ {jãg} (3rd person: ðã-ŋ {zãg}) 'to give, to put

vertically' [Alves 2014: 154, 183; Gakran 2016: 264], yi {ji} (3rd person: ð=i {zi}) 'to give, to put horizontally' [Alves 2014: 156, 184;

Gakran 2016: 172].

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Jolkesky 2010: 266. widn [Cavalcante 1987: 81] is translated as 'to give / to distribute' and apparently

presupposes a plural object.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 74; Wiesemann 2011: 66; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Means 'to give, to put a short object'. Active

derivative from nĩ {nĩ} 'to sit'; nĩwĩ {nĩv} 'present' is a back derivation. Distinct from ɸ= -ŋ / y -ŋ {fẽg / jẽg} 'to give, to put a vertical

object' [Wiesemann 1981: 7; Wiesemann 2011: 18, 30], ɸ=i {fi} 'to place a horizontal object' [Wiesemann 1981: 7; Wiesemann 2011: 18].

Plural: widn {vin}, itself an active derivation from wˈiɾi {vir} [Wiesemann 1981: 117; Wiesemann 2011: 99].

Central Kaingang: Not attested. Judging by the Paraná Kaingáng data, the verbs f [Herold 1996: 138], fi [Herold 1996: 169] and vidn

[Herold 1996: 169] refer to vertical, horizontal and plural objects, respectively.

33. GIVE

56

Tapayuna ɾũ (4).



34. GOOD

Xikrin mɛy {mej} (1), Kayapo mɛč {mex} (1), Kraho pɛy (1), Pykobje pes {pex} (1), Canela

pɛy {pej} (1), Parkateje npɛy ~ pɛy {mpei ~ pei} (1), Apinaje nbɛč {mex} (1), Kisedje nbˈɛ-ȶi ~ nbˈɛɾi {mbetxi ~ mberi} (1), Tapayuna y-či ~ i (1), Panara ĩ=nkĩŋ {ĩnkĩn} (2), Xavante w

{wẽ} (3), Xerente pse ~ pese ~ pes {psê ~ pêsê ~ pês} (1), Laklano u {u} (6), Sao Paulo

Kaingang hə (7), Parana Kaingang hʌ {há} (7), Central Kaingang hə (7).



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 246; Salanova 2001: 19, 21 (mɛy {mej}); Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 567.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 29. Class D. Polysemy: 'good / beautiful'. Quoted as pey in one instance in [Miranda 2014: 186].

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 50; Sá 1999: 54; Sá 2004: 116; Silva 2011: 134; Silva 2012: 237. Polysemy: 'good / well'. Class D. Distinct from

kapẽn {capẽn} 'good, tasty' [Pries 2008: 15], used of food in all available examples.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 132; Castro Alves 1999: 21; Castro Alves 2004: 40; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 17; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 133. Class D.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 166. Polysemy: 'good / beautiful'. Distinct from a=tˈəy {atyi} 'to be healthy' [Araújo 2016: 45], žˈõ=čˈʌn {jõxàn}

'kind / friend' [Araújo 2016: 100].

Apinaje: DEA: 51; Oliveira 2005: 372; Ham 1961: 22; Ham et al. 1979: 15; Salanova 2001: 30; Albuquerque 2011: 80. Polysemy: 'good /

beautiful'.

Kisedje: DKP: 17; Santos 1997: 67, 64; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Guedes 1993: 62; Nonato f.n. Polysemy: 'good /

beautiful'.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 56; Camargo 2015: 83, 102; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605. Also attested as -či ~ .

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 50, 55, 173; Dourado 2001: 59, 106, 190 (kĩ ~ kˈĩni ~ kˈĩɾi); Vasconcelos 2013: 198; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 11

(ĩ=kĩ); Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016 (kĩː); Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 103; Estevam 2011: 76; Hall et al. 1987: 41, 122; McLeod 1974 (w -di). Distinct from pece {petse} 'well / to cure

/ to heal' [Lachnitt 1987: 52; Hall et al. 1987: 54, 63, 78, 88, 112], used extensively in compounds like p -pece {pẽʼẽ petse} 'kind, good-

hearted', tɔ-pece {to petse} 'good eyesight', etc. Cf. pece {petse} (utterance-finally pe {pe}) 'totally / well' [Lachnitt 1987: 52; Estevam

2011: 60, 97, 393; Hall et al. 1987: 78].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 31, 33, 65; Cotrim 2016: 263, 264, 296; Souza 2008: 87; Sousa Filho 2007: 219; Santos 2007: 235, 243,

247; Mattos 1973; Ehrenreich 1895: 157. Utterance-finally: pe {pê}. Distinct from wẽ {wẽ} 'pleasant / beautiful / to like' [Krieger &

Krieger 1994: 55; Sousa Filho 2007: 96, 127]. Apparently more basic than ɾɔ=wẽ {rowẽ} 'good / healthy' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 35,

65]. Cf. šiẽ {chiendi} 'good', psi-šiẽ {psichiendi} 'good' [Castelnau f.n.]. Also pkẽ=pse {pkẽpsê} [Sousa Filho 2007: 220], literally 'heart-

good'.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 178; Gakran 2016: 204; Bublitz 1994: 29 (ugn {ug} 'beautiful'). Polysemy: 'beautiful / good'. Cf. hə {há} 'entire'

[Alves 2014: 152], translated as 'good' in [Jolkesky 2010: 267] and as 'good / well / sane' in [Bublitz 1994: 16].


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 15; Wiesemann 2011: 23; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Utterance-finally: hʌ {ha}. Plural: hʌg=hʌ {hághá}



57

35. GREEN

Xikrin = {ngrãngrã} (1), Kayapo = {ngrãngrã} (1), Pykobje kot {cot} (2) /

ko om-te {coohromteh} (3), Canela kʰukʰˈũm {kukũm} (4), Parkateje kuɾˈɔ-m {kurom} (3),

Apinaje = {grãgrã} (1), Kisedje ng =ng {ngrãngrã} (1), Tapayuna ~ = (1),

Panara tɛtˈɛti {teteti} (5), Xavante ʔuʒɛy {ʼudzéi} (6), Xerente kuzɛ- {kuzerã} (6), Laklano təy

~ tay {tánh ~ tanh} (7), Sao Paulo Kaingang təȡn (7), Parana Kaingang tʌȡn {tánh} (7),

Central Kaingang təyn (7).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 44; Salanova 2019. Ranges from green to yellow.

Kayapo: Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 566. Ranges from green to yellow. Cf. kaɾˈɔ {karo} [Stout & Thompson 1974], which

probably means 'unripe'.


Pykobje: Sá 2004: 40. Class D. Attested in one example meaning 'green parrot'. Distinct from tetet {tetet} 'clear, pale, green (of corn,

fruit)' [Pries 2008: 41; Sá 2004: 165].Pries 2008: 32. Class C. Ranges from purple through dark blue to green.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 122. Class C. Ranges from blue to green. Distinct from kɔt {cot} 'unripe' [Grupp 2015: 134], tɛtˈɛt {tetet} 'clean,

green (of corn' [Grupp 2015: 128; Castro Alves 2004: 171], aʔ=tɛtˈɛt {ahtetet} 'green-leaved plant, vegetable' [Grupp 2015: 8].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 152. Ranges from blue to green. Distinct from ko-tˈi {kôti} 'dark green' [Araújo 2016: 132], hipɾˈɔ-ɾˈɛ {hiprore}

'pale / avocado-colored' [Araújo 2016: 71], ĩ=nkˈɔtɔ-ɾˈɛ {ĩnkotore} 'unripe' [Araújo 2016: 84], kaɾˈɔ {karo} 'unripe' [Araújo 2016: 120].

Apinaje: DEA: 22; Oliveira 2005: 378; Ham et al. 1979: 36; Albuquerque 2011: 69, 117. Ranges from green to blue. Polysemy: 'green /

blue / unripe'. The word ɾʌč {ràx} is attested only in [DEA: 68], but not in other sources; it is probably not basic.

Kisedje: Nonato f.n. Ranges from green to yellow.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 60, 64, 95, 99; Camargo 2015: 87 ( = -či). Ranges from blue to yellow.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 36; Vasconcelos 2013: 164. Ranges from blue to green.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 92; Hall et al. 1987: 43; McLeod 1974. Ranges from yellow through green to blue.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 24, 101; Cotrim 2016: 368; Santos 2007: 237, 243; Mattos 1973. Ranges from blue to green. Cf.

yemenaŋ-kɾaː-di, yemena-kaː-di [Ehrenreich 1895: 157]. Distinct from ka {ka} 'white / unripe' [Cotrim [2016: 67, 153].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 174; Gakran 2016: 128; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Ranges from blue to green. Polysemy: 'green / blue / unripe / raw'.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 27, 102; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Apparently ranges from green to blue.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 99; Wiesemann 2011: 84; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'green / blue / young / raw'.


36. HAIR

Xikrin kĩ {kĩ} (1), Kayapo kĩ {kĩ} (1), Kraho kʰĩ (1), Pykobje kʰẽ {quẽh} (1), Canela kʰĩ {kĩ} (1),

Parkateje k {krã} (2), Apinaje kĩ {kĩ} (1), Kisedje kʰĩ {kĩ} (1), Tapayuna kʰĩ (1), Panara kĩ

{kĩ} (1), Xavante ʒɛɾɛ {dzéré} (3), Xerente za=hi {zahi} (4), Laklano kl =kə=kˈi {klẽkágki} (4),

Sao Paulo Kaingang ~ ~ ŋ (5), Parana Kaingang {gãnh} (5), Central

Kaingang (5).


58


Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 177; Salanova 2001: 19; Nimuendajú 1932: 558.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 103. Class C.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 40; Sá 1999: 23, 69; Sá 2004: 167. Distinct from hu {hu} 'leaf / a hair / bodily hair' [Pries 2008: 37; Sá 1999: 63; Sá

2004: 47].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 117; Castro Alves 1999: 23; Castro Alves 2004: 31. Class C.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 133. Polysemy: 'head / hair / hard fruit'. Distinct from kĩ ~ kɾĩ {kĩ ~ krĩ} 'animal hair' [Araújo 2016: 126, 138],

ho {hô} 'leaf / a hair' [Araújo 2016: 73], he {hê} 'pubic hair' [Araújo 2016: 66].

Apinaje: DEA: 38; Oliveira 2005: 390; Ham et al. 1979: 53; Salanova 2001: 33; Albuquerque 2011: 49.

Kisedje: DKP: 13, 20; DMK; Guedes 1993: 66; Nonato f.n. Distinct from ngˈoni {ngôni} 'bodily hair' [DKP: 20].

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 53; Camargo 2010: 78.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 88; Vasconcelos 2013: 158 (ĩ=kˈĩ); Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 27, 77; Estevam 2011: 38; Hall et al. 1987: 30; McLeod 1974. Cf. ʔa=waʒuy-ɾe {awadzuire}, used by shamans

[Estevam 2011: 508] (quoted as ʔay=waʒu-ɾe {aiwadzure} in [Lachnitt 1987: 16]).

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 56, 66; Cotrim 2016: 84; Sousa Filho 2007: 249, 250; Santos 2007: 235; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n.

({layahi}); Ehrenreich 1895: 152 (=zaiː). Cf. su {su} 'leaf / a hair' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 90; Cotrim 2016: 60]. Attested as =saykwa

{=saikwa} in [Souza 2008: 73] (incorrect gloss?).

Laklano: Alves 2014: 163; Gakran 2016: 91. Distinct from ngay {ganh} 'horsehair' [Alves 2014: 149; Bublitz 1994: 11; Jolkesky 2010:

267].

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 23; Jolkesky 2010: 263, 267.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 10; Wiesemann 2011: 20; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Distinct from kɨ=kˈi {kyki} 'feather / a hair / hairy

leather' [Wiesemann 1981: 62; Wiesemann 2011: 58; Jolkesky 2010: 266].


37. HAND

Xikrin ɲi=kɾˈa {nhikra} (1), Kayapo ɲi=kɾˈa {nhikra} (1), Kraho ɲũʔ=kʰɾˈa (1), Pykobje

yõ =kʰɾˈa {jõhʼcra} (1), Canela yũʔ=kʰɾˈa {jũhkra} (1), Parkateje žõ=kɾˈa {jõkra} (1), Apinaje

ɲi=kɾˈa ~ ɲiʔ=kɾˈa {nhĩkra ~ nhĩhkra} (1), Kisedje =kʰɹˈa {nhykhra} (1), Tapayuna =kʰχˈa (1),

Panara s=i=kyˈa {sikja} (1), Xavante ɲĩb=ʔɾata {nhibʼrata} (2), Xerente nĩp=kɾa {nĩpkra} (1),

Laklano n =ngˈa {nẽgga} (3), Sao Paulo Kaingang nĩ=ngˈɛ (3), Parana Kaingang nĩ=ngˈɛ {nĩgé}

(3), Central Kaingang nĩ=ngɛ (3).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 165, 306.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 150, 237; Reis Silva 2003: 53; Nimuendajú 1932: 559.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 64, 126. Also attested as ɲũ=kʰɾˈa.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 71; Sá 2004: 44, 168. Cf. y {jõh} [Pries 2008: 70], found in some fixed expressions.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 95; Castro Alves 1999: 25; Castro Alves 2004: 36, 174. Polysemy: 'hand / paw'. Cf. also yũ- {jũ-}, found in

compounds and fixed expressions [Grupp 2015: 92].


Apinaje: DEA: 26, 29, 30; Oliveira 2005: 380; Ham et al. 1979: 56; Albuquerque 2011: 49.

Kisedje: DKP: 7, 28; DMK; Nonato 2014: 138; Guedes 1993: 272; Nonato f.n. ({ykra}).

Tapayuna: Guedes 1993: 88 (t=ãˈkṟh a).

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 115, 225; Dourado 2001: 186, 191; Vasconcelos 2013: 224; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

59


Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 41, 58, 85; Cotrim 2016: 192 (nip=kɾa {nipkra}); Souza 2008: 33 (nip=kɾa {nipkra}); Sousa Filho 2007:

272; Santos 2007: 235 (nip=kɾa {nipkra}); Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n. ({danicra}); Ehrenreich 1895: 151 (=nib=kɾaː). Polysemy: 'hand / to

grasp'.



Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 73; Wiesemann 2011: 66; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Utterance-finally: nĩ= {nĩgã}. Active: nĩ= -n 'to

move one's hand, to protect' [Wiesemann 1981: 73; Wiesemann 2011: 65].


38. HEAD

Xikrin k {krã} (1), Kayapo k {krã} (1), Kraho k (1), Pykobje k {cry} (1), Canela k

{krã} (1), Parkateje k {krã} (1), Apinaje k {krã} (1), Kisedje k {krã} (1), Tapayuna kʰχ

(1), Panara ky {kjã} (1), Xavante y {ʼrãi} (1), Xerente k y ~ kɾẽ {krãi ~ krẽ} (1), Laklano

kl {klẽ} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang kɾĩ ~ kɾĩɲ (1), Parana Kaingang kɹĩ {krĩ} (1), Central

Kaingang kɾĩ ~ kɾĩɲ (1).



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 245; Reis Silva 2003: 36; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 558.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 95, 99, 129. Class C. Polysemy: 'head / bone (of a fruit)'.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 33; Sá 1999: 45; Sá 2004: 25; Silva 2011: 48; Silva 2012: 237. Class C.


Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 133. Polysemy: 'head / hair / hard fruit'.

Apinaje: DEA: 39; Oliveira 2005: 392; Ham 1961: 23; Ham et al. 1979: 53; Salanova 2001: 30; Albuquerque 2011: 43. Polysemy: 'head /

spherical object or fruit'.

Kisedje: DKP: 13; Santos 1997: 34, 41 (in variation with k ~ k {krẽ ~ khrẽ}); Guedes 1993: 66; Nonato f.n. ({krâ}). Polysemy: 'head /

fruit stone'.


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 238; Dourado 2001: 186; Vasconcelos 2013: 194 (ĩ=ky ); Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 56; Estevam 2011: 147; Hall et al. 1987: 30; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'head / fruit'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 5, 18, 66; Cotrim 2016: 129, 146, 375; Souza 2008: 48; Sousa Filho 2007: 321; Santos 2007: 235; Mattos

1973; Castelnau f.n. ({dicran}); Ehrenreich 1895: 152.



Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 52; Wiesemann 2011: 51; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'head / hill / mountain'. Active: kɹĩ-n

{krĩn} 'to give ideas' [Wiesemann 2011: 53; Wiesemann 2011: 52].


39. HEAR

Xikrin ma {ma} (1), Kayapo ma {ma} (1), Kraho pa (1), Pykobje pa {pa} (1), Canela pa {pa}

(1), Parkateje aw=pˈa ~ k m=pˈa {awpa ~ kãmpa} (1), Apinaje nba {ma} (1), Kisedje nba {mba}

(1), Tapayuna a (1), Panara ĩ=npˈa-ɾi {ĩnpari} (1), Xavante wa=pa {wapa} (1), Xerente wa=pa

60

{wapa} (1), Laklano mã {mã} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang m (1), Parana Kaingang m {mẽ} (1),

Central Kaingang m (1).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 124. ku-class. Non-finite form: mˈa-ɾi {mari}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to know'.

Kayapo: Reis Silva 2003: 39; Salanova 2001: 51; Stout & Thompson 1974. ku-class. Non-finite form: mˈa-ɾi {mari}. Polysemy: 'to know /

to understand / to hear'.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 116, 128. Class D. Non-finite form: pˈa-ɾa. Also the non-finite form of an antipassive derivation, ɲũ=pˈa-ɾa, is

attested [Miranda 2014: 105].

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 50, 60; Sá 1999: 69, 70, 72; Sá 2004: 113. Class D. ko -class. Non-finite form: pa-ɾ {par} (transitive) or ya=pˈa-k

{japac} (intransitive). Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen / to understand / to obey / to offer a good'. In fact, different lexemes may be

conflated here, but the finite form of these two verbs is in any case pa {pa}. The antipassive derivation aw=pˈa {awpa} (non-finite

form: y= =pˈa-ɾ {jõhpar}) is also attested [Pries 2008: 72; Sá 2004: 116].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 49. Class D. ku-class. Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen / to obey / to know (someone)'. The antipassive derivation

aw=pˈa {awpa} (non-finite form: y=ũ=pˈa-ɻ {jũpar}) is widely attested [Grupp 2015: 98; Castro Alves 2004: 32, 67, 78; Popjes & Popjes

1986: 161]. Likely related to kʰãm=pˈa {kampa} (non-finite form kʰãm=ya=pˈa-k {kam japak}) 'to hear, to overhear' [Grupp 2015: 152;

Popjes & Popjes 1986: 142].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 45, 113. Polysemy: 'to listen / to know' (for aw=pˈa {awpa}), 'to listen / to remember' (for k m=pˈa {kãmpa}).

Non-finite form: k m=pˈa-ɾ {kãmpar} (of the latter verb). Both verbs are glossed in Portuguese as 'escutar', which means both 'to hear'

and 'to listen', but available examples contain clear instances of usage of the former meaning.

Apinaje: DEA: 15, 42; Oliveira 2005: 372; Ham 1961: 21; Ham et al. 1979: 57; Salanova 2001: 35. ku-class. Non-finite form: nba-ɾ {mar}.

Polysemy: 'to hear / to ponder / to wonder / to know / to learn'.

Kisedje: DKP: 16; Santos 1997: 69; Nonato 2014: 54, 112, 144; Guedes 1993: 270; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605. ku-class. Non-

finite form: nbˈa-yi {mbaji}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to understand / to remember / to know / to choose'.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 93; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605. ku-class. Non-finite form: a-y. Polysemy: 'to hear / to know'. Cf.

i-tʰa-n t=a=nba-kʰχˈɛ nbˈɛ-či 'she hears well' [Camargo 2015: 141].

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 103, 168, 249; Dourado 2001: 48; Vasconcelos 2013: 229 (pˈa-ɾi); Bardagil-Mas f.n. Irrealis: ĩ=npˈa {ĩnpa}.

Polysemy: 'to hear / to know how to'.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 99; Estevam 2011: 129, 199; Hall et al. 1987: 107; McLeod 1974 (waː=pa). Non-finite form: wa=pa-ɾi {wapari}.

Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen / to obey'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 52, 89; Cotrim 2016: 116, 235, 414; Souza 2008: 25; Sousa Filho 2007: 133, 151; Santos 2007: 242;

Mattos 1973. Non-finite form: wa=pa-ɾ ~ wa=pa-ɾi {wa=par ~ wapari}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen / to obey'. Cotrim [2016: 403] also

quotes the form s=po-kɾep, which is probably a mistranscription of s=pɔ-kɾep {spokrêp}, a form of npɔ-kɾep ~ npɔ-kɾe {npokrêp ~

npokrê} 'ear'.

Laklano: Gakran 2016: 252; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Perfective: mã-ŋ {mãg}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to feel / to know' [Gakran 2016: 234]. Cf.

ã=mˈã-ŋ / yə=mˈã-ŋ {ãmãg / jámãg} 'to listen' [Alves 2014: 144, 154].


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 65; Wiesemann 2011: 60; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Perfective: m -ŋ {mẽg}. Plural: m =m {mẽgmẽ}.

Polysemy: 'to feel / to touch / to smell / to hear'. Cf. =m {ẽmẽ}, y =m {jẽmẽ} 'to listen well' [Wiesemann 1981: 273; Wiesemann

1981: 14, 31].


40. HEART

Xikrin ɔ=ɲˈoɾo {onhôr} (1), Kayapo =ɲˈoɾo {ãnhôr} (1), Pykobje toːtˈok {tootoc} (2) / kuʔ=kʰˈõn

{cuʼcõn} (3), Canela tɔtˈɔk ~ tɔtˈɔk-ɾɛ {totoc ~ totocre} (2) / kuʔ=k n-ɾe {cuhkõnre} (3), Parkateje

61

n =kõ=kˈõnõ-ɾˈɛ {nãkõkõnõre} (3), Apinaje =nǯˈoɾo / t =nǯˈoɾo {hãnhôr / tãnhôr} (1), Kisedje

ɺɔ=ntˈoɺo {rontôrô} (1), Tapayuna ɾɔ=ndˈoɾo (1), Panara ĩ=nkowk {ĩnkôôkrẽ} (4), Xavante ciɾi

{tsiri} (5), Xerente pkẽ {pkẽ} (6), Laklano ðe {ze} (7), Sao Paulo Kaingang ɸe ~ ɸi (7), Parana

Kaingang ɸe {fe} (7) / ɸe=oɾˈoɾo {fe ror} (8), Central Kaingang fe (7).



Kayapo: Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 559. Jefferson [1989: 236] gives =kˈen {ʼã kên}, whose existence is not confirmed by

Salanova [2019].


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 42; Sá 2004: 78. Class C. Polysemy: 'to throb / heart / to worry'.Pries 2008: 23. Polysemy: 'calabash / heart'.

Possessor marked with the postposition =n {=ny}.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 129 (with a diminutive suffix); Castro Alves 1999: 33; Castro Alves 2004: 26. Class C.Grupp 2015: 43. Polysemy:

'small calabash / flute made of calabash / heart'.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 173, 232. Derived from kõkˈõnõ-ɾˈɛ {kõkõnõre} 'squash' [Araújo 2016: 129]. Distinct from tɔtˈɔk {totok}

'heartbeat' [Araújo 2016: 232].

Apinaje: DEA: 24, 48; Ham et al. 1979: 54.

Kisedje: DKP: 23; DMK.


Panara: Dourado 2001: 77 (kowk {kôukrẽ}); Vasconcelos 2013: 180 (ĩ=kowk {ĩkoukrẽ}). Cf. n =nkok -tusˈəː {nãnkôkrẽtusââ} 'heart

beating' [Vasconcelos 2013: 180].

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 84; Estevam 2011: 138; Hall et al. 1987: 27; McLeod 1974 (=ciːɾi). Distinct from p {pẽʼẽ}, with polysemy:

'belly / abdomen / entrails / thought / to be sad / to miss' [Lachnitt 1987: 52; Estevam 2011: 129, 178; Hall et al. 1987: 26]. Apparently

more basic than utu=ʔɾu {nhõʼutuʼru}, quoted in this meaning by Lachnitt [1987: 46].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 7, 31, 71; Cotrim 2016: 150, 391; Sousa Filho 2007: 114; Santos 2007: 235; Mattos 1973. This root is

widely used figuratively in expressions related to human feelings. Castelnau attests {daen} (ẽ?).

Laklano: Alves 2014: 184; Gakran 2016: 81; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'heart / center of emotions / bee nest'.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 2011: 16; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'chest / heart'.Wiesemann 1981: 6; Wiesemann 2011: 17.

Literally 'chest=round'.


41. HORN

Xikrin bˈʌɾi {bàri} (1), Kayapo bˈʌɾi {bàri} (1), Kraho ɲĩ=pˈɐɾɐ (1), Pykobje y =kʰˈuː ~

p =kʰˈuː {jẽẽhcuu ~ pryyhcuu} (2), Canela yĩ=pˈɜɻ ~ pɜɻ {jĩpàr ~ pàr} (1), Parkateje ko ~

k =kˈo {kô ~ krãkô} (2), Apinaje p ~ pˈaɾa {pàr ~ par} (1), Panara ky =si=pˈʌɾi {kjãsipâri}

(1), Xavante m {õmo} (2), Xerente kmõ ~ kumõ {kmõ ~ kumõ} (2), Laklano n =kˈɔ {nẽkó} (2),

Sao Paulo Kaingang nĩ=kˈa (2), Parana Kaingang nĩ=kˈa {nĩka} (2), Central Kaingang nĩ=ka

(2).


62

Xikrin: Salanova 2019. Polysemy: 'horn / tree trunk / bush'.

Kayapo: Salanova 2001: 21. Polysemy: 'horn / tree trunk / bush'.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 66, 93; Sá 2004: 87 (only the former form).

Canela: Grupp 2015: 84; Castro Alves 1999: 21; Castro Alves 2004: 51. Class B (pɜɻ {pàr}). Polysemy: 'horn / cow' (for yĩ=pˈɜɻ {jĩpàr}).

Polysemy: 'horn / tree / trunk' (for pɜɻ {pàr}). Grupp attests only the former form, Castro Alves attests only the latter.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 127, 134. Polysemy: 'horn / fire-making rod'. ko {kô} is possibly the same word as ko {kô} 'tree group' [Araújo

2016: 128].

Apinaje: DEA: 52, 60, 61. Polysemy: 'horn / tree trunk / the plant of a particular fruit or flower / canoe / car'.

Kisedje: Not attested.

Tapayuna: Not attested.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 19.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 48; Hall et al. 1987: 42; McLeod 1974. Utterance-finally: ʔu {u}.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 69; Cotrim 2016: 126, 181; Sousa Filho 2007: 61; Santos 2007: 236; Mattos 1973. Utterance-finally: ku

{ku}.





42. I

Xikrin ba {ba} (1) / i- {i} (2), Kayapo ba {ba} (1) / i- {i-} (2), Kraho wa (1) / i- (2), Pykobje wa

{wa} (1) / y- {ẽhj-} (2), Canela wa {wa} (1) / i- {i-} (2), Parkateje wa {wa} (1) / i- {i-} (2),

Apinaje pa {pa} (1) / i- / ič- / iɲ- {i- / ix- / inh-} (2), Kisedje wa {wa} (1) / i- {i-} (2), Tapayuna

wa (1) / i- (2), Panara ĩ=nkyˈẽ {ĩnkjẽ} (3) / ɾa- / ɾ- {ra- / r-} (4), Xavante wa-h {wa hã} (1) / ʔĩː-

{ĩĩ-} (2), Xerente wa {wa} (1) / ĩ- {ĩ-} (2), Laklano {ẽnh} (2) / nũ {nũ} (6), Sao Paulo

Kaingang ʔiȡn (2), Parana Kaingang ʔiȡn {inh} (2), Central Kaingang ign (2).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 78. Pronoun (agentive case).Costa 2015: 78. Absolutive/accusative.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 64; Reis Silva 2003: 50; Salanova 2001: 18; Stout & Thompson 1974. Pronoun (agentive case).Jefferson 1989:

64; Reis Silva 2003: 51; Stout & Thompson 1974. Absolutive/accusative. Ergative: i-yɛ {ije}.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 106. Pronoun (agentive case).Miranda 2014: 106. Absolutive/accusative.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 99; Sá 1999: 42; Sá 2004: 68; Silva 2011: 111. Pronoun (agentive case). Emphatic: pa {pa}.Pries 2008: 50; Sá 1999:

56; Sá 2004: 68; Silva 2011: 110; Silva 2012: 237. Absolutive/accusative.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 200; Castro Alves 1999: 60, 64; Castro Alves 2004: 80; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 15; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 136.

Pronoun (agentive case). Emphatic: pa {pa}.Grupp 2015: V; Castro Alves 1999: 43; Castro Alves 2004: 83; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 129.

Absolutive/accusative.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 187, 243. Pronoun (agentive case). Emphatic: pa {pa}.Araújo 2016: 83. Absolutive/accusative.

Apinaje: DEA: 59; Oliveira 2005: 159; Ham 1961: 15; Ham et al. 1979: 25; Salanova 2001: 33; Albuquerque 2011: 85. Pronoun

(agentive case).DEA: 29; Oliveira 2005: 180; Ham 1961: 25; Ham et al. 1979: 17; Salanova 2001: 33; Albuquerque 2011: 85, 87.


Kisedje: DKP: 22, 28; DMK; Santos 1997: 45; Nonato 2014: 13; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Guedes 1993: 113. Pronoun

(agentive case). Emphatic: pa {pa}.DKP: 9; DMK; Santos 1997: 45; Nonato 2014: 13; Guedes 1993: 118. Absolutive/accusative.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 46; Camargo 2015: 91; Santos 1997: 11. Pronoun (agentive case). Also attested as pa (Kĩsêdjê influence)

63

[Camargo 2010: 37].Camargo 2010: 50, 59, 95; Camargo 2015: 98. Absolutive/accusative.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 104; Dourado 2001: 42; Vasconcelos 2013: 171; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 2 (ĩkyˈẽ); Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-

Mas f.n. Nominative clitic: zero.Bardagil-Mas 2018: 117; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 4; Bardagil-Mas 2016. Absolutive clitic.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 96; Estevam 2011: 42; Hall et al. 1987: 86; McLeod 1974 (wa, waː).Lachnitt 1987: 35; Estevam 2011: 149, 209;

Hall et al. 1987: 268. Person index.


Ehrenreich 1895: 160.Krieger & Krieger 1994: 12; Cotrim 2016: 96; Souza 2008: 66, 85; Sousa Filho 2007: 123; Santos 2007: 244 (i- {i-});

Ehrenreich 1895: 159 (in-). Person index.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 148; Gakran 2016: 74; Bublitz 1994: 34; Urban 1985: 167; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Pronoun.Gakran 2016: 176; Bublitz

1994: 42; Urban 1985: 167. Nominative clitic. Translated as 'we' in [Alves 2014: 170].




42. I

Panara ɾe- / ɾi- {rê- / ri-} (5).


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 113; Dourado 2001: 44; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 4 (ɾɛ / ɾi {re / ri}); Bardagil-Mas 2016. Ergative clitic.

43. KILL

Xikrin bĩ {bĩ} (1), Kayapo bĩ {bĩ} (1), Kraho ku=ɾˈa (2), Pykobje ko =ɾˈa {coohra} (2), Canela

ku=ɾˈa {cura} (2), Parkateje pĩ {pĩ} (1) / ko=ɾˈa {kôra} (2), Apinaje pĩ {pĩ} (1), Kisedje pĩ {pĩ} (1),

Tapayuna wĩ (1), Panara pˈĩ-ɾi {pĩri} (1) / nõwˈa ~ nõw {nõwa ~ nõwã} (3), Xavante wĩ {wĩ}

(1), Xerente wĩ {wĩ} (1), Laklano kəglˈã-n {káglãn} (4) / tay {tanh} (5), Sao Paulo Kaingang

tedn (7) / t (6), Parana Kaingang tɛdn {tén} (7) / t {tãnh} (5), Central Kaingang t (5) /

tɛdn (7).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 63, 96, 102, 171. ku-class. Non-finite form: bĩ-n {bĩn}. Plural: pa {pa}, ɲi=mˈɛy {nhimej} (more precisely 'to

exterminate') [Costa 2015: 102, 106, 179, 337, 341; Salanova 2019].

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 107; Reis Silva 2003: 39; Salanova 2001: 55; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 567. ku-class. Non-

finite form: bĩ-n {bĩn}. Plural: pa {pa} [Jefferson 1989: 247; Reis Silva 2003: 37; Salanova 2001: 21; Stout & Thompson 1974]. Distinct

from ɲi=mˈɛč {nhimex} 'to exterminate' [Salanova 2019].

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 127. Class C. Non-finite form: ku=ɾˈa-n. Plural: yi=pˈɛy [Miranda 2014: 57, 85]. kuaɾˈa [Miranda 2014: 296] must

be a typo. pĩ is also glossed as 'to kill' [Miranda 2014: 58], but in all available examples it is used figuratively: 'to burn (one's belly)'

[Miranda 2014: 162], 'to extinguish (fire)' [Miranda 2014: 216].

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 32; Sá 1999: 47; Sá 2004: 25; Silva 2011: 112, 116; Silva 2012: 243. Class C. Non-finite form: ko =ɾˈa-n {coohran}.

Polysemy: 'to kill / to end / to cause to faint'. Cf. the stylistically marked expressions amj =jaɾ=kʰwˈaː=m =m ˈẽː {amhõjarcwaa my mee}

(lit. 'to throw in one's mouth), kʰɾẽː {crẽe} (lit. 'to eat') [Pries 2008: 33, 86]. Distinct from pẽ {pẽh} 'to extinguish, to kill (of water killing

a drowning person)' [Pries 2008: 47].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 111; Castro Alves 1999: 22; Castro Alves 2004: 89, 92; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 136, 146. Class C. Non-finite form:

64

ku=ɾˈa-n {curan}. Distinct from pĩ {pĩ} 'to shoot dead, to extinguish, to drown, to suffocate' [Grupp 2015: 144; Castro Alves 2004: 126],

yi=pˈɛy {jipej} 'to exterminate' [Grupp 2015: 84; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 10], tak {tac} 'to beat, to kill by hitting' [Grupp 2015: 127], am=ka

{amca} (non-finite form: j=ɜm=čɜ-ɻ {jàmxàr}) 'to kill (tête-à-tête)'. Less marked than hak {hac} 'to rub with pepper, to apply medicine,

to kill (colloquial)' [Grupp 2015: 112].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 196. Non-finite form: pĩ-ɾ {pĩr}. More specifically, 'to shoot dead, to kill a large animal with an arrow'. With

small animals another verb is used: ya=čwˈɨ {jaxwy} [Araújo 2016: 65, 96].Araújo 2016: 131. Non-finite form: ko=ɾˈa-n {kôran}. More

specifically, 'to beat dead, to kill with a club or a gun'. A necessary semantic component is the presence of spilt blood.

Apinaje: DEA: 43; Oliveira 2005: 403; Ham et al. 1979: 56; Salanova 2001: 33; Albuquerque 2011: 89, 103. ku-class. Non-finite form: pĩ-

ɾ {pĩr}. Plural: ɲi=nbˈɛč {nhĩmex} [DEA: 26; Oliveira 2005: 379; Albuquerque 2011: 134].

Kisedje: DKP: 22; DMK; Santos 1997: 11; Nonato 2014: 25, 143; Guedes 1993: 266; Nonato f.n. ku-class. Non-finite form: pˈĩ-ɺĩ {pĩrĩ}.

Polysemy: 'to kill / to turn off'. Plural: hwa {hwa} [DKP: 7; Santos 1997: 70; Guedes 1993: 274].

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 85, 104; Santos 1997: 11. Non-finite form: wˈĩ-ɾĩ. Plural: hʷa [Camargo 2015: 128].

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 28, 35, 105, 133; Dourado 2001: 108, 125; Vasconcelos 2013: 200 (pˈĩ-nĩ {pĩnĩ}); Bardagil-Mas 2016;

Bardagil-Mas f.n. Pluractional: pˈa-ɾi {pari} [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 29, 133; Dourado 2001: 57; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 3; Bardagil-Mas

f.n.].Bardagil-Mas 2018: 35, 157, 158, 244 (ɾõwˈa ~ ɾõw {rõwa ~ rõwã}); Dourado 2001: 114, 119 (nɔww ). Irrealis: nõwˈa-ɾi ~ nõw -ɾi

{nõwari ~ nõwãri}.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 104; Estevam 2011: 199; Hall et al. 1987: 64. Non-finite form: wĩ-ɾĩ {wĩrĩ}. Dual: p {pã} [Lachnitt 1987: 51; Hall

et al. 1987: 63]. Plural: cim {tsimro} [Lachnitt 1987: 82; Hall et al. 1987: 58].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 86; Cotrim 2016: 72, 418; Sousa Filho 2007: 89, 161, 243, 285; Santos 2007: 241; Castelnau f.n.

({dourini}); Ehrenreich 1895: 158 (tuasai=u-ɾinĩ). Non-finite form: wĩ-ɾĩ ~ w-ɾĩ ~ wĩ-ɾ {wĩrĩ ~ wrĩ ~ wĩr}. Dual: p {pã} or wasi-kw

{wasikw}. Plural: nmɾõ {nmrõ} [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 28, 31, 44, 86; Cotrim 2016: 67, 92, 115; Sousa Filho 2007: 90, 91, 126; Santos

2007: 241; Mattos 1973].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 159; Gakran 2016: 118. Perfective form: kəglˈã-ŋ {káglãg}. Distinct from tɛdn {tén} 'to kill slowly' (stative) [Gakran

2016: 65; Jolkesky 2010: 266]. Distinct from pidn {pin} 'to kill by beating' [Alves 2014: 172], pɛnũ {pénũ} 'to shoot dead' [Alves 2014:

172; Gakran 2016: 282; Urban 1985: 166]; nba-dn {man} (perfective: nba-gn {mag}) 'to bite / to kill by biting' [Alves 2014: 145].Alves 2014:

159, 174; Gakran 2016: 191; Bublitz 1994: 8; Jolkesky 2010: 224. Polysemy: 'to beat / to kill'.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Jolkesky 2010: 266.Jolkesky 2010: 246.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 101; Wiesemann 2011: 85; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Plural: k g=tɛdn {kãgtén} [Wiesemann 1981: 40;

Wiesemann 2011: 42]. Polysemy: 'to kill / to make drunk'. Active from tˈeɾe {ter}. Apparently more basic than tũŋ {tũg} 'to decease / to

kill / to end' [Wiesemann 2011: 89].Wiesemann 1981: 100; Wiesemann 2011: 84; Jolkesky 2010: 224. Means 'to kill by beating, to beat

up to death'.

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 170.Herold 1996:

43. KILL

Laklano tã {tã} (6), Sao Paulo Kaingang t (5).


Laklano: Jolkesky 2010: 246. Plural: kəg=tã {kágtã}.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Jolkesky 2010: 224. Polysemy: 'to beat / to kill'.

44. KNEE

Xikrin kõn {kõn} (1), Kayapo kõn {kõn} (1), Pykobje kʰõn-k {cõn cry} (1), Canela k n {kõn}

(1), Parkateje kõn {kõn} (1), Apinaje kˈõnõ {kõn} (1), Kisedje k n {khõno} (1), Tapayuna

kʰˈõɾõ (1), Panara k {kõ} (1), Xavante hi= -ti {hiʼrãti} (2), Xerente hi=k y-ti ~ hi=kɾẽ-ti

65

{hikrãiti ~ hikrẽti} (2), Laklano yɔ=kl {jógklẽ} (2), Sao Paulo Kaingang ya=kɾˈĩ (2), Parana

Kaingang ya=kɹˈĩ {jakrĩ} (2), Central Kaingang ya=kɻĩ (2).


Xikrin: Salanova 2019. Polysemy: 'articulation / knee'. A generic term for articulations. There is not enough data in order to

determine whether this word or kˈõn-k {kõn krã} 'knee cap' is more commonly used in order to refer to the knee.

Kayapo: Salanova 2001: 22. Polysemy: 'articulation / knee'. A generic term for articulations [Jefferson 1989: 237], occurring in

numerous compounds (pˈaɾi=kˈõn 'ankle', tˈe=kˈõn 'knee', pˈa=kˈõn 'elbow') [Salanova 2019]. Distinct from kˈõn=k {kõn krã} 'knee cap'

[Salanova 2019], sometimes glossed as 'knee' [Jefferson 1989: 237; Nimuendajú 1932: 559].


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 31; Sá 2004: 48, 168; Silva 2011: 71. Class C. Derived from kʰõn {cõn} 'articulation' [Pries 2008: 31; Sá 1999: 53; Sá

2004: 48], cf. the compound paɾ-kʰõn {par kõn} 'ankle' [Pries 2008: 38; Silva 2011: 71]..

Canela: Grupp 2015: 118; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 8. Class C. Distinct from k n-k {kõnkrã} 'knee cap' [Grupp 2015: 118], sometimes

translated simply as 'knee' [Castro Alves 2004: 174]. This root is also found in compounds that denote all sorts of articulations:

pˈa=k n ~ yaɾˈa=k n {pa kõn ~ jara kõn} 'elbow', pˈaɻ=k n {par kõn} 'ankle', pɾˈɨ=jõ=k n {pry jõ kõn} 'a bend on a road' [Grupp 2015:

75, 124, 176].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 130, 167. Also attested with an indefinite possessor: npˈɔ=kˈõn {mpokõn}.

Apinaje: DEA: 38 (kˈõnõ ~ kõɲ {kõn ~ kõnh}); Oliveira 2005: 391; Ham et al. 1979: 56; Salanova 2001: 30; Albuquerque 2011: 39.

Kisedje: DKP: 13; DMK; Nonato 2014: 129, 146; Nonato f.n. {kono ~ kwôn}. Nasalisation is clearly audible in [DMK].


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 22; Vasconcelos 2013: 159 (ĩ=k w); Bardagil-Mas f.n. (k wŋ {kõõn}).

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 30; Estevam 2011: 147; Hall et al. 1987: 23.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 12, 83; Sousa Filho 2007: 106; Santos 2007: 235.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 156; Bublitz 1994: 18 (yɔ=kl {jógklẽg}); Jolkesky 2010: 266. Cf. yo=klɛ-ðˈãŋ {joklezãg} 'to kneel down' [Bublitz

1994: 7]. Cf. nglɔgn {glóg} 'articulation' [Bublitz 1994: 9].




45. KNOW

Xikrin ma {ma} (1), Kayapo ma {ma} (1), Kraho yaʔkʰɾɛ-pˈɛy # (2), Pykobje yaʔkɾˈeː-pˈes

{jaʼcree pex} (2), Canela yaʔkɾɛ-pˈɛy {jahkre pej} (2), Parkateje aw=kapˈi {awkapi} (3), Apinaje nba {ma} (1), Kisedje nba {mba} (1), Tapayuna a (1), Panara ĩ=npˈa-ɾi {ĩnpari} # (1), Xavante

way=huʔu {waihuʼu} (4), Xerente way=huku ~ way=hku ~ way=huk {waihuku ~ waihku ~

waihuk} (4), Laklano mã {mã} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang kayaɾˈɔ (5), Parana Kaingang

kaȡnɔɾˈɔ {kanhró} (5), Central Kaingang kĩɲɻa (5).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 174, 210. ku-class. Non-finite form: mˈa-ɾi {mari}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to know'.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 193; Reis Silva 2003: 39. ku-class. Non-finite form: mˈa-ɾi {mari}. Polysemy: 'to know / to understand / to hear'.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 217. Means 'to know how to' in the available examples. Also attested as yakʰɾɛ-pˈɛy 'to know how to'. Cf. puhˈɔp

'not to know, to ignore' [Miranda 2014: 158].

66

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 56; Sá 2004: 116; Silva 2011: 60. Literally 'to teach well'.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 61; Castro Alves 2004: 79, 120; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 166. Polysemy: 'to know / to know how to'. Distinct from

ya=pˈok {japôc} 'to master, to pierce.PL' [Grupp 2015: 72], h=a=kʰˈam {hakam} 'to know about' (literally 'to get underneath something

heavy to lift it up') [Grupp 2015: 46, 64].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 45. Polysemy: 'to know / to think'.

Apinaje: DEA: 24 (y=a=nbˈa-ɾ {jamar}); Oliveira 2005: 372. ku-class. Non-finite form: nba-ɾ {mar}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to ponder / to

wonder / to know / to learn'. The verb 'to see' is used in this meaning in [Ham 1961: 7].

Kisedje: DKP: 16; DMK; Nonato 2014: 54, 112, 144; Guedes 1993: 270. ku-class. Non-finite form: nbˈa-yi {mbaji}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to

understand / to remember / to know / to choose'.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 95, 112. ku-class. Non-finite form: a-y. Polysemy: 'to hear / to know'.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 121, 152. Not attested in the Swadesh meaning; in both occurences a more exact translation would be 'to

know how to'. Polysemy: 'to hear / to know how to'.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 97, 98; Estevam 2011: 47, 77, 407; Hall et al. 1987: 66; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'to know / to understand / to

learn / to recognize / to commit'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 50, 95; Cotrim 2016: 198, 237-239; Sousa Filho 2007: 164; Santos 2007: 241, 242 (way=ku {waiku});

Mattos 1973. Polysemy: 'to learn / to know'.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 168; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Perfective: mã-ŋ {mãg}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to feel / to know'.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 14, 81; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Plural: same.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 37, 275; Wiesemann 2011: 59; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Utterance-finally: kaȡn {kanhrã}. Active:

kaȡn -n {kanhrãn}, plural kaȡn n- n {kanhrãnrãn} [Wiesemann 1981: 37; Wiesemann 2011: 39].


46. LEAF

Xikrin pi=ʔˈo ~ ʔo {piʼô ~ ʼô} (1), Kayapo pi=ʔˈo ~ ʔo {piʼô ~ ʼô} (1), Kraho ho (1), Pykobje hu ~

p =hˈu {hu ~ pẽhʼ hu} (1), Canela ho ~ pĩʔ=hˈo {hô ~ pĩ hô} (1), Parkateje ho ~ pˈʌɾ=hˈo {hô ~

pàrhô} (1), Apinaje ʔo ~ o {hô ~ ô} (1), Kisedje hwĩ=sˈo {hwĩsô} (1), Tapayuna to ~ hʷĩ=tˈo (1),

Panara pʌɾi=sˈo {pârisô} (1), Xavante we=cuy- {wetsuirã} (1), Xerente həy=su ~ he=su {hâisu

~ hêsu} (1), Laklano ðˈɛyɛ ~ kɔ=ðˈɛyɛ {zéj ~ kózéj} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang ka=ɸˈɛyɛ (1),

Parana Kaingang ɸˈɛyɛ {féj} (1), Central Kaingang ka=fɛy (1).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 33; Salanova 2019. pi=ʔˈok {piʼôk} [Costa 2015: 112, 152, 354] is glossed as 'leaf' but means 'paper / book' in all

available examples.

Kayapo: Salanova 2001: 18; Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 565. Polysemy: 'leaf / money / bodily hair'

(the latter meaning only for ʔo {ʼô}). pi=ʔˈo {piʼô} originated as a compound of pĩ {pĩ} 'tree' and ʔo {ʼô}. Distinct frim pi=ʔˈok {piʼôk} 'paper'

[Salanova 2019].


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 37, 90; Sá 1999: 57, 63; Sá 2004: 81, 141; Silva 2011: 72. Class C. Polysemy: 'leaf / a hair / bodily hair' (for hu {hu}).

Canela: Grupp 2015: 87, 173; Castro Alves 1999: 20, 27; Castro Alves 2004: 36, 38; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 8. Castro Alves also attests

wo=hˈo {wô hô}, which could be plausibly analyzed as 'pati palm leaf' (cf. wo {wô} 'pati palm').

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 73, 189. Polysemy: 'leaf / a hair' (for ho {hô}), 'leaf / tobacco / bill' (for pˈʌɾ=hˈo {pàrhô}).

Apinaje: DEA: 28; Oliveira 2005: 399. Cf. po {pô}, translated as 'straw / leaf' in [DEA: 65] and as 'stick' in [Salanova 2001: 29].

Kisedje: DKP: 8, 24; DMK; Santos 1997: 10. Polysemy: 'leaf / money'. The bare root (so {sô} 'leaf / feather') is attested in [DKP: 24;

Nonato f.n.].

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 45; Camargo 2015: 83, 87; Santos 1997: 10.

67

Panara: Dourado 2001: 207; Vasconcelos 2013: pəɾə=sˈo {pârâsô}; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Bardagil-Mas [2018: 22] also attests tɨː {tyy} 'leaf',

which might rather mean 'banana leaf'.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 104; Hall et al. 1987: 122; McLeod 1974. Lachnitt [1987: 104] also attests we=cuy {wetsui}. Leaves of specific

plants, as well as pages, are denoted with the root =cuy {=tsui} [Lachnitt 1987: 89; Estevam 2011: 41; Hall et al. 1987: 89, 127].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 79; Cotrim 2016: 54; Sousa Filho 2007: 92, 114; Santos 2007: 237; Mattos 1973. Polysemy: 'leaf /

straw'. The root su {su} 'leaf / a hair' is also attested outside compounds [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 13; Cotrim 2016: 55, 60].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 163, 184; Gakran 2016: 67; Bublitz 1994: 16; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'leaf / finger' [Gakran 2016: 92]. Cf.

kɔ=ðˈɛyɛ {kózéj} 'vegetation' [Gakran 2016: 167].

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 16; Jolkesky 2010: 266 (ɸˈɛyɛ).

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 6; Wiesemann 2011: 17; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'leaf / to sprout.SG'. Plural: ɸɛȡ=ɸˈɛyɛ ~

ɸiȡ=ɸˈɛyɛ {fénhféj ~ finhféj}.


47. LIE

Xikrin nõ {nõ} (1), Kayapo nõ {nõ} (1), Kraho nõ (1), Pykobje nõ {nõ} (1), Canela n {nõ} (1),

Parkateje nõ {nõ} (1), Apinaje n {nõ} (1), Kisedje n {no} (1), Tapayuna nõ (1), Panara n

{nõ} (1), Xavante n m- {nomro} (1), Xerente nõm-ɾõ ~ nõm-ɾ {nõmrõ ~ nõmr} (1), Laklano

n {nõ} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang n (1), Parana Kaingang n {ny} (1), Central Kaingang nã

(1).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 103, 112. Non-finite form: nˈõ-ɾõ {nõr}. Plural: ɲikw {nhikwã} [Costa 2015: 103, 110, 357].

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 195, 246; Reis Silva 2003: 44. Non-finite form: nˈõ-ɾõ {nõr}. Plural: ɲikw {nhikwã}.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 34, 134. Non-finite form: nˈõ-ɾõ. Plural yikʰwˈa.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 88. Class A. Non-finite form: nõ-ɾ {nõr}. Plural: j kʰwaː {jẽhcwaa} [Pries 2008: 67]. Cf. the transitive ko -class verb

nõ {nõ} 'to lay' [Pries 2008: 88].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 169; Castro Alves 1999: 24; Castro Alves 2004: 136; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 15; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 147, 195.

Non-finite form: n -ɻ {nõr}. Plural: yikʰwˈa {jikwa} [Grupp 2015: 84].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 176. Non-finite form: nõ-n {nõn}. Plural: žikwˈa {jikwa} [Araújo 2016: 69, 97].

Apinaje: DEA: 56; Oliveira 2005: 399; Ham 1961: 5; Ham et al. 1979: 54, 57; Albuquerque 2011: 133. Non-finite form: n -ɾ {nõr}.

Plural: ɲikv {nhĩkwy}.

Kisedje: DKP: 21; DMK; Santos 1997: 72; Nonato 2014: 141; Guedes 1993: 272 (ndɔ ~ ndi). Non-finite form: n - {norõ}. Plural: kʰɹĩ

{khrĩ} (polysemy: 'to lie / to sit') [DKP: 14].


Panara: Dourado 2001: 147; Vasconcelos 2013: 220.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 46; Estevam 2011: 206; Hall et al. 1987: 98; McLeod 1974. Truncated finite form (2SG): a=n {anõ}. Dual:

da=ʔwa {daʼwa} [Lachnitt 1987: 22, 26; Estevam 2011: 463; Hall et al. 1987: 96]. Plural: daba=ʔwaɾa {dabaʼwara} [Lachnitt 1987: 22; Hall

et al. 1987: 96].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 29, 73; Cotrim 2016: 93; Sousa Filho 2007: 184; Santos 2007: 241; Mattos 1973. Dual: day=kwa

{daikwa}. Plural: nmĩ=kwaɾa ~ nmĩ=kwaɾ ~ nmĩ=kwɾa {nmĩkwara ~ nmĩkwar ~ nmĩkwra} [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 5, 28, 44; Cotrim

2016: 93]. Causative: nõ {nõ} [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 29].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 154, 170; Gakran 2016: 155; Bublitz 1994: 9; Urban 1985: 174; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Plural: ɲãŋ=n {nhãgnõ}.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 81; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Plural: same.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 77 (n ~ n {ny ~ nã}, plural n =n ~ n =n {nygny ~ nãgnã}); Wiesemann 2011: 68; Jolkesky

2010: 267. Plural: n =n {nygny}. Cf. ɸ=i {fi} 'to lay' [Wiesemann 1981: 273].

68


48. LIVER

Xikrin ma {ma} (1), Kayapo ma {ma} (1), Pykobje pa {pa} (1), Canela pa {pa} (1), Parkateje npa {mpa} (1), Apinaje nba {ma} (1), Kisedje nba {mba} (1), Tapayuna a (1), Panara ĩ=npˈa

{ĩnpa} (1), Xavante pa {pa} (1), Xerente pa {pa} (1), Laklano t =mˈã {tõmã} (1), Sao Paulo

Kaingang ta=m (1), Parana Kaingang t =m {tymẽ} (1), Central Kaingang ta=mɛ ~ ya=m

(1).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 29, 280.




Canela: Grupp 2015: V, 35; Castro Alves 1999: 82; Castro Alves 2004: 19. Class D.


Apinaje: DEA: 45; Oliveira 2005: 373; Ham et al. 1979: 55; Salanova 2001: 29.

Kisedje: DKP: 3 (a=nbˈa {amba}); DMK; Nonato 2014: 126; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Nonato f.n.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 72; Camargo 2015: 77; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 62; Vasconcelos 2013: 224 (ĩpˈa); Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.


Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 30, 79; Cotrim 2016: 299, 389; Sousa Filho 2007: 301; Santos 2007: 235; Mattos 1973.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 176; Gakran 2016: 81 (to=mˈã {tomã}); Jolkesky 2010: 239.



Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 54, 59. The absence of nasalization in ta=mɛ is unclear.

49. LONG

Xikrin ɾɯ {ry} (1) / yabyˈe {jabjê} (2), Kayapo ɾɯ {ry} (1) / yabyˈe {jabjê} (2), Kraho yapyˈe (2),

Pykobje -tˈe {ryyhteh} (1) / japjiʔ-tˈe {japjiʼteh} (2), Canela ɾɨ {ry} (1) / yapyˈe {japjê} (2),

Parkateje i=ɾˈɨ-tˈi {iryti} (1), Apinaje ɾɨ {ry} (1) / yapzˈe {japjê} (2), Kisedje ɺɨ ~ ɺˈɨ-ȶi {ry ~

rytxi} (1) / yapyˈe-ɺɛ {japjêre} (2), Tapayuna ɾˈi-či (1) / ɾˈɨgɨ (3), Panara ĩ=nkyˈɨ {ĩnkjy} (4) / kəː ~

kə {kââ ~ kâ} (5), Xavante pa {pa} (6), Xerente pa {pa} (6), Laklano tˈɛyɛ {téj} (7), Sao Paulo

Kaingang tˈɛyɛ (7), Parana Kaingang tˈɛyɛ {téj} (7), Central Kaingang tɛy (7).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 31. Found without context.Costa 2015: 54. Used of hair in the only attested example.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 248; Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019. Polysemy: 'long / parallel'. Salanova notes that this word is not

usually used for soft, flexible objects (such as 'hair'), which rather combine with yabyˈe {jabjê}. Both are given here as

synonyms.Jefferson 1989: 177; Salanova 2019.

69

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 38, 74. Distinct from y=a=ɾˈɨ 'long and vertical; tall' [Miranda 2014: 59].

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 49; Sá 2004: 88 (ɾə-t). Class B. Distinct from kaj=hˈi ~ kaj=hiʔ-tˈe {cajhi(ʼ-teh)} 'long and sharp-ended' [Pries 2008:

28].Pries 2008: 61.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 146; Castro Alves 1999: 30; Castro Alves 2004: 93. Class B. Polysemy: 'long / lined up'.Grupp 2015: 71; Castro

Alves 1999: 43; Castro Alves 2004: 27.


Apinaje: DEA: 69 (ɾɨ ~ ɾɨː {ry ~ ryy}); Oliveira 2005: 407; Ham et al. 1979: 10. Polysemy: 'long / deep'. In [Albuquerque 2011: 36], piɾˈɛ

{pire} is glossed in Portuguese as 'comprido' ('long'), but this is evidently a typo for 'comprimido' ('pill') [DEA: 64].DEA: 24, 31;

Oliveira 2005: 367; Albuquerque 2011: 44.

Kisedje: DKP: 23; DMK; Santos 1997: 64 (ɺˈɨ-ɺɛ {ryre}); Nonato 2014: 126; Guedes 1993: 49 (ɾˈɨ-čɨ); Nonato f.n. Distinct from hɺˈek-ȶi

{hrêktxi} 'tall' [DKP: 9, 24].DKP: 5; DMK.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 76.Camargo 2010: 99.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas f.n.Vasconcelos 2013: 181.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 50; Estevam 2011: 49, 75; Hall et al. 1987: 77; McLeod 1974 (paː-di). Polysemy: 'long / root / branch / stream'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 30, 70; Cotrim 2016: 63; Sousa Filho 2007: 221 (pa ~ pa-ɾɛ {pa ~ pare}); Santos 2007: 244; Mattos 1973.

Combines with the predicative particle -ki {-ki}.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 146, 150, 175; Gakran 2016: 67; Bublitz 1994: 28 ('tall'); Jolkesky 2010: 267. Polysemy: 'long / tall'. Distinct from

kaðˈi {kazi} 'long, lying' [Gakran 2016: 66].

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 13, 121; Jolkesky 2010: 267.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 2011: 85; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Plural: tig=tˈɛyɛ {tigtéj}. Polysemy: 'long / tall'.


50. LOUSE

Xikrin ŋˈo-ɾɛ {ngôre} (1), Kayapo ŋˈo-ɾɛ {ngôre} (1), Pykobje kuː ~ am=kˈuː ~ aː=kˈuː {cuu ~

amcuu ~ aacuu} (1), Canela ko {cô} (1), Parkateje ko ~ nko {kô ~ nkô} (1), Apinaje ngo {gô} (1),

Tapayuna ngo (1), Panara n= npˈo {nãnpô} (2) / ky =nkˈo {kjãnkô} (1), Xavante ʔu {ʼu} (1),

Xerente ĩ=du {ĩdu} (3), Laklano ngɔ {gó} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang nga (1), Parana Kaingang nga {ga} (1), Central Kaingang nga (1).



Kayapo: Salanova 2019.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 2, 52; Sá 2004: 132. Polysemy: 'louse / caterpillar / larva / caries' (for kuː ~ am=kˈuː {cuu ~ amcuu}).

Canela: Grupp 2015: 134 ('flea'); Castro Alves 1999: 23; Castro Alves 2004: 50. Class D. Polysemy: 'louse / flea'.


Apinaje: DEA: 21, 48 (ngoʔ-tɨː-ti ~ =ngo {gôhtyyti ~ =gô}); Oliveira 2005: 377.



Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2016.Dourado 2001: 144; Vasconcelos 2013: 197.


Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 12, 91; Sousa Filho 2007: 136; Santos 2007: 237 (i=du {idu}); Mattos 1973. Cf. sika=ku {sika ku} 'piolho

de galinha' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 39].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 150; Bublitz 1994: 12 (ndɛn=ngˈɔ {déngó}); Jolkesky 2010: 265. Glossed with polysemy: 'louse / flea'.


70

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 9; Wiesemann 2011: 19; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Polysemy: 'louse / parasite worm / flea'.


51. MAN

Xikrin mẽ=mˈɯ-ʔõ {mẽmy ʼõ} (1), Kayapo mẽ=ʔõ=mˈɯ {mẽʼõ my} (1), Kraho h=ũm-ɾɛ (2),

Pykobje h= m-ɾe {hõhmre} (2), Canela h=ˈũm-ɾɛ {hũmre} (2), Parkateje npɨ {mpy} (1),

Apinaje nbɨ {my} (1), Kisedje m =nbˈɨ-ye {membyjê} (1), Tapayuna ~ = (1), Panara

ĩ=npˈɨ {ĩnpy} (1), Xavante ʔay=bə {aibö} (1), Xerente am=bə {ambâ} (1), Laklano kɔyngˈəgn

{kónhgág} (3), Sao Paulo Kaingang ʔũn=ngɾˈɛ (4), Parana Kaingang ʔũd=ngɾˈɛ {ũn gré} (4),

Central Kaingang ngɻɛ ~ ng (4).


Xikrin: Salanova 2019. Singulative from mẽ=mˈɯ {mẽmy} 'men' [Costa 2015: 76, 88, 96], which is derived from mɯ {my} 'penis', in its

turn.

Kayapo: Salanova 2019. Singulative from mẽ=mˈɯ {mẽmy} 'men' [Jefferson 1989: 246; Reis Silva 2003: 35; Stout & Thompson 1974],

which is derived from mɯ {my} 'penis', in its turn.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 88, 111. Quoted with nasalization on the suffix (-ɾẽ) in [Miranda 2014: 249]. Stress position unknown.

Technically this is a form of cũm-ɾɛ 'male' inflected for 3rd person.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 72; Sá 1999: 27, 55; Sá 2004: 26; Silva 2011: 47; Silva 2012: 237. The stress position is unknown. Technically this is

a form of č m-ɾɛ {xõhmre} 'male' inflected for 3rd person.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 98; Castro Alves 1999: 20; Castro Alves 2004: 28, 32; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 129. Technically this is a form of

čˈũm-ɾɛ {xũmre} 'male' inflected for 3rd person.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 169. Usually refers to married men with children. Cf. č=ũm-ti ~ čũm-ɾɛ {xũmti ~ xũmre} 'male' [Araújo 2016:

79].


Kisedje: DKP: 18; Santos 1997: 34, 87; Nonato 2014: 143; Guedes 1993: 106; Nonato f.n.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 99; Camargo 2015: 85, 87; Santos 1997: 12. Camargo 2010: 58. Polysemy: 'tail / penis / man' (while

prefixless).

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 28; Dourado 2001: 66; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Vasconcelos [2013:

170] attests i=npɨ-aɾˈa {inpyara}, which is the plural form ([Bardagil-Mas 2018: 47; Dourado 2001: 105]).

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 15; Estevam 2011: 69; Hall et al. 1987: 12; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'man / male'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 81; Cotrim 2016: 127, 359; Sousa Filho 2007: 138; Santos 2007: 240, 243; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n.

({ambeu}); Ehrenreich 1895: 153 (am=bu). Distinct from kɾe-ɾɛ {krê re} 'male' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 20; Cotrim 2016: 106].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 164; Gakran 2016: 110; Urban 1985: 170; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Polysemy: 'person / man'.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 107; Wiesemann 2011: 91; Jolkesky 2010: 267 (ngɾɛ {gré}).


52. MANY

Xikrin ku=mˈɛy {kumej} (1) / k =ptˈĩ {krãptĩ} (2), Kayapo ku=mˈɛč {kumex} (1) / k =ptˈĩ

{krãptĩ} (2), Kraho yɔkʰɛˈat ~ yɔʔkeˈat (3), Pykobje yəʔtˈuː {jyʼtuu} (4) / k =pt {cryptẽeh} (2),

Canela yɜʔtˈo {jàhtô} (4), Parkateje yaɾˈete ~ yaɾˈet {jarêt} (5), Apinaje yɔʔtˈo {johtô} (4),

71

Kisedje ka-ȶˈi ~ kʰa-ȶˈi {katxi ~ khatxi} (6), Tapayuna =ga-čˈi ~ a=ga-či-ku- y (6) / ku= y

(1), Panara ĩ=nkyˈeti {ĩnkjêti} (8), Xavante ʔahə {ahö} (10), Xerente s=aktẽ ~ s=aktẽ-awɾɛ ~

s=aktẽ-aɾɛ ~ s=aktẽ-zawɾɛ {saktẽ ~ saktẽawre ~ saktẽare ~ saktẽzawre} (11), Laklano ka=nbˈəgn

{kabág} (12), Sao Paulo Kaingang ʔe (13), Parana Kaingang ʔe {e} (13), Central Kaingang e

(13).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 86, 89, 100.Salanova 2019. Often a paraphrase k =ɾˈɛk-kˈet {krãrek kêt} 'not few' is used instead.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 175; Salanova 2019. With mass nouns, ku=mˈɛč {kumex} is used rather than k =ptˈĩ {krãptĩ}.Jefferson 1989:

175, 245; Salanova 2019.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 81. Apparently more basic than pis {pix} 'many, gathered together' [Pries 2008: 39], jakˈut {jacut} 'numerous,

abundant' [Pries 2008: 58].Pries 2008: 35.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 62; Castro Alves 1999: 62; Castro Alves 2004: 41; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 152. Grupp [2015: 62] also mentions a

synonym yõʔkʰˈet {jõhkêt}, which lack a separate entry in the dictionary and is not attested in any other source.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 62, 94. More frequent in the examples than ži=pɛy {jipei} [Araújo 2016: 70, 97] (found once used of pigs), kɾĩ ~

kɾˈĩ-tˈi {krĩ ~ krĩti} [Araújo 2016: 138, 139] (attested in combination with 'pequi fruit' only in a predicative context), tɛ=βˈo-tˈi ~ βˈo-tˈi

{tewôti ~ wôti} 'lots, eight' [Araújo 2016: 228, 245] (derived from tɛ=βˈo / tɛ=βˈo-ɾ {tewô / tewôr} 'to go in bands, in groups'), nõ=pɨčˈi-tˈi-

ɾɛ {nõpyxitire} [Araújo 2016: 177] (derived from the words for 'single' and 'one').

Apinaje: DEA: 58, 70; Oliveira 2005: 418; Ham 1961: 27; Albuquerque 2011: 89. Used in the meaning 'expensive' in [Ham et al. 1979:

17]. Distinct from piː-t {piitã} 'all / everyone / everything', translated as 'many' in [DEA: 63]. More basic than ɾač {rax} 'large / very /

a lot', used in this meaning with transitive verbs [Oliveira 2005: 407].

Kisedje: DKP: 12; DML. Guedes [1993: 266] cites another root: ˈɨndɛ {ynde}. Distinct from hwˈikiɺɛ {hwikire} (animate pluralizer)

[Guedes 1993: 161], kʰum nĩ {khumeni} 'very' [DKP: 15; DMK; Santos 1997: 62; Nonato 2014: 129; Guedes 1993: 270].

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 55; Camargo 2015: 114.Camargo 2010: 37. Variant: kum y (under Mẽbêngôkre influence).

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 54; Dourado 2001: 92, 239; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 5.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 14; Estevam 2011: 75; Hall et al. 1987: 12; McLeod 1974 (ʔahəː-di). Polysemy: 'many / more / enough'. This is

definitely the most basic way to express the meaning 'many'. In the available textual examples it outnumbers both n m {nemo}

[Lachnitt 1987: 40; Estevam 2011: 501; Hall et al. 1987: 72] and c=a t -n {tsaʼẽtẽ na} [Estevam 2011: 296; Hall et al. 1987: 86].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 36; Cotrim 2016: 133; Sousa Filho 2007: 92, 101, 136, 293; Santos 2007: 244; Mattos 1973. Much more

frequent than kahə {kahâ} [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 13; Cotrim 2016: 370; Sousa Filho 2007: 93, 101; Santos 2007: 237].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 158; Gakran 2016: 106.




52. MANY

Tapayuna kunˈĩ (7).


Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 143, 144. Polysemy: 'many / much / all'. Only the meaning 'all' is attested in [Camargo 2010: 59].

72

53. MEAT

Xikrin mɾɯ=ɲˈĩ {mrynhĩ} (1), Kayapo mɾɯ=ɲˈĩ {mrynhĩ} (1), Kraho ɲĩ ~ wa=ɲˈĩ (1), Pykobje

y ~ aʔ=y {jẽeh ~ aʼjẽeh} (1), Canela yĩ {jĩ} (1), Parkateje žĩ {jĩ} (1), Apinaje ɲĩ {nhĩ} (1) / nbɾɨ {mry} (2), Kisedje ɲĩ {nhi} (1), Tapayuna ɲĩ (1), Panara s=ĩ {sĩ} (1), Xavante ɲĩ {nhi} (1),

Xerente nĩ {nĩ} (1), Laklano n ~ klãŋ=n ~ kləgn=n ~ klegn=n {nẽ ~ klãg=nẽ ~ klág=nẽ ~

kleg=nẽ} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang nĩ (1), Parana Kaingang nĩ {nĩ} (1), Central Kaingang ni

(1).


Xikrin: Salanova 2019. More specific than ɲĩ {nhĩ} 'flesh, muscle, meat' [Costa 2015: 140].

Kayapo: Reis Silva 2003: 46 (mɾɯ=ɲˈi {mrynhi}); Salanova 2019. More specific than ɲĩ {nhĩ} 'flesh, muscle, meat' [Jefferson 1989: 236;

Salanova 2001: 19; Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019] or mɾɯ {mry} 'game, meat' [Jefferson 1989: 182; Stout & Thompson 1974;

Salanova 2019].

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 112, 115, 132, 142. Also attested as wa=nˈĩ.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 1, 66; Sá 2004: 88; Silva 2011: 121; Silva 2012: 231.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 81; Castro Alves 1999: 27, 57; Castro Alves 2004: 42, 119; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 15. Polysemy: 'meat / flesh'.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 67, 167. Polysemy: 'meat / pulp'. Also attested with an indefinite possessor: npɔ=žˈĩ {jĩ ~ npojĩ}.

Apinaje: DEA: 30, 42; Salanova 2001: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 32. Translated as 'flesh' in [Oliveira 2005: 418].DEA: 53; Oliveira 2005:

373; Ham et al. 1979: 24; Albuquerque 2011: 101. Polysemy: 'game / meat / to hunt'.

Kisedje: DKP: 17; DMK; Santos 1997: 79; Guedes 1993: 273 (ɲi).


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 22, 39; Dourado 2001: 19; Vasconcelos 2013: 207; Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.


Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 27, 68; Cotrim 2016: 49, 386; Souza 2008: 76 (i=ɲi {ini}); Sousa Filho 2007: 280; Santos 2007: 239 (i=ni

{ini}); Mattos 1973. Castelnau [f.n.] quotes {ctence}.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 162, 169; Gakran 2016: 57, 116; Bublitz 1994: 9, 19; Urban 1985: 182; Jolkesky 2010: 267.



Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 134. Allegedly contrasts with nĩ 'to sit'.

54. MOON

Xikrin mɯtɯ=ɾwˈɤ {mytyrwy} (1), Kayapo mɯtɯ=ɾwˈɤ {mytyrwy} (1), Kraho pɨt-wɾˈə (1),

Pykobje p t=ɾˈɨ {pyhtry} (1), Canela put=wɾˈɘ {putwry} (1), Parkateje kačˈe-ɾˈɛ {kaxêre} (2),

Apinaje nbɨt=vɾˈɘ {mytwry} (1), Kisedje nbɨt=ɺwˈɘ {mbytrwâ} (1), Tapayuna t=ɾwˈɘ (1),

Panara s= ky tˈiti {sõkjẽtiti} (3), Xavante ʔaʔam {aʼamo} (4), Xerente way {wai} (1), Laklano

kəčˈa {kátxa} (5), Sao Paulo Kaingang kɨčɛ ~ k ~ kuča ~ kəč (5), Parana Kaingang kɨš

{kysã} (5), Central Kaingang kɨš (5).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 58, 297. Polysemy: 'moon / month'.

73

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 127; Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 559.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 149, 269, 322. Polysemy: 'moon / month'. Also attested as pɨt=wɾˈɨ. Often with a diminutive suffix (-ɾɛ). The

form pɨt-wɾi-ɾˈɛ [Miranda 2014: 272] is likely a typo.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 94.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 117; Castro Alves 1999: 26 (put=lˈɘ).

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 123. Polysemy: 'moon / stars'.

Apinaje: DEA: 54; Oliveira 2005: 372 (nbɨt=vɾɘ-ɾˈɛ {mytwryre}); Albuquerque 2011: 41. čũčũ-ɾˈɛ {xũxũre} [DEA: 75] is a mythical

character (Moon) [Oliveira 2005: 374].

Kisedje: DKP: 17; DMK; Santos 1997: 42; Nonato f.n. Polysemy: 'moon / month'.


Panara: Vasconcelos 2013: 195.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 13; Estevam 2011: 52; Hall et al. 1987: 16, 47; McLeod 1974. Cf. ʔacaʔɛɾɛ-ʔa {asaʼéréʼa}, used by shamans

[Estevam 2011: 508]. Polysemy: 'moon / month'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 49, 51, 84; Cotrim 2016: 49, 411; Sousa Filho 2007: 95, 220; Santos 2007: 238; Mattos 1973; Castelnau

f.n. ({oua}); Ehrenreich 1895: 153 (uaː).


Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 16; Jolkesky 2010: 263, 266.



55. MOUNTAIN

Xikrin k y {krãj} (1), Kayapo k {krãnh} (1), Kraho kʰẽn-tˈi (2), Pykobje h=a=kˈot ~ aʔ=kot-

tˈe {hacot ~ aʼcotteh} (3), Canela k n {kẽn} (2) / kuʔhˈɨt {cuhhyt} (4), Parkateje a=k -tˈi-ka-tˈi-

tˈi {akrãtikatiti} (5), Apinaje ʔičˈete {hixêt} (6) / k n-k ~ k n-pɾˈeke ~ k n-k -pɾˈeke {kẽn krã ~

kẽn prêk ~ kẽn krã prêk} (2), Kisedje k yi {khrãji} (1), Tapayuna k -čˈi (1), Panara ky -

ky -tˈi {kjẽkjãti} (2) / ky =ky -tˈi {kjẽkjãti} (5), Xavante caʔa {tsaʼa} (7) / t - y-hə {ẽtẽ ʼrãihö}

(2), Xerente s {srã} (8), Laklano kl {klẽ} (5), Parana Kaingang kɹĩ {krĩ} (5).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 58; Salanova 2019.


Kraho: Miranda 2014: 29, 90. Means 'hill'. Literally 'stone-AUG'. Also attested as kʰen-tˈi and once without an augmentative suffix, kʰẽ

[Miranda 2014: 262].

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 57 (only h=a=kˈot {hacot}); Sá 2004: 141 (only aʔ=kot-tˈe {aʼcotteh}). Cf. aʔ=kˈot {aʼcot} 'hill' [Sá 2004: 141].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 101, 147, 153; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 138. Polysemy: 'stone / hill / mountain'.Grupp 2015: 109. Class C. Cf. also

yakʰˈot {jakôt} 'pile, mountain, river bank, edge' [Grupp 2015: 64], which is not known to be able to refer to tall mountains.


Apinaje: DEA: 27.DEA: 37; Oliveira 2005: 181. Polysemy: 'hill / mountain ridge'.

Kisedje: DKP: 14.


Panara: Bardagil-Mas f.n.Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 71 ('hill'); Hall et al. 1987: 86 ('hill'); McLeod 1974. Apparently more basic than ɾɔb=tə {robtö} 'hill' (lit. 'earth

protuberance') [Lachnitt 1987: 61].Lachnitt 1987: 29; Hall et al. 1987: 31. Polysemy: 'mountain / hill / ridge / plateau'. Literally 'tall

stone'. Estevam [2011: 86] also attests t -waw {ẽtẽ wawẽ} (lit. 'big stone') in this meaning.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 45, 87; Souza 2008: 35; Santos 2007: 239; Mattos 1973. Glossed as 'hill'. Cf. s -dum-zawɾɛ {srã dum

74

zawre} 'big hill, mountain' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 45]. Castelnau [f.n.] quotes {manian-a-aurai}.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 162; Gakran 2016: 112; Urban 1985: 171; Jolkesky 2010: 266.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 52; Wiesemann 2011: 51; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'head / mountain'. Apparently distinct

from p ndɔȡn {pãnónh} 'hill' [Wiesemann 1981: 80; Wiesemann 2011: 71].

Central Kaingang: Not attested. Cf. p ndɔy 'mount / hill' [Herold 1996: 125].

55. MOUNTAIN

Apinaje k n=k ~ k n=k -pɾˈeke ~ a=k -yaɾˈo {kẽn krã ~ kẽn krã prêk ~ akrãjarô} (5), Xavante

t = y-hə {ẽtẽ ʼrãihö} (5).


Apinaje: DEA: 37; Oliveira 2005: 181. Polysemy: 'hill / mountain ridge'.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 29; Hall et al. 1987: 31. Polysemy: 'mountain / hill / ridge / plateau'. Literally 'tall stone'.

56. MOUTH

Xikrin yapˈe {japê} (1), Kayapo yay-kwˈa {jajkwa} (2), Kraho yaɾ-kʰwˈa (2), Pykobje yaɾ-kʰwˈaː

{jarcwaa} (2), Canela yaɻ-kʰwˈa {jarkwa} (2), Parkateje yˈaɾ-kwˈa {jarkwa} (2), Apinaje ya-kvˈa

{jakwa} (2), Kisedje yay-kʰwˈa {jajkhwa} (2), Tapayuna yay-kʷˈa (2), Panara s=a-kˈoa ~ s=a-kˈua

{sakôa ~ sakua} (2), Xavante ʒada-wa {dzadawa} (2), Xerente zda-wa {zdawa} (2), Laklano ɲãt-

kˈɨ {jãnky} (2), Sao Paulo Kaingang y nt-kˈɨ (2), Parana Kaingang y d-kˈɨ {jẽnky} (2), Central

Kaingang n ~ n-kɨ (2).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 138, 139; Salanova 2019. Refers to the external part of the mouth. Distinct from yay-kwˈa {jajkwa} 'bucal cavity'

[Salanova 2019].

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 235, 236; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 558. Distinct from yapˈe {japê} 'lips' [Jefferson 1989:

236], ɲiɲˈu {nhinhu} 'mouth, snout' [Jefferson 1989: 243].


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 63; Sá 2004: 167. Polysemy: 'mouth / word / door / entrance'.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 77; Castro Alves 1999: 24; Castro Alves 2004: 44, 124; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 138, 166. Polysemy: 'mouth / speech

/ word / song'.


Apinaje: DEA: 15, 24, 35; Oliveira 2005: 365; Ham 1961: 21; Ham et al. 1979: 53; Salanova 2001: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 70.

Kisedje: DKP: 4; Santos 1997: 35; Guedes 1993: 182.


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 48; Dourado 2001: 100; Vasconcelos 2013: 194; Bardagil-Mas f.n.). Polysemy: 'mouth / door'. Distinct

from s=a=kˈə {sakâ} 'lips' [Vasconcelos 2013: 194, 205].

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 24; Estevam 2011: 139; Hall et al. 1987: 29; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'mouth / word / opening'. The form ʒay-

hə {dzaihö}, glossed as 'mouth' in [McLeod 1974], actually means 'lip' [Lachnitt 1987: 25; Estevam 2011: 147; Hall et al. 1987: 29]. The

root ʒaday {dzadai} 'mouth' [Lachnitt 1987: 23] is found in many compounds denoting parts of the oral cavity, as well as speech acts:

75

ʒaday-ʔɾɛ {dzadaiʼré} 'mouth / oral cavity' [Lachnitt 1987: 23; Estevam 2011: 372; Hall et al. 1987: 29], ʒaday-huʔu {dzadaihuʼu} 'to talk /

to come to an agreement' [Lachnitt 1987: 23], ʒaday-pɾɔ {dzadaipro} 'saliva, spit' [Lachnitt 1987: 23, 54; Hall et al. 1987: 29; McLeod

1974], etc.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 38, 65; Cotrim 2016: 60, 151, 420; Souza 2008: 93; Sousa Filho 2007: 216, 261; Santos 2007: 235, 245;

Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n. ((?) {dageau} 'mouth', {dagedoua} 'lip'); Ehrenreich 1895: 151 (=zedaua). Cf. z=da-ĩ-kɾe {zdaĩkrê} 'buccal

cavity' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 8].



Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 26; Wiesemann 2011: 32; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Active: y d-kˈɨ-dn {jẽnkyn} 'to have thrust / yeast'.


57. NAME

Xikrin ɲiǯˈi {nhidji} (1), Kayapo ɲiǯˈi {nhidji} (1), Kraho yapɾˈə (2), Pykobje yapɾˈɨ {japry} (2),

Canela yapɾˈɘ {japry} (2), Parkateje žičˈi {jixi} (1), Apinaje ɲičˈi {nhĩxi} (1), Kisedje ɲĩntˈi

{nhinti} (1), Tapayuna nti ~ ntĩndˈi (1), Panara i=sːˈi ~ ĩ=nsˈi {issi ~ ĩnsi} (1), Xavante ɲĩci

{nhitsi} (1), Xerente nĩsi-zɛ {nĩsize} (1), Laklano yɨyˈɨ {jyjy} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang yɨyˈɨ ~

yiyˈi (1), Parana Kaingang yiyˈi ~ yɨyˈi ~ yɨyˈɨ {jiji ~ jyji ~ jyjy} (1), Central Kaingang yɨyɨ ~

yiyi (1).



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 171, 243.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 61. Cf. y e {jẽehxeeh} 'wife' [Pries 2008: 66] (< PNJ *ñĩci 'name').

Canela: Grupp 2015: 77; Castro Alves 1999; Castro Alves 2004: 122; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 134. Cf. yĩčˈi {jĩxi} 'wife' (a term used by

non-relatives) [Grupp 2015: 86] (< PNJ *ñĩci 'name').

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 72. Polysemy: 'name / to give a name / living wife'.

Apinaje: DEA: 27; Oliveira 2005: 380; Ham et al. 1979: 56; Salanova 2001: 34; Albuquerque 2011: 89.

Kisedje: DKP: 7, 21; DMK; Santos 1997: 114, 139; Guedes 1993: 265 (= tɨ).

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 57, 81.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 22; Dourado 2001: 77, 236; Vasconcelos 2013: 159; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 44, 85; Estevam 2011: 361, 400; Hall et al. 1987: 25; McLeod 1974.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 42, 88; Cotrim 2016: 386; Sousa Filho 2007: 137, 203; Santos 2007: 240 (s=isi-zɛ {sisize}); Mattos 1973.

Cf. s=isi {sisi} 'to name' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 42].

Laklano: Gakran 2016: 250; Bublitz 1994: 46 (vɨyɨ); Jolkesky 2010: 248, 265. 3rd person: ð=ɨyˈɨ {zyjy}. Causative: ð=ɨyˈɨ-dn {zyjyn} [Alves

2014: 185].

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Jolkesky 2010: 248, 265.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 27; Wiesemann 2011: 33, 35; Jolkesky 2010: 248, 265. Plural: yignyˈi ~ yɨgnyˈi ~ yɨgnyˈɨ {jigji ~ jygji ~

jygjy}. Active: yiyˈi-dn ~ yɨyˈɨ-dn {jijin ~ jyjyn}.


58. NECK

Xikrin mut {mut} (1), Kayapo mut {mut} (1), Kraho put (1), Pykobje po t {poht} (1), Canela

76

put {put} (1), Parkateje pˈutu {put} (1), Apinaje nbˈutu {mut} (1), Kisedje nbˈuɾu {mburu} (1),

Tapayuna u-tˈi ~ (1), Panara s= kyˈuti ~ s= kyˈoti {sõkjuti ~ sõkjôti} (2), Xavante butu

{butu} (1), Xerente btu ~ ptu {btu ~ ptu} (1), Laklano nduy {nunh} (3), Sao Paulo Kaingang nduȡn ~ nũɲ (3), Parana Kaingang nduȡn {nunh} (3), Central Kaingang nduyn ~ ndugn (3).



Kayapo: Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 558. Also presented in [Jefferson 1989: 127] without any translation as part of

an exercise in phonetics.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 71, 72. Class D.


Canela: Grupp 2015: 133; Castro Alves 1999: 30; Castro Alves 2004: 27, 31; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 137. Class D.


Apinaje: DEA: 53; Oliveira 2005: 374; Ham et al. 1979: 57; Salanova 2001: 30. Cf. -kɾˈɛ {nhõkre} 'throat / larynx / voice' [DEA: 58;

Oliveira 2005: 400; Albuquerque 2011: 133].

Kisedje: Guedes 1993: 271; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (nbˈutu).

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 37, 45; Camargo 2015: 53, 174; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (nbˈut ~ mˈut). Variant: mut (under

Mẽbêngôkre influence).

Panara: Dourado 2001: 76; ; Vasconcelos 2013: 175; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Cf. ĩ=npˈuti {inputi} 'nape' [Vasconcelos 2013: 194].

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 21; Estevam 2011: 385; Hall et al. 1987: 22; McLeod 1974. Distinct from -ʔɾe {nhoʼre}, with polysemy: 'neck /

throat / jowl / to pray / to celebrate / to read / to enumerate / prayer' [Lachnitt 1987: 45; Estevam 2011: 88; Hall et al. 1987: 25].


Castelnau f.n. ({dabe dau}); Ehrenreich 1895: 152 (=buduː).





59. NEW

Xikrin nɯ {ny} (-1), Kayapo nɯ {ny} (-1), Kraho tuw # (-1), Pykobje to w {tohw} (-1),

Canela tuw {tuw} (-1), Parkateje ntˈuwa {ntuwa} (-1), Apinaje ndˈɨwɨ {nyw} (-1), Kisedje ndˈɨwɨ {ndywy} (-1), Tapayuna ndˈɨwɨ (-1), Panara ĩ=ntwˈey {ĩntwêê} (-1), Xavante tɛm {tém}

(1), Xerente tɛm {tem} (1), Laklano tagn {tag} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang t (1), Parana

Kaingang t {tãg} (1), Central Kaingang t (1).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 324, 333. Polysemy: 'new / young'. Probably borrowed from a Northern Amazonian language.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 175; Stout & Thompson 1974. Possibly borrowed from a Northern Amazonian language.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 119. Class D. Plural: tuwa-yˈe [178]. In all examples the word seems to rather mean 'guy, young man', but

glosses and external data suggest that this is, indeed, the basic root for 'new'. Probably borrowed from a Northern Amazonian

language.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 54; Sá 1999: 74; Silva 2011: 109. Class D. Probably borrowed from a Northern Amazonian language.

77

Canela: Grupp 2015: 138 ('young'); Castro Alves 1999: 62; Castro Alves 2004: 41. Class D. Probably borrowed from a Northern

Amazonian language.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 178. Polysemy: 'new / living nephew'. Distinct from tʌm {tàm} 'raw' [Araújo 2016: 224].

Apinaje: DEA: 56; Oliveira 2005: 375 ('young'); Ham 1961: 28; Albuquerque 2011: 81. Polysemy: 'new / young'. Probably borrowed

from a Northern Amazonian language.

Kisedje: DKP: 19; Guedes 1993: 276 (nǯˈɨwɨ); Santos 1997: 67, 109. Probably borrowed from a Northern Amazonian language.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 73; Camargo 2015: 117. Probably borrowed from a Northern Amazonian language.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 24; Lapierre et al. 2016; Vasconcelos 2013: 159 (ĩtuˈi); Bardagil-Mas f.n. (intwˈey {intwêi}). Probably

borrowed from a Northern Amazonian language.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 69; Estevam 2011: 167; Hall et al. 1987: 40; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'new / raw / unripe'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 47, 88; Cotrim 2016: 76; Souza 2008: 62 (te {tê}); Sousa Filho 2007: 206; Santos 2007: 239 (tẽm {tẽm});

Mattos 1973. Polysemy: 'new / raw'. Distinct from waptɛm {waptém} 'young' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 53, 88; Cotrim 2016: 415; Sousa

Filho 2007: 220; Santos 2007: 243].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 147, 174; Gakran 2016: 131; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'new / young'.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 99; Wiesemann 2011: 84; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Distinct from tʌȡn {tánh} 'green / blue / young /

raw' [Wiesemann 1981: 99; Wiesemann 2011: 84].


60. NIGHT

Xikrin a=kamˈʌt {akamàt} (1), Kayapo a=kamˈʌt {akamàt} (1), Kraho aw=kapˈɐt (1), Pykobje

aw=kapˈət {awcapyt} (1), Canela kačwa {caxwa} (2), Parkateje ay=kapˈʌt {aikapàt} (1) / h=i=kˈo ~

ko {hikô ~ kô} (4), Apinaje kanbˈʌtʌ {kamàt} (1), Kisedje a=kanbˈɜɾɜ {akambárá} (1), Tapayuna

a=ga (1), Panara kɾɛky {krekjã} (5), Xavante m a {mara} (6), Xerente m a {mãra} (6),

Laklano ku=tˈɨ {kuty} (7), Sao Paulo Kaingang ku=tˈɨ (7), Parana Kaingang ku=tˈɨ {kuty} (7),

Central Kaingang ku=tɨ ~ ku=tɨk (7).



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 194.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 11, 12. Polysemy: 'night / 24 hours'. Distinct from aw= (ː-ɾe) {awrẽh ~ awrẽehre} 'to get dark' [Pries 2008: 12],

aw=kaʔ-tˈe {awcaʼteh} 'to spend a night, to arrive (of next day)' [Pries 2008: 12].


Apparently more basic than the etymological aw=kapˈɜt {awcapàt} [Castro Alves 2004: 78], found mostly in the compound aw=kapɜt-

kˈo {awcapàtkô} 'darkness' [Grupp 2015: 29; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 135]. Distinct from aw=kaʔ-tˈi(-čˈɜ) {awcahti (xà)} 'period before

sunrise' [Grupp 2015: 29; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 138], iʔ=kaw=paʔ-tˈi {ihcawpahti} 'darkness' [Grupp 2015: 108]. Popjes & Popjes [1986:

135] also attest awˈa {awa} 'night', not confirmed by any other source.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 21. Distinct from kačwˈa ~ ɾˈə=kačwˈa {kaxwa ~ rykaxwa} 'midnight' [Araújo 2016: 124, 216].Araújo 2016: 69,

127.

Apinaje: DEA: 34; Oliveira 2005: 385; Ham et al. 1979: 7; Albuquerque 2011: 71. Polysemy: 'night / darkness'.

Kisedje: DKP: 4; DMK; Guedes 1993: 147, 160 (akanbɔ, akanbɔɾa).

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 54; Camargo 2015: 140. Also attested as a=gawˈəɾə.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 157; Vasconcelos 2013: 174; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 3.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 37; Estevam 2011: 85; McLeod 1974. Cf. m a waʔwa {mara waʼwa} 'late at night' [Lachnitt 1987: 37; Hall et al.

78

1987: 44], m a-ɾɛ {mararé} 'the period between midnight and sunrise' [Lachnitt 1987: 37; Estevam 2011: 85; Hall et al. 1987: 44],

baɾan {barana} 'at night' [Lachnitt 1987: 20; Estevam 2011: 85; Hall et al. 1987: 19].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 26, 88; Cotrim 2016: 382; Sousa Filho 2007: 285 (m {mãrã}); Santos 2007: 238; Mattos 1973.

Castelnau [f.n.] attests {omea-crancri}.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 166; Gakran 2016: 98, 239; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Perfective: ku=tˈɨ-gn {kutyg}. Polysemy: 'night / darkness /

shadow'.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 60; Wiesemann 2011: 57; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'night / darkness'. Active: ku=tˈɨ-gn

{kutyg} [Wiesemann 1981: 61].


61. NOSE

Xikrin ɲia-kɾˈɛ {nhiakre} (1), Kayapo ɲiya-kɾˈɛ {nhijakre} (1), Kraho ɲĩa-kʰɾˈɛ (1), Pykobje kʰɾɨt

{cryt} (2), Canela yĩya-kʰɾˈɛ {jĩjakre} (1), Parkateje kɾət {kryt} (2), Apinaje ɲinǯˈu {nhĩnhu} (3),

Kisedje ɲĩya-kʰɹˈɛ {nhijakhre} (1), Tapayuna ɲĩya-kʰχˈɛ (1), Panara s=asˈĩ {sasĩ} (4), Xavante

ɲĩci-ʔɾe {nhitsiʼre} (1), Xerente n-kɾe {nkrê} (1), Laklano n {nẽjã} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang

nĩy (1), Parana Kaingang nĩy {nĩjẽ} (1), Central Kaingang n (1).



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 237; Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 558.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 61, 71, 100.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 35; Sá 1999: 42; Sá 2004: 62, 87, 141. Class C. Polysemy: 'nose / beak'. Distinct from jẽja-kʰɾˈeː {jẽhjacree} 'nostril'

[Pries 2008: 67].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 83. Distinct from kʰɾɘt {kryt} 'beak', glossed as 'nose' in the common Timbíra list in [Castro Alves 2004: 173].


Apinaje: DEA: 26, 57; Oliveira 2005: 379; Ham et al. 1979: 56. Cf. ɲiya-kɾɛ-tˈəč {nhĩjakretyx} 'stuffy nose' [Albuquerque 2011: 51].

Kisedje: Santos 1997: 107; Nonato f.n. ({sĩnhakhre}).


Panara: Dourado 2001: 68; Vasconcelos 2013: 194; Bardagil-Mas f.n.


Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 6, 87; Souza 2008: 87; Sousa Filho 2007: 124, 260; Santos 2007: 235, 244; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n.

({danescri}); Ehrenreich 1895: 151 (=ne-kɾeː).





62. NOT

Xikrin ket {kêt} (1), Kayapo ket {kêt} (1), Kraho nˈa-ɾɛ (2), Pykobje nẽː=...=nˈõː-ɾe {nee ...

noore} (2), Canela nˈa-ɾɛ ~ nˈã-ɾɛ ~ nˈãː-ɾɛ {nare} (2), Parkateje nˈũa-ɾˈɛ ~ inũa-ɾˈɛ ~ nõ-ɾɛ ~ inõ-

ɾɛ {nũare ~ inũare ~ nõre ~ inõre} (2), Apinaje kˈet-n {kêt nẽ} (1), Kisedje kʰˈeɾe {khêrê} (1),

79

Tapayuna kʰˈeɾe (1), Panara pyɔw {pjoo} (3), Xavante -di {õ di} (5), Xerente kõ-di {kõdi} (5),

Laklano tũ {tũ} (6), Sao Paulo Kaingang tũ (6), Parana Kaingang tũ {tũ} (6), Central

Kaingang tũ (6).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 117, 120.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 61; Reis Silva 2003: 73; Salanova 2001: 27; Stout & Thompson 1974.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 299. In certain pragmatic contexts double negation is present: nẽe=...=nˈa-ɾɛ [Miranda 2014: 305]. Distinct from

yamɾẽa-ɾˈɛ (existential negation), nõ (prohibitive) [Miranda 2014: 302], kupatˈɛ (clausal negation, 'in order not to') [Miranda 2014: 304],

nẽ (nominal negation) [Miranda 2014: 306].

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 88; Sá 1999: 28; Sá 2004: 134; Silva 2011: 92. Irrealis: wəɾ {wyr} [Pries 2008: 99; Sá 2004: 127; Silva 2011: 92].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 168; Castro Alves 1999: 22; Castro Alves 2004: 129, 130, 131; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 10, 15; Popjes & Popjes 1986:

132. Often emphasized with the particle n {nee}. Distinct from ke {quê} 'no' [Grupp 2015: 180; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14; Popjes &

Popjes 1986: 162], wɘɻ {wyr} 'NEG.IRR' [Grupp 2015: 201], =n {=nõ} (a negative agent nominalizer) [Grupp 2015: 169].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 178. The morphosyntax of the negation particle ket {kêt} [Araújo 2016: 126] is not described in the source, but

it is definitely not basic and is found in very few examples. Distinct from pʌ {pà} 'no' [Araújo 2016: 187], kaka {kaka} 'no / to reject / to

abandon / to leave alone'. [Araújo 2016: 110].

Apinaje: DEA: 38; Oliveira 2005: 248-253; Ham 1961: 8; Ham et al. 1979: 5; Salanova 2001: 34; Albuquerque 2011: 127.

Kisedje: DKP: 12; Santos 1997: 141; Nonato 2014: 112; Guedes 1993: 136; Nonato f.n. ({ket}). Distinct from hwe-čˈi ~ hwˈet-či {hwêtxi ~

hwêttxi} 'prohibitive' [DKP: 8; Santos 1997: 148; Guedes 1993: 136 (wičˈi)].


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 165; Dourado 2001: 117, 118; Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Occurs post-verbally. Cf. n {nõ}

(privative; negation in subordinate clauses) [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 56; Dourado 2001: 117; Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.], sʌ

{sã} (prohibitive) [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 57; Dourado 2001: 119; Bardagil-Mas 2016].

Xavante: Estevam 2011: 270. Used in the indicative mood. Distinct from the negation particle t {tõ}, used in the subjunctive mood.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 17, 87; Cotrim 2016: 274; Souza 2008: 54; Sousa Filho 2007: 140; Santos 2007: 235, 241; Mattos 1973.

Contains the negative morpheme kõ {kõ} and the predicative morpheme di {di} (the latter does not occur in subordinate clauses).

Distinct from ĩba {ĩba} 'no / prohibitive', / ze {ãre / ãzê} (masc. / fem.), k-n {knã} 'prohibitive', =tõ {=tõ} 'caritive' [Krieger & Krieger

1994: 3, 12, 17, 48, 87; Cotrim 2016: 272, 277, 282; Sousa Filho 2007: 162; Mattos 1973].

Laklano: Gakran 2016: 205; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Perfective: tũ-ŋ {tũg}.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 87; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Perfective: tũ-ŋ.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 105; Wiesemann 2011: 89; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Perfective: tũ-ŋ {tũg}.


62.

Panara ĩ=nkyˈɔw {ĩnkjoo} (4).


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 55, 165; Dourado 2001: 117; Bardagil-Mas 2016. Occurs clause-finally.

63. ONE

Xikrin pɯǯˈi {pydji} (1), Kayapo pɯǯˈi {pydji} (1), Kraho pɨcˈi-t (1), Pykobje pe tčˈe -t

80

{pehtxeht} (1), Canela pičˈi-t {pyxit} (1), Parkateje pɨčˈi-t {pyxit} (1), Apinaje pɨčˈi ~ pičˈi {pyxi

~ pixi} (1), Kisedje wɨtˈi {wyti} (1), Tapayuna wɨtˈi (1), Panara pˈɨti ~ ĩ=npˈɨti {pyti ~ ĩnpyti}

(2), Xavante mĩci {mitsi} (3), Xerente s=mĩsi {smĩsi} (3), Laklano pˈili {pil} (3), Sao Paulo

Kaingang pˈiɾi (3), Parana Kaingang pˈiɾi {pir} (3), Central Kaingang pɨɻ ~ piɻ (3).



Kayapo: Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 566. Attested only in the meaning 'meeting' in [Jefferson 1989: 166].


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 91; Silva 2011: 61 (pečˈe-t); Silva 2012: 237 (pečˈe-t).

Canela: Grupp 2015: 179; Castro Alves 2004: 86 (pičˈe-t {pixêt}); Popjes & Popjes 1986: 186.


Apinaje: DEA: 64, 67; Oliveira 2005: 402; Ham 1961: 24; Albuquerque 2011: 70 (pučˈi {puxi}), 84.

Kisedje: DKP: 29; DMK; Santos 1997: 30; Guedes 1993: 161 (wɨtˈɨ); Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Nonato f.n.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 65 (wɨtˈɨ); Camargo 2015: 144; Santos 1997: 10; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605. 3rd person form:

t=õ=tˈi [Camargo 2015: 145].

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 54; Dourado 2001: 51; Vasconcelos 2013: 199; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Possibly derived from the root for 'sun'.


Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 44, 100; Cotrim 2016: 402; Sousa Filho 2007: 275, 292; Santos 2007: 241 (s=misi {smisi}); Mattos 1973;

Castelnau f.n. ({chimichi}); Ehrenreich 1895: 158 (se=bisi).

Laklano: Alves 2014: 172; Gakran 2016: 106; Bublitz 1994: 14 (ũ=pˈili {ũpil}); Jolkesky 2010: 266.




64. PERSON

Xikrin mẽ {mẽ} (1), Kayapo mẽ {mẽ} (1), Pykobje mẽ=h= {me hẽeh} # (3), Canela yũm {jũm}

(2) / h=ĩ {hĩ} (3), Parkateje mẽ=h=ˈĩ {mẽhĩ} (3), Apinaje m =pˈa-yaya ~ m =pˈa-yaya {mẽhpajaja

~ mẽpajaja} # (4), Kisedje m {me} (1), Tapayuna (1), Panara pa {pa} (4), Xavante həyba

{höiba} (5) / ʔaʔuw {aʼuwẽ} (6), Xerente akwẽ {akwẽ} (6), Laklano kɔyngˈəgn {kónhgág} (7), Sao

Paulo Kaingang kaȡngˈəgn (7), Parana Kaingang kaȡngˈʌgn {kanhgág} # (7), Central

Kaingang ũ (8).


Xikrin: Salanova 2019. Cf. mẽ-be-ŋo-kɾˈɛ {mẽbêngôkre} 'a Mẽbêngôkre' [Costa 2015: 174].

Kayapo: Salanova 2019. Cf. mẽ-be-ŋo-kɾˈɛ {mẽbêngôkre} 'a Mẽbêngôkre' [Jefferson 1989: 245].

Kraho: Not attested. The form mẽ denotes generic human possession and functions as a pluralizer for animated nouns [Miranda

2014: 80, 83].

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 84. Means rather 'Indigenous person, living people'. Technically it is the word for 'flesh, meat' inflected for 3rd

person and preceded by a plural clitic.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 351; Castro Alves 1999: 25. Polysemy: 'who / someone / person' [Castro Alves 2004: 25, 80].Grupp 2015: 81;

81

Castro Alves 1999: 57. Technically this is a form of yĩ {jĩ} 'meat, flesh' inflected for 3rd person. Often used with a plural clitic: m =h=ˈĩ

{me hĩ} in the meaning 'people, Indigenous people, especially the Canela'.


Apinaje: DEA: 48. Translated as 'we' in [Albuquerque 2011: 87]. Cf. mɛ=ʔˈõ {mẽhõ} 'people / someone' [DEA: 48].

Kisedje: DKP: 6, 7, 14, 18; Guedes 1993: 271. Polysemy: 'person / people'. Usually used with a plural reading, but may be

singularized with the particle t {thõ}.


Panara: Dourado 2001: 16.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 31; McLeod 1974. Glossed as 'body' in [Estevam 2011: 147; Hall et al. 1987: 22]. Cf. həym n {höimana}

(utterance-finally həyba {höiba}) 'to be / to remain / to behave' [Lachnitt 1987: 32; Estevam 2011: 171; Hall et al. 1987: 103].Lachnitt

1987: 18; Estevam 2011: 180; Hall et al. 1987: 17. Polysemy: 'Xavánte / an indigenous person / human being'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 2, 91; Cotrim 2016: 359; Santos 2007: 240; Mattos 1973. Polysemy: 'people / indigenous person /

person / Xerénte'. Glossed as 'indigenous person' in [Sousa Filho 2007: 272].

Laklano: Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'person / man'.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 36; Wiesemann 2011: 39; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Translated as 'a person of Kaingáng ethnicity' in

[Wiesemann 1981; Wiesemann 2011]. The form p -kˈe {ẽprã ke}, translated as 'human being' in [Wiesemann 2011: 14], is derived

from p {ẽprã} 'on the ground' and is probably a religious neologism.


65. RAIN

Xikrin na {na} (1), Kayapo na {na} (1), Kraho ta ~ taʔ-tˈi (1), Pykobje ta {ta} (1), Canela ta

{ta} (1), Parkateje a=βɾˈə ~ a=wɾˈə {awry} (2), Apinaje nda {na} (1), Kisedje nda {nda} (1),

Tapayuna nda (1), Panara ĩ=ntˈa {ĩnta} (1), Xavante t y {tãi} (1), Xerente t y {tãi} (1),

Laklano tɔ {tó} (3), Parana Kaingang ta {ta} (3), Central Kaingang ta (3).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 31. Distinct from ɾwɤ / ɾwɤ-k {rwy / rwyk} 'to rain / to go down' [Costa 2015: 103, 186].

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 246; Reis Silva 2003: 43; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 559.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 39, 44, 75.



Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 46. Polysemy: 'rain / winter'. Distinct from ta {ta} 'approaching rain / winter' [Araújo 2016: 216].


Kisedje: DKP: 18; Santos 1997: 33; Nonato 2014: 127; Guedes 1993: 272; Nonato f.n. Polysemy: 'rain / cloud'. In [DKP: 20] the word ɲã

{nha} 'rain' is also cited, likely a typo.


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 32; Dourado 2001: 174; Vasconcelos 2013: 196; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 68; Estevam 2011: 213; Hall et al. 1987: 92; McLeod 1974. Cf. ʔay=pi {aipi}, used by shamans [Estevam 2011:

508].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 47, 69; Cotrim 2016: 37; Souza 2008: 67; Santos 2007: 238; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n. ({tan});

Ehrenreich 1895: 153 (tan ~ tã). Polysemy: 'rain / rain season / winter'. Cf. titaka ~ titak {titaka ~ titak}, t ptka {tãptka} 'to rain' [Krieger

& Krieger 1994: 69; Cotrim 2016: 327; Sousa Filho 2007: 175].


Sao Paulo Kaingang: Not attested. The form ta is translated as 'thunder' in [Jolkesky 2010: 228].

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 98; Wiesemann 2011: 83; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Active: ta-dn {tan}.

82


66. RED

Xikrin kamɾˈek {kamrêk} (1), Kayapo kamɾˈek {kamrêk} (1), Kraho tɛp (2) / kapɾˈek (1), Pykobje

kapɾˈik {capric} (1), Canela tɛp {tep} (2) / kapɾˈek {caprêc} (1), Parkateje kapɾˈek {kaprêk} (1),

Apinaje kanbɾˈeke {kamrêk} (1), Kisedje ndˈɛwɛ ~ ndˈɛp-či {ndewe ~ ndeptxi} (2) / kanbɺˈeke

{kambrêkê} (1), Tapayuna kaɾˈege (1), Panara n=ʌ=npɾˈʌ {nãnprâ} (3), Xavante pɾɛ {pré} (3),

Xerente pɾɛ {pre} (3), Laklano kučˈugn {kutxug} (4), Sao Paulo Kaingang kučˈõ (4), Parana

Kaingang kušˈũŋ {kusũg} (4), Central Kaingang kušũ ~ kɔšɔgn (4).



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 108; Reis Silva 2003: 33; Stout & Thompson 1974.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 90. Class D. Used referring to a potato.Miranda 2014: 301. Class A. Used in reference to faeces.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 15; Sá 2004: 88 (kapɾˈiːk); Silva 2011: 78. Distinct from tep {tep} 'ripe' [Pries 2008: 53].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 136, 194; Castro Alves 1999: 22 (tip). Class D. Polysemy: 'red / ripe'.Grupp 2015: 33.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 118. Polysemy: 'red / to lambate'.

Apinaje: DEA: 34; Oliveira 2005: 385; Ham 1961: 24; Ham et al. 1979: 36.

Kisedje: DKP: 19; DMK; Santos 1997: 67; Guedes 1993: 272 (ndɛp-čˈi).DKP: 10; Nonato f.n. (kanbɺˈiki {kambriki}).

Tapayuna: Beauchamp 2018. Attested with -ɾ-, possibly a mistranscription for the expected - -.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 36; Vasconcelos 2013: 199; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n. (n= =npɾˈʌː {nãnprââ}). Cf. also kɨpa=npɾˈʌ

{kypa nprâ} 'red earth, wet earth', tawm =npɾˈʌ {taumã nprâ} 'red painting / yellow' [Vasconcelos 2013: 178, 180].

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 54; Estevam 2011: 76; Hall et al. 1987: 39; McLeod 1974 (pɾɛː-di).

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 33, 101; Cotrim 2016: 74, 391; Sousa Filho 2007: 218; Santos 2007: 236, 243, 247; Mattos 1973.

Ehrenreich [1895: 157] lists the form psɛ-di.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 166; Gakran 2016: 104; Bublitz 1994: 9; Jolkesky 2010: 106, 267. Ranges from red to yellow.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 27; Jolkesky 2010: 267 (kučˈõŋ).

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 60; Wiesemann 2011: 56; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Distinct from kɔšˈɔgn {kósóg} 'dark red' [Wiesemann

1981: 49; Wiesemann 2011: 49].


67. ROAD

Xikrin pɾɯ {pry} (1), Kayapo pɾɯ {pry} (1), Kraho pɾɨ (1), Pykobje p {pryyh} (1), Canela

pɾɨ {pry} (1), Parkateje pɾɨ {pry} (1), Apinaje pɾɨ {pry} (1), Kisedje hɺɨ {hry} (1), Tapayuna

hɾɨ (1), Panara pyɨ {piy} (1), Xavante bədədi {bödödi} (2), Xerente bdədi {bdâdi} (2), Laklano

ã=m n / yəgn=m n / yɔ=m n {ãmẽn / jágmẽn / jómẽn} (3), Sao Paulo Kaingang yab=mˈĩ ~

yab=mˈĩn (3) / ya=pɾˈɨ (1), Parana Kaingang ya=mˈĩn / =mˈĩn {jamĩn / ẽmĩn} (3) / ya=pɾˈɨ /

=pɾˈɨ {japry / ẽpry} (1), Central Kaingang =mĩn / ya=mĩn (4) / ya=pɾɨ / =pɾə (1).


83




Pykobje: Pries 2008: 93; Sá 1999: 14; Sá 2004: 87.


Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 203. Distinct from pyeɾ {pjêr} 'long path', used of an insect in the only available example [Araújo 2016: 197].

Apinaje: DEA: 66; Oliveira 2005: 405; Ham et al. 1979: 10; Salanova 2001: 30; Albuquerque 2011: 36. Distinct from kapɛ {kape}

'circular path between the line of houses and the central plaza of the village' [DEA: 35; Oliveira 2005: 388; Albuquerque 2011: 11] and

apparently more basic than m =nbɾaː-čˈʌ {mẽmraaxà} [DEA: 50], which is an instrumental nominalization of the verb meaning 'to

walk'.

Kisedje: DKP: 24; DKP: 7; Santos 1997: 14; Guedes 1993: 274 (ɣɨ); Nonato f.n.


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 239; Vasconcelos 2013: 164 (Douradoʼs data). Vasconcelos [2013: 176] attests this word as pˈɨɾi.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 20; Estevam 2011: 206; Hall et al. 1987: 20; McLeod 1974. Utterance-finally: bədəːdi {bödödi}. Polysemy: 'road

/ path / street'. Lachnitt [1987: 22] also quotes da=ɲĩmbə {danhĩmbö} (probably actually da=ɲĩbə {danhĩbö}), which is not attested in

other sources. It is possible that this word was borrowed into Proto-Central Jê from a Maxakalían variety (Proto-Maxakalí *p[ɨ]dat

after Malalí split off), but since this is uncertain, the word is not marked as a borrowing here.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 4, 67; Sousa Filho 2007: 62; Santos 2007: 239; Mattos 1973. It is possible that this word was

borrowed into Proto-Central Jê from a Maxakalían variety (Proto-Maxakalí *p[ɨ]dat after Malalí split off), but since this is uncertain,

the word is not marked as a borrowing here.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 144, 154, 157; Bublitz 1994: 6 (a=m n {amẽn}); Gakran 2016: 130 (only the former form); Urban 1985: 172 ('path',

only the former form); Jolkesky 2010: 266 (only the third form).

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 18; Jolkesky 2010: 266.Jolkesky 2010: 226, 228.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 20; Wiesemann 2011: 14, 27; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Denotes a wide road.Wiesemann 1981: 20;

Wiesemann 2011: 14, 28. Denotes a narrow road, path.

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 54, 159.Herold 1996: 55, 60.

68. ROOT

Xikrin pĩ=yaɾˈe {pĩ jarê} (1), Kayapo pĩ=yaɾˈe {pĩ jarê} (1), Kraho yaɾˈe (1) / pĩ=tˈu (2), Pykobje

yaɾˈiː {jarii} (1) / p =tˈo {pẽhʼ toh} (2), Canela yaɾˈe {jarê} (1), Parkateje yaɾˈe ~ pˈʌɾ=yaɾˈe {jarê

~ pàrjarê} (1), Apinaje yaɾˈe {jarê} (1), Kisedje yaɺˈe {jarê} (1), Tapayuna yaɾˈe (1), Panara

s=aɾˈe {sarê} (1), Xavante c= n =ʔɾata {tsãnaʼrata} (3) / pa ~ wede=pa {pa ~ wedepa} (4), Xerente

nn =kɾda {nnãkrda} (3) / wde=pa {wdê pa} (4), Laklano ɲãlˈe {jãle} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang

y e (1), Parana Kaingang y eɾˈe {jãre} (1), Central Kaingang e ~ e (1).



Kayapo: Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 565. Distinct from pi=tˈu {pitu} 'medicinal root', glossed as 'root' by Stout & Thompson

[1974].

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 58.Miranda 2014: 258.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 64; Sá 2004: 87; Silva 2011: 72.Pries 2008: 90. Cf. to {toh} 'tuber', aʔ=to {aʼtoh} 'medicinal plants and roots' [Pries

2008: 42; Sá 2004: 141].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 76.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 62, 94, 190.

84

Apinaje: DEA: 25, 31, 62.

Kisedje: DKP: 24; DMK; Nonato f.n. Also attested as yaɺˈi {jari}.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 73, 145. In [Camargo 2010: 63] the form t=aɾˈĩ is attested.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 74, 236; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Hall et al. 1987: 39, 56. Polysemy: 'root / beginning / to start'. Only the latter meaning is attested in [Lachnitt 1987: 74;

Estevam 2011: 402].Lachnitt 1987: 50, 103; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'long / root / branch / stream' (only for pa {pa}); wede=pa {wedepa}

literally means 'the long of the tree'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 44, 93; Sousa Filho 2007: 56. Polysemy: 'beginning / root'. Sousa Filho also lists simply the form kɾda

{krda}.Krieger & Krieger 1994: 55, 93; Cotrim 2016: 54; Sousa Filho 2007: 178; Santos 2007: 237; Mattos 1973. Also attested as pa {pa}

[Cotrim 2016: 55].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 154, 163; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Causative: ðalˈɛ-dn {zalén} [Alves 2014: 183].


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 23; Wiesemann 2011: 30; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Utterance-finally: y {jãré}.


69. ROUND

Xikrin ɲi=pˈok {nhipôk} (1) / ya=gˈɔt {jagot} (2), Kayapo =i=pˈok {ipôk} (1) / ya=gˈɔt {jagot} (2),

Kraho ya=kˈɔt ~ yi=kˈɔt (2), Pykobje jaɾˈẽk {jarẽc} (3), Canela yayˈɔ {jajo} (4), Parkateje žihˈɛ-ɾˈɛ

{jihere} (5), Apinaje ya=kˈɔtɔ {jakot} (2), Kisedje kaykˈɛwɛ {kajkewe} (6) / ɲĩsˈɛ {nhise} (5),

Tapayuna ya=gˈɔɾɔ (2), Xavante ʒapɔtɔ {dzapoto} (7), Xerente zaptɔ {zapto} (7), Laklano lˈolo

{lol} (8), Sao Paulo Kaingang ʔəɾˈoɾo (8), Parana Kaingang oɾˈoɾo {ror} (8), Central

Kaingang ɻoɻ (8).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 54; Salanova 2019. 2D.Salanova 2019. 3D.

Kayapo: Salanova 2019. 2D. Technically a form of ɲi=pˈok {nhipôk} inflected for 3rd person; uninflected form is not attested.Salanova

2019. 3D.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 57, 74, 172. Polysemy: 'round / fat'. It is possible that yi=kˈɔt means rather 'fat'.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 64. Probably only 3D. Distinct from ja=kˈot {jacot} 'hill, mountain, mound; small' [Pries 2008: 57], j =pˈuk

{jẽhpuc} 'to swell (as of a dead animal's belly)'.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 63; Castro Alves 1999: 22, 44; Castro Alves 2004: 27.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 68. Cf. h=ihˈɛ {hihe} 'circle / point' [Araújo 2016: 67]. Distinct from ži=kˈɔt {jikot} 'inflated / fat / concave /

crooked' [Araújo 2016: 69].

Apinaje: DEA: 23, 30; Oliveira 2005: 363. 3D; polysemy among younger speakers: 'round (3D), short in length (e.g. of garnments and

shoes) or in duration'; 2D not attested.

Kisedje: Guedes 1993: 111.DKP: 7, 11.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 84. Polysemy: 'round / short' [Beauchamp 2018].

Panara: Not attested.


Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 37, 94; Cotrim 2016: 236, 419; Sousa Filho 2007: 150, 221; Santos 2007: 235, 243 (s=aptə {saptâ});

Mattos 1973. Definitely more basic than da=kɔtɔ {dakoto} [Sousa Filho 2007: 220], attested once referring to the moon.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 168; Gakran 2016: 68; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Apparently more basic than tapˈɛlɛ {tapél} [Gakran 2016: 130] and

kan lˈɔgn {kanẽlóg} [Alves 2014: 161].


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 92; Wiesemann 2011: 79; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Plural: oɾodn=oɾˈoɾo {ronror}. Active: ɔɾˈɔdn {rón} 'to

85

build a fence' [Wiesemann 1981: 93; Wiesemann 2011: 80].

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 139. Polysemy: 'round / short' (?).

70. SAND

Xikrin pɯka-tˈi {pykati} (1), Kayapo pɯka-tˈi {pykati} (1), Kraho pye-cˈom ~ pye-ncˈom (2),

Pykobje p kʰˈaː {pyhcaa} (1), Canela pye-nčˈom {pjênxôm} (2), Parkateje kapˈam-č-ˈomo

{kapamxôm} (3), Apinaje pɨka-čˈomo {pyka xôm} (1), Tapayuna kantˈo (4), Panara kuka-ɾˈĩ-ya

{kukarĩja} (-1), Xavante cupaɾa {tsupara} (5), Xerente tkay-tmõ- {tkai tmõ rã} (5), Laklano

l =l y {lõnhlõj} (7), Sao Paulo Kaingang nga-ku-pɾˈi (8), Parana Kaingang = y

{rynhryj} (7), Central Kaingang p -ɱĩɲ (9).




Kraho: Miranda 2014: 80, 96. Literally 'earth grain'.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 94; Sá 1999: 31 (with an augmentative suffix). Polysemy: 'sand / homeland'.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 174; Castro Alves 1999: 37, 66; Castro Alves 2004: 38, 43; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 7, 9; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 193.

Distinct from pɨkʰa-tˈi {pykati} 'sand from creek bed or shore' (cannot refer to chapada sand) [Grupp 2015: 178].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 114. Derived from kapˈam {kapam} 'beach'.

Apinaje: DEA: 67.



Panara: Dourado 2001: 61; Vasconcelos 2013: kuka-ɾˈĩ {kukarĩ}. Polysemy: 'sand / beach'. In all likelihood, a Wanderwort: cf. Boróro

kugaɾɨ /kukarɨ/, Arikapú kɨkɨɾa id.


Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 48; Cotrim 2016: 154; Souza 2008: 44 (tkay-tomo- {tkai tomo rã}); Santos 2007: 238; Mattos 1973.

Polysemy: 'sand / beach'. Literally 'white eye earth'. Distinct from supɾa {supra} 'sand plateau' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 46], glossed

as 'earth / sand' by Ehrenreich [1895: 153 (suːpa)].


Sao Paulo Kaingang: Jolkesky 2010: 267. Literally 'white earth'.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 95 ( = y ~ ĩɹĩɲ=ĩɹˈĩyĩ {rynhryj ~ rĩnhrĩj}); Wiesemann 2011: 81; Jolkesky 2010: 267.

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 128. Distinct from t ndɨɻ 'thin sand'.

71. SAY

Xikrin yaɾˈẽ {jarẽ} (1), Kayapo yaɾˈẽ {jarẽ} (1), Kraho yaɾˈẽ (1), Pykobje yãːɾˈẽ {jãarẽ} (1),

Canela ya {jarẽ} (1), Parkateje yaɾˈẽ {jarẽ} (1) / kakˈa {kaka} (2), Apinaje ya {jarẽ} (1) /

ka=p -ɾ {kapẽr} (3), Kisedje ya {jarẽ} (1), Tapayuna yay ~ ya (1) / ka=w - (3), Panara

sũː {sũũ} (4) / pẽ-y {pẽẽ} (3), Xavante {nha} (5) / wacuʔu {watsuʼu} (6), Xerente mɾẽ {mrẽ}

(7) / wasku {wasku} (6), Laklano tu {tu} (8) / ke {ke} (9), Sao Paulo Kaingang ge ~ ke (9),

Parana Kaingang ke {ke} (9) / tɔ {tó} (8), Central Kaingang ke (9).

86


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 77, 83, 118. Non-finite form: yaɾˈẽ-y {jarẽj}.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 244; Reis Silva 2003: 42; Salanova 2001: 58. Non-finite form: yaɾˈẽ-y {jarẽj}. Distinct from the quotative anˈẽ

{ane} that marks indirect speech [Jefferson 1989: 242; Salanova 2019].

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 133, 306. Non-finite form: yaɾˈẽ-n. Polysemy: 'to say / to tell'.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 57. Non-finite form: yãːɾˈẽ-n {jãarẽn}. attested. Cf. kaːkˈuk {caacuc} 'to speak' [Pries 2008: 27; Sá 2004: 116; Silva

2011: 124], kah t {cahyht} 'to tell' [Pries 2008: 14; Silva 2011: 112].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 76; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 165, 172. Non-finite form: ya -n {jarẽn}. Distinct from kakʰˈok {cakôc} 'to speak'

[Grupp 2015: 105; Castro Alves 1999: 23; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 157], yaɻ-kʰwˈa-tˈɔ {jarkwa to} 'to speak (of someone)' [Grupp 2015: 79;

Popjes & Popjes 1986: 79; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 166].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 62. Non-finite form: yaɾˈẽ-n {jarẽn}. Polysemy: 'to say / to tell stories'.Araújo 2016: 110. Distinct from kakˈok

{kakôk} 'to talk / to speak / to express oneself' [Araújo 2016: 111].

Apinaje: DEA: 25, 31; Ham et al. 1979: 34; Albuquerque 2011: 32 (only the nominalization). Glossed as 'to tell / to confide' in

[Oliveira 2005: 368]. Non-finite form: ya -ɲ {jarẽnh}.DEA: 35; Oliveira 2005: 388; Albuquerque 2011: 90. Glossed as 'to speak / to

talk' but can refer to single speech acts: na ka ɾĩ mɛ kap -ɾ ya nba {nã ka rĩ mẽ kapẽr ja ba} 'did you hear what she said?' [Oliveira 2005:

347].

Kisedje: DKP: 5, 6; DMK; Nonato 2014: 47, 66, 71, 135; Guedes 1993: 203, 204. Non-finite form: ya -n {jarẽne}. Polysemy: 'to say / to

count / to speak'. Cf. ka=p - 'to talk' [DKP: 11; Santos 1997: 11; Nonato 2014: 25; Guedes 1993: 269].

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 82, 88, 181. Non-finite form: yay -y ~ ya -y. Polysemy: 'to say / to tell'.Camargo 2015: 82, 186, 213.

Polysemy: 'to speak / language / to say'. Glossed as 'to speak' in [Santos 1997: 11] but used extensively referring to single speech acts

in [Camargo 2015: 213].

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 51; Dourado 2001: 63, 119; Bardagil-Mas f.n. (sũ {sũ}). Apparently more basic than inky -ɾi {inkiãri} 'to

say' [Bardagil-Mas 2016], s=a {sarẽ} 'to tell [Dourado 2001: 236; Bardagil-Mas f.n.].Bardagil-Mas 2018: 35. Irrealis: pẽ-y-ŋ {pẽẽjn}.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 41; Estevam 2011: 54, 180; Estevam 2011: 199; Hall et al. 1987: 103; McLeod 1974. Non-finite form: -ɾĩ

{nharĩ}. Distinct from m {mre} 'to speak / to pray' [Lachnitt 1987: 38; Estevam 2011: 98, 200; Hall et al. 1987: 54; McLeod

1974].Lachnitt 1987: 102; Estevam 2011: 148; Hall et al. 1987: 108; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'to say / to tell / to comment / to criticize /

to censure'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 26, 74; Cotrim 2016: 127, 188, 189, 230, 384; Sousa Filho 2007: 171; Santos 2007: 242; Mattos 1973;

Castelnau f.n. ({amenai}). Non-finite form: mɾẽ-mẽ ~ mɾ-mẽ ~ mɾẽ-m {mrẽmẽ ~ mrmẽ ~ mrẽm}. Plural: mɾ-mẽ-zusi ~ mɾ-mẽ-zus

{mrmẽzusi ~ mrmẽzus} [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 26; Sousa Filho 2007: 135, 323]. Polysemy: 'to speak / to say'.Krieger & Krieger 1994:

53, 74; Cotrim 2016: 228, 250, 416; Sousa Filho 2007: 170, 324; Santos 2007: 237, 242; Mattos 1973. Polysemy: 'to tell / to say / to confess

/ to present / to show / to explain / to count'.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 176; Gakran 2016: 158, 261; Bublitz 1994: 38. Active: ta-dn {tan}. Plural: kanbˈɛdn {kabén}. Distinct from v {vẽ} 'to

speak' [Alves 2014: 181; Bublitz 1994: 7; Jolkesky 2010: 267].Alves 2014: 162; Jolkesky 2010: 234. Utterance-finally: kɛ {ké}. Polysemy:

'to say / to do frequently'.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Jolkesky 2010: 234. Cf. w 'to speak' [Jolkesky 2010: 267].

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 44, 277; Wiesemann 2011: 44; Jolkesky 2010: 234. Utterance-finally: kɛ {ké}. Polysemy: 'to say / to

do'. Cf. wĩ {vĩ} 'to speak' [Wiesemann 1981: 117; Jolkesky 2010: 267] and the citation verb he {he} [Wiesemann 1981: 15, 274;

Wiesemann 2011: 24].Wiesemann 1981: 103; Wiesemann 2011: 87. Polysemy: 'to say / to tell'.


72. SEE

Xikrin =mũ ~ pu=mˈũ {mũ ~ pumũ} (1), Kayapo pu=mˈũ {pumũ} (1), Kraho pu=pˈu (1),

Pykobje po =pˈo {pohpoh} (1), Canela pu=pˈu {pupu} (1), Parkateje =pũ ~ pu=pũ / pu=pũ-n /

žõ=pũ / žõ=pũ-n {pũ ~ pupũ / pupũn / jopũ / jopũn} (1), Apinaje pu=nbˈu {pumu} (1), Kisedje

87

=mũ {mu} (1), Tapayuna = (1), Panara s= =npˈu-ŋ {sanpun} (1), Xavante ʒa=bu {dzabu} (1)

/ ʔm =dəʔə {ʼmadöʼö} (2), Xerente km =dəkə ~ km =dək ~ km =dkə {kmãdâkâ ~ kmãdâk ~

kmãdkâ} (2) / s m {sãm} (3), Laklano ve {ve} (4) / ɛ {é} (5), Sao Paulo Kaingang we ~ wi (4),

Parana Kaingang we {ve} (4), Central Kaingang ve (4).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 83, 91, 94, 154, 158, 241. Non-finite form: =mũ-y ~ pu=mˈũ-y {mũj ~ pumũj}. 3rd person: =ɔ=mˈũ {omũ}.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 116; Reis Silva 2003: 28; Salanova 2001: 55. Non-finite form: pu=mˈũ-ɲ {pumũnh}. 3rd person: = =mˈũ {omũ}.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 83, 109, 113. Non-finite form: pu=pˈu-n. 3rd person form: h=õ=npˈu. Distinct from kapˈi 'to see, to look' [Miranda

2014: 139].

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 74; Sá 1999: 77; Sá 2004: 115; Silva 2011: 107. Non-finite form: po pˈo -n {pohpohn}. 3rd person: h=õ=npˈo

{hõmpoh}.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 90; Castro Alves 1999: 22; Castro Alves 2004: 84, 149; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 193. 3rd person: h= =mpˈu {hõmpu}.

Non-finite form: pupˈu-n {pupun}. Distinct from ɾĩt {rĩt} 'to look, to see' [Grupp 2015: 146; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 132, 187].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 99, 203. Non-finite form: pu=pũ-n {pupũn}. 3rd person form: h=õ=pˈũ {hopũ}. Distinct from ɾĩt {rĩt} 'to look'

[Araújo 2016: 213].

Apinaje: DEA: 58, 67; Oliveira 2005: 418; Ham 1961: 2, 12, 17; Ham et al. 1979: 58; Salanova 2001: 35, 73; Albuquerque 2011: 116, 124,

127. Non-finite form: pu=nbˈu-ɲ {pumunh}. 3rd person form: =ɔ=nbˈu {omu}. Polysemy: 'to see / to look / to check / to admire / to meet /

to know (a person)'. Distinct from ɾˈĩtĩ {rĩt} 'to look / to see / to visualize' [DEA: 68; Oliveira 2005: 408].

Kisedje: DKP: 18; Santos 1997: 127; Nonato 2014: 69; Guedes 1993: 271. Non-finite form: =mˈũ-nũ {munu}. 3rd person form: s= =mˈũ

{sõmu}. Apparently more basic than ndɔmtwˈɘ {ndomtwâ} 'to see' [DKP: 19] (possibly related to ndɔ {ndo} 'eye').


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 35; Dourado 2001: 29, 160, 167; Vasconcelos 2013: 229; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 6; Bardagil-Mas 2016;

Bardagil-Mas f.n. (pũ(ŋ) {pũ(n)}). Irrealis: s= =npˈu-ɾi {sanpuri}.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 71; Estevam 2011: 150; Hall et al. 1987: 100; McLeod 1974 (caː=bu). Non-finite form: ʒa=bu-y {dzabui}. Distinct

from c {tsã} 'to find / to meet' [Estevam 2011: 63; Hall et al. 1987: 262].Lachnitt 1987: 36; Estevam 2011: 77, 286; Hall et al. 1987: 108.

Polysemy: 'to see / to supervision / to look after / to look / to obey'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 16, 100; Cotrim 2016: 205, 214, 233; Souza 2008: 88 (in a derivative: da=si=km =dkə-zɛ

{dasikmãdkâze} 'mirror'); Sousa Filho 2007: 103, 109, 126; Santos 2007: 236, 242; Mattos 1973. Polysemy: 'to see / to look / to watch /

to govern'. Definitely more basic than s=a=bu {sabu} 'to see / to observe' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 36, 100].Krieger & Krieger 1994: 37,

38, 100; Cotrim 2016: 396; Souza 2008: 37; Sousa Filho 2007: 136, 230, 289. Non-finite form: s m-ɾĩ {sãmrĩ}. According to Krieger &

Krieger [1994], dual, plural: km =nõpɾɛ {kmã nõpre}. According to Cotrim [2016: 92], the dual is s -kw {sãkw} and the plural is

km =dəkə ~ km =dək ~ km =dkə {kmãdâkâ ~ kmãdâk ~ kmãdkâ}. Polysemy: 'to see / to find / to be able to see'.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 148, 181; Gakran 2016: 157; Bublitz 1994: 15; Urban 1985: 177; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Utterance-finally: vɛ {vé}.

Perfective: vɛ-ŋ {vég}. Plural: m =vˈe {mẽ ve}. Polysemy: 'to see / to look'.Alves 2014: 148.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 81; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Plural: we.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 112, 282; Wiesemann 2011: 94; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Utterance-finally: wɛ {vé}. Perfective: wɛ-gn

{vég}. Plural: wign=wˈe {vigve} [Wiesemann 1981: 283]. Active: we-dn {ven}.


73. SEED

Xikrin ʔɯ {ʼy} (1), Kayapo ʔɯ {ʼy} (1), Kraho hɨ (1), Pykobje h ~ aʔ=h {hyh ~ aʼhyh} (1),

Canela hɨ {hy} (1), Parkateje hɨ {hy} (1), Apinaje ɨ ~ ʔɨ {y ~ hy} (1), Kisedje sɨ {sy} (1),

Tapayuna tɨ (1), Panara sɨ {sy} (1), Xavante m {nhama} (1), Xerente zə / zəp- {zâ / zâp-}

88

(1), Laklano ðɨ {zy} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang ɸɨ ~ n =ɸˈə (1), Parana Kaingang ɸɨ {fy} (1),

Central Kaingang fɨ (1).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 63, 75, 87; Salanova 2019.

Kayapo: Stout & Thompson 1974.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 37; Sá 1999: 27; Sá 2004: 141; Silva 2011: 121. Polysemy: 'seed / fruit stone / rice / pellet / pustule' (for h {hyh}).

Canela: Grupp 2015: 102; Castro Alves 1999: 38; Castro Alves 2004: 31, 51; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14. Class C. Cf. čom {xôm}, which

means rather 'grain' [Grupp 2015: 90; Castro Alves 1999: 57; Castro Alves 2004: 38, 51].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 79, 167. Also attested with an indefinite possessor: npɔ=hˈɨ {mpohy}.

Apinaje: DEA: 21, 25, 36, 75; Oliveira 2005: 419; Ham 1961: 23; Ham et al. 1979: 10.

Kisedje: DKP: 24; DMK; Santos 1997: 41; Nonato 2014: 126; Guedes 1993: 275; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Nonato f.n.

Polysemy: 'seed / fruit'.


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 24; Dourado 2001: 180; Vasconcelos 2013: 181, 184 (sɨ ~ ĩ=sˈɨ); Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 27, 40; Estevam 2011: 41, 143; Hall et al. 1987: 81; McLeod 1974. Utterance-finally: ʒə {dzö}. Distinct from ʔaːʔɛ

{aʼé} 'capim navalha seed / collar / pebble' [Lachnitt 1987: 14; Estevam 2011: 67; Hall et al. 1987: 17], wi {wi} 'fruit stone / nut' [Lachnitt

1987: 104; Estevam 2011: 147].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 35, 56, 96; Cotrim 2016: 55, 69, 393; Sousa Filho 2007: 113; Santos 2007: 237; Mattos 1973. Cf. akɛ

{ake} 'capim navalha seed' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 1; Cotrim 2016: 50].



Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 9; Wiesemann 2011: 19; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Active: ɸɨ-dn {fyn}.


74. SIT

Xikrin {nhy} (1), Kayapo {nhy} (1), Kraho (1), Pykobje j {jyh} (1), Canela y {jy}

(1), Parkateje ž {jy} (1), Apinaje {nhy} (1), Kisedje {nhy} (1), Tapayuna (1), Panara

s=ĩ ~ s=ĩ-ɾi {sĩ ~ sĩri} (1), Xavante m- {nhamra} (1), Xerente n m- ~ n m-ɾ {nãmrã ~

nãmr} (1), Laklano n {nẽ} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang nĩ (1), Parana Kaingang nĩ {nĩ} (1),

Central Kaingang nĩ (1).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 103, 185, 224. Non-finite form: - {nhyr}. Plural: kɾĩ {krĩ} [Costa 2015: 103].

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 195, 246; Reis Silva 2003: 44; Salanova 2001: 19; Stout & Thompson 1974. Non-finite form: -ɾ {nhyr}.

Plural: kɾĩ {krĩ} [Jefferson 1989: 245].

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 110, 131, 134. Non-finite form: - . Plural: kʰɾĩ.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 79. Non-finite form: j -ɾ {jyhr}. Plural: k {crẽh} [Pries 2008: 33; Sá 2004: 115].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 102; Castro Alves 1999: 25; Castro Alves 2004: 124, 140; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 12, 15; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 193.

Non-finite form: y -ɻ {jyr}. Distinct from kʰɾĩ {krĩ} 'to live, to have, to sit' [Grupp 2015: 121] (probably a plural of y {jy}).

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 101. Non-finite form: ž -ɾ {jyr}.

Apinaje: DEA: 57; Oliveira 2005: 420; Ham 1961: 18, 24; Ham et al. 1979: 57; Salanova 2001: 30; Albuquerque 2011: 133. Non-finite

89

form: -ɾ {nhyr}. Distinct from kɾĩ {krĩ} [Ham et al. 1979: 57; Oliveira 2005: 393, 394; Albuquerque 2011: 108] ('to sit down' or possibly

just plural).

Kisedje: DKP: 21; Santos 1997: 88, 134; Nonato 2014: 141; Guedes 1993: 273 (ngu ~ ngi). Non-finite form: - {nhyry}. Plural: kʰɹĩ

{khrĩ} (polysemy: 'to lie / to sit').


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 44, 56, 57; Dourado 2001: 172, 238 (s=ĩːŋ ~ s=i {siĩn ~ si}); Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-

Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 40; Estevam 2011: 28, 504; Hall et al. 1987: 98; McLeod 1974 ( m- ). Truncated finite form (2SG): ʔa=c

{atsã}, honorific ʔaː= {anha}. Dual.NF: ʔay=m cici {aimatsitsi} [Hall et al. 1987: 93]. Plural: ʔa=cim {atsimro} [Lachnitt 1987: 18; Hall

et al. 1987: 95], ʔubum {ubumro} [Lachnitt 1987: 91].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 27, 96; Cotrim 2016: 93; Sousa Filho 2007: 168; Santos 2007: 239, 241; Mattos 1973. Dual: si=m sisi ~

si=m sis ~ si=m ssi ~ si=m si-kw {simãsisi ~ simãsis ~ simãssi ~ simãsikw}. Plural: si=kbuɾõ ~ s=buɾõ {sikburõ ~ sburõ} [Krieger &

Krieger 1994: 41, 96; Cotrim 2016: 93, 127].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 143, 169; Gakran 2016: 155; Bublitz 1994: 9; Urban 1985: 174; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Plural: ɲãŋ=n {jãgnẽ}. Distinct

from təg-kˈe {tág ke} 'to sit down' [Alves 2014: 174].


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 72; Wiesemann 2011: 65; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Plural: nĩŋ=nˈĩ {nĩgnĩ} [Wiesemann 1981: 73;

Wiesemann 2011: 66]. Active: nĩ-m {nĩm} [Wiesemann 1981: 74; Wiesemann 2011: 66].


75. SKIN

Xikrin kʌ {kà} (1), Kayapo kʌ {kà} (1), Kraho kʰɐ (1), Pykobje kʰə {cy} (1), Canela kʰɜ {kà} (1),

Parkateje kʌ {ka} (1), Apinaje kʌ {kà} (1), Kisedje kʰɜ {khá} (1), Tapayuna kʰʌ (1), Panara kʌ

{kâ} (1), Xavante həy {höi} (1), Xerente həy ~ he {hâi ~ hê} (1), Laklano ðˈələ {zál} (2), Sao

Paulo Kaingang ɸˈəɾə (2), Parana Kaingang ɸˈʌɾʌ {fár} (2), Central Kaingang fəɻ (2).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 278. Polysemy: 'bark / skin'.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 236; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 558. Polysemy: 'bark / skin / breast'.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 63, 27. Class A. Polysemy: 'skin / bark'. Attested variably as kʰə.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 35; Sá 1999: 27, 65; Sá 2004: 133, 168. Class C. Polysemy: 'bark / skin / leather / breast'.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 115; Castro Alves 1999: 47, 60, 62; Castro Alves 2004: 39; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14. Class C. Polysemy: 'skin /

bark'.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 105, 190. Polysemy: 'skin / bark / cover / female breast'.

Apinaje: DEA: 31; Oliveira 2005: 384; Ham et al. 1979: 57; Albuquerque 2011: 73. Polysemy: 'bark / skin / leather / body'.

Kisedje: Guedes 1993: 105, 268 (kɔ ~ =ngɔ); Nonato f.n. ({ká}). Polysemy: 'skin / bark / clothes'. Cf. kʰɜ {khá} 'shirt' [Nonato 2014: 111].

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 44; Camargo 2015: 79. Polysemy: 'skin / bark / breast'.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 22; Dourado 2001: 208; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Lapierre et al. 2016 (i=kˈʌ {ikâ}, kʌ {kâ}); Bardagil-Mas

f.n. Works as a classifier for barks, skins, clothes and all sorts of covers. Glossed as 'bark / leather' in [Vasconcelos 2013: 207].

Vasconcelos [2013: 186, 187] also attests s=ĩ {sĩ}, which might be an incorrect gloss for 'meat'.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 30-32; Estevam 2011: 335, 387; Hall et al. 1987: 22; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'bark / skin'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 90; Cotrim 2016: 315, 365; Souza 2008: 32, 86, 91 (hə ~ h {hâ ~ hã}); Sousa Filho 2007: 114; Santos

2007: 236; Mattos 1973; Ehrenreich 1895: 152 (=iɨ). Polysemy: 'skin / bark / leather / surface / female breast'. Castelnau [f.n.] lists the

form {kenai} (incorrect gloss instead of 'stone'?).

Laklano: Alves 2014: 183; Bublitz 1994: 22 (ðˈɛlɛ {zél}); Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'skin / bark'.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'skin / bark'.

90

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 5; Wiesemann 2011: 16; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'bark / cortex / skin / leather'.


76. SLEEP

Xikrin ŋˈõɾõ {ngõr} (1), Kayapo ŋˈõɾõ {ngõr} (1), Kraho ŋˈõɾõ (1), Pykobje ngõɾ {ngõr} (1),

Canela {gõr} (1), Parkateje hõɾ {hõr} (1), Apinaje {gõr} (1), Kisedje {ngõrõ} (1),

Tapayuna ŋˈõɾõ (1), Panara s= ti {sõti} (1), Xavante t {nhotõ} (1), Xerente nõtõ ~ nõt ~ ntõ

{nõtõ ~ nõt ~ ntõ} (1), Laklano nˈũlũ {nũl} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang nˈõɾõ (1), Parana

Kaingang nˈũɹũ {nũr} (1), Central Kaingang nũɻ (1).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 224, 227. Non-finite form: ɲõt {nhõt}.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 246; Nimuendajú 1932: 567. Non-finite form: ɲõt {nhõt}.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 34. Non-finite form: ɲõt.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 76; Sá 1999: 60; Sá 2004: 117; Silva 2011: 91; Silva 2012: 236. Non-finite form: yõt {jõt}.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 91; Castro Alves 1999: 24; Castro Alves 2004: 63, 64, 94; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 12; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 132,

147. Non-finite form: y t {jõt}.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 77, 99. Non-finite form: žõt {jõt}.

Apinaje: DEA: 21; Oliveira 2005: 378; Ham 1961: 6; Ham et al. 1979: 54; Albuquerque 2011: 90, 95. Non-finite form: t {nhõt}.

Kisedje: DKP: 20, 21, 25; Santos 1997: 57, 94, 124; Nonato 2014: 130, 135; Guedes 1993: 54, 273 (ŋõ); Nonato f.n. Non-finite form: n

{nhono}.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 74; Camargo 2015: 103, 124, 127, 130, 158. Non-finite form: ɲˈõɾõ (also attested as ɲˈõnõ and ɲõ).

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 53. 108; Dourado 2001: 119; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 45; Estevam 2011: 200; Hall et al. 1987: 98; McLeod 1974. Truncated finite form (2SG): ʔa=c {asõ}.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 45, 74; Cotrim 2016: 119, 141, 230, 245, 387; Souza 2008: 58, 76; Sousa Filho 2007: 87, 88, 156; Santos

2007: 241, 242; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n. ({aboukidi-toniantan}) (?). Ehrenreich [1895: 158] lists the form kemã.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 154, 170; Gakran 2016: 158; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Plural: ɲãŋ=nˈũlũ {jãgnũl}.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 2011: 68; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Plural: nũŋ=n {nũgnũr}.


77. SMALL

Xikrin ŋɾˈi-ɾɛ {ngrire} (1), Kayapo ŋɾˈi-ɾɛ {ngrire} (1), Kraho kʰɾɨy-ɾˈɛ (2), Pykobje kɾˈiː-ɾe

{criire} (3) / kɾˈeː-ɾe {creehre} (1), Canela kɾˈi-ɾɛ ~ kɾˈiː-ɾɛ {crire} (1), Parkateje kɾˈɨyɨ-ɾˈɛ {kryjyre}

# (2), Apinaje ngɾi ~ ngɾˈi-ɾɛ {gri ~ grire} (1), Kisedje sĩ ~ sˈĩ-ɺɛ {sĩ ~ sĩre} (4) / kʰɹˈɨ-ɺɛ {khryre}

(2), Tapayuna tĩ (4), Panara p {pãã} (5), Xavante cɨɾɨ {tsyry} (6), Xerente sɾu-ɾe {srurê} (6),

Laklano kačˈidn {katxin} (7) / {gynh} (8), Sao Paulo Kaingang čĩ (9), Parana Kaingang šĩ

{sĩ} (9), Central Kaingang šĩ (9) / kundign (10).


91

Xikrin: Costa 2015: 69 (also without the diminutive suffix); Salanova 2019. Distinct from kɾˈɯ-ɾɛ {kryre} 'tiny'. Cf. =ɾɛ {=re}, which is a

very productive diminutive suffix [Costa 2015: 67].

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 175, 247; Salanova 2001: 22; Salanova 2019. Polysemy: 'small / few'. Distinct from ŋɾˈe-ɾɛ {ngrêre} 'few', kɾˈɯ-ɾɛ

{kryre} 'tiny'.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 91, 238. Class C. Polysemy: 'small / a little'. Distinct from kɾi-ɾˈɛ ~ kʰɾi 'tiny' (class D) [Miranda 2014: 58, 91]. Cf.

=ɾɛ, which is a diminutive suffix [Miranda 2014: 90].

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 52; Sá 2004: 134. Class D. Polysemy: 'small / thin / short / few'. More basic than kahˈək-ɾe {cahycre} 'small, rude,

simple' [Pries 2008: 14], yakˈot {jacot} 'small; mountain, mound, hill' (possibly its prototypical meaning is 'small and round') [Pries

2008: 57]. Cf. -ɾe {-re} 'diminutive' [Pries 2008: 95; Sá 1999: 27].Pries 2008: 52. Class D.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 135; Castro Alves 2004: 64; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 17; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 143. Class D. Cf. the diminutive

suffix =ɾɛ [Castro Alves 2004: 48]. Distinct from kɾˈe-ɾɛ {crêre} 'few' [Popjes & Popjes 1986: 144].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 142. Polysemy: 'tiny / small moriche palm piece of approximately 60 cm used in rituals'. Cf. the diminutive

suffix -ɾɛ {-re} [Araújo 2016: 212].

Apinaje: DEA: 22; Oliveira 2005: 379; Albuquerque 2011: 71. Distinct from ngɾe ~ ngɾˈe-ɾɛ {grê ~ grêre} 'few', pɾĩ, pɾˈĩ-ɾɛ {prĩ, prĩre} 'short

/ child' [DEA: 66; Albuquerque 2011: 81, 116]. Cf. the diminutive suffix =ɾɛ {=re} [DEA: 7; Oliveira 2005: 407; Albuquerque 2011: 63].

Apparently more basic than kɾˈɨ-ɾɛ {kryre}, pɾe-tˈi {prêti} [DEA: 22, 66].

Kisedje: DKP: 24; Santos 1997: 10; Guedes 1993: 275.DKP: 14.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 99; Santos 1997: 10 (tˈĩ-ɾɛ). Attested as a suffix (=tĩ 'DIM', =tĩ-ɾɛ 'DIM.INTENS') in [Camargo 2015: 80].

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 19, 22; Dourado 2001: 77, 239; Vasconcelos 2013: 199; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Lapierre et al. 2016.

Polysemy: 'small / child'.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 90; Estevam 2011: 75 (cuɾu {tsuru}); Hall et al. 1987: 91; McLeod 1974. Often occurs with the diminutive

suffix: cɨɾɨ-ɾe {tsyryre}. More basic than ʔwa=hi ~ ʔwa=hi-ɾe {ʼwahi ~ ʼwahire} 'small / slim' [Lachnitt 1987: 97; Hall et al. 1987: 117

(quoted as wahi-ɾe {wahire})], derived from hi {hi} 'bone'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 46, 91; Cotrim 2016: 102; Sousa Filho 2007: 220; Santos 2007: 244; Ehrenreich 1895: 157 (sru-iɛ-ki).

Combines with the predicative particle -ki {-ki}. Distinct from dum=ktu-ɾe ~ dum=kɾtu-ɾe {dumkturê ~ dumkrturê} 'short (of height)'

[Krieger & Krieger 1994: 9; Cotrim 2016: 102; Mattos 1973].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 153, 161; Gakran 2016: 129; Jolkesky 2010: 267.Alves 2014: 152; Bublitz 1994: 11.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 14; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Cf. kɔčˈidn 'baby, child' [Cavalcante 1987: 57].

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 96; Wiesemann 2011: 82; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Plural: k šiɾĭ {kãsir} [Wiesemann 2011: 44]. Active:

šĩ-n {sĩn}.

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 138.Herold 1996: 125.

77. SMALL

Pykobje k y-ɾe {cryhjre} (2).



78. SMOKE

Xikrin kũm {kũm} (1), Kayapo kũm {kũm} (1), Kraho kʰũm (1), Pykobje k m {cõhm} (1),

Canela kʰũm {kũm} (1), Parkateje kũm {kũm} (1), Apinaje kˈũmũ {kũm} (1), Kisedje kʰˈũmũ

{khũmu} (1), Tapayuna kʰˈũwũ (1), Panara sʌy=k w {sâikõõ} (1), Xavante hu=ɲĩ=ʒɛ ~ ɲĩ=ʒɛ

{hunhidzé ~ nhidzé} (2), Xerente ɾɔm=nĩ=zɛ ~ sim=da=zɛ ~ smĩ=da=zɛ {romnĩze ~ simdaze ~

smĩdaze} (2), Laklano n =yˈɔ {nẽjó} (2) / vudn=vˈulu {vunvul} (3), Sao Paulo Kaingang

92

wudn=ˈuɾu ~ ɸudn=ɸˈuɾu (3), Parana Kaingang nĩ=yˈa {nĩja} (2), Central Kaingang nĩ=ya (2).



Kayapo: Stout & Thompson 1974 (kũm ~ kum {kũm ~ kum}); Salanova 2001: 19; Nimuendajú 1932: 560 (kuwˈɯ=kˈũm {kuwykum}).

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 61. Class C.


Canela: Grupp 2015: 122; Castro Alves 1999: 23 (kõn), 63; Castro Alves 2004: 41. Class C. Polysemy: 'smoke / mist / fog / body vapor'.


Apinaje: DEA: 42; Oliveira 2005: 397.

Kisedje: Santos 1997: 140, 141; Guedes 1993: 49 (kˈumu). Aspiration is not denoted in the sources.


Panara: Dourado 2001: 235; Vasconcelos 2013: 196 (s =k {sãkõ}).

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 34, 41 (ɲĩ=ʒɛ {nhidzé} 'mist / smoke', hu=ɲĩ=ʒɛ {hunhidzé} 'mist'); Hall et al. 1987: 37, McLeod 1974. Estevam

[2011: 147, 384] also attests ɲĩcɛdɛ ~ ɲĩmĩ=ɲĩcɛdɛ {nhitsédé ~ nhiminhitsédé}.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 34, 41, 80; Santos 2007: 239 (sim=da=zə {simdazâ}); Mattos 1973. Distinct from hu {hu} 'mist' [Krieger

& Krieger 1994: 12; Santos 2007: 238; Mattos 1973].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 169; Jolkesky 2010: 267.Alves 2014: 182.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 74; Wiesemann 2011: 66; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Active: nĩ=y -ŋ {nĩjãg}.


79. STAND

Xikrin ǯa {dja} (1), Kayapo ǯa {dja} (1), Kraho ca (1), Pykobje ča {xa} (1), Canela ča {xa} (1),

Parkateje ča {xa} (1), Apinaje ča {xa} (1), Kisedje ta {ta} (1), Tapayuna ta (1), Panara s= -ŋ

~ s= {sããn ~ sã} (1), Xavante ʒa {dza} (1), Xerente da {da} (1), Laklano ɲã {jã} (1), Parana

Kaingang ɸ= / y {fẽ / jẽ} (1), Central Kaingang (1).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 92, 103; Salanova 2019. Non-finite form: ǯã-m {djãm}. Plural: kuʔˈe {kuʼê} [Costa 2015: 103].

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 195, 241; Reis Silva 2003: 39; Salanova 2001: 18; Stout & Thompson 1974. Non-finite form: ǯã-m {djãm}.

Plural: kuʔˈe {kuʼê}.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 25, 272. Class A. Non-finite form: cɐ-m. Plural: kuʔhˈe [Miranda 2014: 280].

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 59; Sá 1999: 56; Sá 2004: 109; Silva 2011: 133. Non-finite form: čã-m {xãm}. Plural: ko hi {cohʼhi} [Pries 2008: 30].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 65; Castro Alves 1999: 66; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 8, 15; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 138. Non-finite form: čã-m {xãm}.

Plural: kuʔhˈe {cuhhê} [Grupp 2015: 109].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 249. Non-finite form: ča-ɾ {xar}. Polysemy: 'to stand / to pin'. Apparently distinct from kuβˈe {kuwê} 'to

remain standing / to remain / to stand up / to build a house (of insects)' [Araújo 2016: 154].

Apinaje: DEA: 35, 74; Oliveira 2005: 374; Ham 1961: 20, 24; Ham et al. 1979: 55; Salanova 2001: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 133. Non-finite

form: č -m ~ ča-ɾ {xãm ~ xar}. Plural: kuʔˈe {kuhê} [DEA: 60; Oliveira 2005: 394; Ham et al. 1979: 55; Albuquerque 2011: 109].

Kisedje: DKP: 25; Nonato 2014: 139, 141; Guedes 1993: 267; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Nonato f.n. Non-finite form: t ~ t -

m {tã ~ tãm}. Plural: kusˈe ~ kʰusˈe {kusê ~ khusê}, causative: wɨntwˈɘ {wyntwâ}.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 115; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605. Non-finite form: tã-m. Polysemy: 'to stand / to be'.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 238; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

93

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 23, 71 (also ʒaʔa {dzaʼa}); Estevam 2011: 93, 171, 191; Hall et al. 1987: 108; McLeod 1974. Non-finite form: ʒa-m

{dzam}. Dual: ʔay=m wa {aimaʼwa} [Lachnitt 1987: 15; Estevam 2011: 207; Hall et al. 1987: 94]. Plural: ʔay=m =ca {aimatsa} [Estevam

2011: 87, 195; Hall et al. 1987: 93]. Cf. the adverb həywi 'up / standing' [Lachnitt 1987: 33; Hall et al. 1987: 36], which also means

'airplane'. Distinct from wahutu {wahutu} 'to stand up' [Estevam 2011: 203; Hall et al. 1987: 66].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 4, 79; Cotrim 2016: 362; Sousa Filho 2007: 138; Santos 2007: 240, 241, 248. Non-finite form: za-ɾ {zar}.

Dual.NF: si=mẽkwa-ɾa ~ si=mẽkwa-ɾ ~ si=mẽkw-ɾa {simẽkwara ~ simẽkwar ~ simẽkwra}. Plural: si=m =sa {simãsa} [Krieger & Krieger

1994: 41; Cotrim 2016: 400; Santos 2007: 248-249]. Cf. sam ~ sam {samã ~ sam} 'to stand up' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 36; Mattos 1973].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 153; Gakran 2016: 155; Urban 1985: 174; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Perfective: ɲã-ŋ {jãg}. Plural: kɔ=ɲã {kójã} [Alves

2014: 164; Gakran 2016: 155]. Causative: ð=ã-ŋ {zãg} (plural m =kɔ=k=θ=ãŋ {mẽ kógzãg}) [Gakran 2016: 157], (kɔ=)ð=ã-ŋ / ɲã-ŋ

{(kó=)zãg / jãg} [Alves 2014: 154, 164]. Alves [2014: 154] also cites ɲã-ŋ-dã {jãgdã}.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 7; Wiesemann 2011: 18, 30; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Perfective: y -ŋ {jẽg}. Active: -ŋ {fẽg}.


80. STAR

Xikrin kaɲe-tˈi-ɾɛ {kanhêtire} (1), Kayapo kaɲe-tˈi-ɾɛ {kanhêtire} (1), Kraho kacˈe (1), Pykobje

kačiː-ɾˈe {caxiire} (1), Canela kačˈe {caxê} (1), Parkateje kačˈe-ɾˈɛ {kaxêre} (1), Apinaje kanǯˈe

{kanhê} (1), Kisedje kante-ȶˈi {kantêtxi} (1), Tapayuna kande-čˈi ~ kante-čˈi (1), Panara n= nsɨ-tˈi

~ n= nsu-tˈi {nãnsyti ~ nãnsuti} (1), Xavante waːci {watsi} (1), Xerente wasi {wasi} (1),

Laklano klək-θˈãlã ~ kl k-θˈãlã {klágzãl ~ klẽgzãl} (2), Sao Paulo Kaingang kɾĩŋ ~ kɾĩɲ (2),

Parana Kaingang kɹĩŋ {krĩg} (2), Central Kaingang kɻĩɲ (2).



Kayapo: Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 559 (without the diminutive suffix).


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 18; Sá 1999: 36; Sá 2004: 134 (katiː-ɾˈe); Silva 2011: 63 (kati-ɾ). katiː-tˈe {catiiteh} is translated as 'star' in [Sá 1999: 36;

Sá 2004: 134], as 'the big star' in [Pries 2008: 18], but as 'Venus' in [Silva 2011: 63].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 38; Castro Alves 1999: 74. Usually used with a diminutive or an augmentative suffix.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 123. Polysemy: 'moon / stars'. Distinct from kɾot {krôt} 'a twinkling star' [Araújo 2016: 140]. Cf. kačˈe-ɾ-kapɾˈik

{kaxêrkaprik} 'Mars' (literally 'red star'), kačˈe-ɾ-tɛtˈɛtɛ-tˈi {kaxêrteteteti} 'Venus' (literally 'yellow star').

Apinaje: DEA: 35 (kanǯeː-ɾˈɛ ~ kanǯe-ɾˈɛ {kanhêêre ~ kanhêre}); Oliveira 2005: 387.

Kisedje: DKP: 11; DMK; Guedes 1993: 270 (kãte-čˈi).


Panara: Dourado 2001: 237; Vasconcelos 2013: 181; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n..



Castelnau f.n. ({chouachi}). Souza [2008: 42, 46, 66] also lists the form wasi-tɔ-pɾɛ {wasi to pre}, found in the names of the planets

(Venus, Mars and Jupiter) in [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 53].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 162; Bublitz 1994: 19; Jolkesky 2010: 266.




94

81. STONE

Xikrin kẽn {kẽn} (1), Kayapo kẽn {kẽn} (1), Kraho kʰẽn (1), Pykobje kʰẽn {quẽn} (1), Canela

k n {kẽn} (1), Parkateje kẽn {kẽn} (1), Apinaje k n {kẽn} (1), Kisedje k n {khẽnẽ} (1),

Tapayuna k n (1), Panara ky y ~ ky ~ ky {kjẽẽ ~ kjẽn ~ kjẽ} (1), Xavante t {ẽtẽ} (1),

Xerente ktẽ {ktẽ} (1), Laklano kɔðˈɨ {kózy} (2), Sao Paulo Kaingang pɔ (3), Parana Kaingang

pɔ {pó} (3), Central Kaingang pɔ (3).



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 245; Salanova 2001: 27; Nimuendajú 1932: 559.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 95; Sá 1999: 46; Sá 1999: 47. Polysemy: 'stone / ridge'.


Polysemy: 'stone / hill / mountain'.


Apinaje: DEA: 37 (k n ~ k {kẽn ~ kẽnh}); Oliveira 2005: 390; Albuquerque 2011: 23. Polysemy: 'stone / pebble'.

Kisedje: DKP: 12 (kʰˈene {khênê}); Santos 1997: 111; Nonato 2014: 129; Guedes 1993: 268; Nonato f.n.


Panara: Dourado 2001: 111 (ky y {kjẽẽ}); Vasconcelos 2013: 196 (ky {kjẽ}); Bardagil-Mas f.n. (ky (n) {kjẽ(n)}).

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 29; Estevam 2011: 140; Hall et al. 1987: 33; McLeod 1974. Distinct from ʔaːʔɛ {aʼé} 'capim navalha seed / collar /

pebble' [Hall et al. 1987: 17; Lachnitt 1987: 14].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 21, 90; Souza 2008: 63; Sousa Filho 2007: 238; Santos 2007: 239; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n. ({kanai});

Ehrenreich 1895: 153 (kiŋɛ). Distinct from hdə {hdâ} 'stone used to make sangria' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 11], akɛ {ake} 'a seed of

purple nut sedge / necklace made of seeds' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 1; Sousa Filho 2007: 162].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 164; Gakran 2016: 130; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Polysemy: 'stone / kindeys'. Distinct from čɔ {txó} 'rock / stonewall'

[Alves 2014: 177; Gakran 2016: 24].


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 84; Wiesemann 2011: 74; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Distinct from kaɸɨ {kafy} 'old road / road verge'



82. SUN

Xikrin mɯt {myt} (1), Kayapo mɯt {myt} (1), Kraho pɨt (1), Pykobje pət {pyht} (1), Canela

pɨt {pyt} (1), Parkateje pɨt {pyt} (1), Apinaje nbˈɨtɨ {myt} (1), Kisedje nbˈɨɾɨ {mbyry} (1),

Tapayuna (1), Panara i=npˈɨti {inpyti} (1) / wʌtˈʌti {wâtâti} (-1), Xavante bətə {bötö} (1),

Xerente sda=kɾɔ {sdakro} (2) / btə {btâ} (1), Laklano la {la} (3), Sao Paulo Kaingang (3),

Parana Kaingang {rã} (3), Central Kaingang (3).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 37, 98. Polysemy: 'sun / hour'.

Kayapo: Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 559. Attested only in the meaning 'hour' in [Jefferson 1989: 164]. Polysemy: 'sun

95

/ hour'.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 94; Sá 1999: 74. Polysemy: 'sun / day / afternoon'. Cf. also the term mẽ=paʔ=pˈãm {me paʼpãm} 'sun, God' (lit. 'our

father').


Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 206. Polysemy: 'sun / late'.

Apinaje: DEA: 54; Oliveira 2005: 372; Ham et al. 1979: 15; Salanova 2001: 30; Albuquerque 2011: 78. Can also denote the moon.

Kisedje: DKP: 17; Santos 1997: 12; Nonato 2014: 127; Guedes 1993: 271 (nbˈəɾə); Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (mɨɾi); Nonato

f.n. Polysemy: 'sun / time'.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 72; Camargo 2015: 75; Santos 1997: 12; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 130; Bardagil-Mas f.n.Bardagil-Mas 2018: 19; Vasconcelos 2013: 175. A borrowing from Xavánte.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 20-21; Estevam 2011: 140; Hall et al. 1987: 20; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'sun / day / hour'. Cf. ʔay=wa=ʔɾɔ

{aiwaʼro}, used by shamans [Lachnitt 1987: 16; Estevam 2011: 508].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 38, 97; Cotrim 2016: 119; Souza 2008: 47, 69; Sousa Filho 2007: 95; Santos 2007: 237. Frequently

refers to sunny weather.Krieger & Krieger 1994: 4, 97; Cotrim 2016: 134, 361; Souza 2008: 64 (as bəd {bâdã} 'day'); Mattos 1973;

Castelnau f.n. ({beudeu}); Ehrenreich 1895: 153 (bədɨ ~ budɨ). Polysemy: 'day / sun'.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 167; Gakran 2016: 119; Bublitz 1994: 9; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'sun / day'. Distinct from laŋl l {laglẽl}

'heat / sunshine' [Gakran 2016: 164].




83. SWIM

Xikrin ɾe {rê} (1), Kayapo ɾe {rê} (1), Canela čwa {xwa} (2), Parkateje k =tˈẽ {krãtẽ} (3),

Apinaje paʔɔ=ngo-taʔtˈaka ~ ngo-kat k ~ ngo-tatak-ɔ-nbɾˈa ~ ngoč-k -m-ʔapa-ɔ-ʔapɛɾyapˈʌ ~ ngoč-

k -m-nbɾˈa {paho gô tahtak ~ gô katõk ~ gô tatak o mra ~ gôx kãm hapa o haperjapà ~ gôx kãm

mra} (4) / ʔɔ=ndandˈa {ho nana} (-1), Kisedje ɺe {rê} (1), Tapayuna ɾe (1), Xavante ɾibi / ʒə=ɾibi

{ribi / dzöribi} (5), Xerente ɾbi / zə=ɾibi ~ zə=ɾbi {rbi / zâri / zâribi ~ zârbi} (5), Laklano nblo

{blo} (6), Sao Paulo Kaingang nbɾo # (6), Parana Kaingang tũŋnˈũm {tũgnũm} (7), Central

Kaingang nbɾo (6).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 84, 169; Salanova 2019. Non-finite form: ɾˈe-ɾe {rêrê}. Polysemy: 'to swim / to cross'.

Kayapo: Reis Silva 2003: 35. Non-finite form: ɾˈe-ɾe {rêrê}. Glossed as 'to cross' by Jefferson [1989: 248]. Polysemy: 'to swim / to cross'.


Pykobje: Not attested. Cf. a=mɾˈõ 'to dive' [Silva 2011: 78].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 138, 206; Castro Alves 2004: 43, 89; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 7, 8. Non-finite form: čwɘ-ɻ {xwyr}. Polysemy: 'to

swim / to bathe'.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 135. Distinct from ɾe {rê} 'to cross by swimming', ko=kˈa=kyˈe {kôkakjê} 'to dive' [Araújo 2016: 128], ɾɛ {re} 'to

float' [Araújo 2016: 212].

Apinaje: DEA: 21, 22, 59. A number of expressions meaning 'to beat water', 'to explode water', 'to walk by beating water', 'to walk

on water', etc.DEA: 27. Borrowed from Portuguese nadˈa {nadar}.

Kisedje: DKP: 23; DMK; Santos 1997: 71; Guedes 1993: 275. Non-finite form: ɺˈe-ɺe {rêrê}. Polysemy: 'to swim / to cross'. Attested in

the latter meaning also in [Nonato 2014: 141].

96

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 124. Non-finite form: ɾˈe-ɾe. Attested as i=ɾˈɛ in [Camargo 2010: 43].


Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 28; Estevam 2011: 396; Hall et al. 1987: 79; McLeod 1974 (ʒəː=ɾi {dzöri}).

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 56, 87; Sousa Filho 2007: 165, 175; Cotrim 2016: 233, 392; Santos 2007: 236, 241, 243; Mattos 1973;

Castelnau f.n. ({darbi}). Ehrenreich [1895: 157] lists the form aɾua=mɾõ.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 145; Jolkesky 2010: 267; Bublitz 1994: 38. Polysemy: 'to swim / to bathe'. Distinct from ndˈala {dal} 'to float'

[Bublitz 1994: 17].


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 105; Wiesemann 2011: 89. Apparently distinct from nbɾo {mro} (plural nbɾog=nbɾˈo {mrogmro}),

glossed as 'to swim' in a comparative work by Jolkesky [2010: 267] but translated as 'to bathe' in [Wiesemann 1981: 68, 280;

Wiesemann 2011: 62]; cf. also nbɾo {mro} 'to soak' [Wiesemann 1981: 68, 280; Wiesemann 2011: 62].


84. TAIL

Xikrin ya=mˈɯ {jamy} (1), Kayapo ya=mˈɯ {jamy} (1), Kraho ya=pˈɨ (1), Pykobje ya=p

{japyyh} (1), Canela ya=pˈɨ {japy} (1), Parkateje ya=pˈɨ {japy} (1), Apinaje ya=nbˈɨ {jamy} (1),

Kisedje nbɨ {mby} (1), Tapayuna (1), Panara s= =npˈɨ {sãnpy} (1), Xavante m n {mana}

(1), Xerente mn {mnã} (1), Laklano nbɨ {my} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang =mɨ (1), Parana

Kaingang nbɨ {my} (1), Central Kaingang nbɨ (1).





Pykobje: Pries 2008: 62; Sá 2004: 87 (ya=pˈa).

Canela: Grupp 2015: 74; Castro Alves 2004: 30.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 61. More specifically, a long tail (used of jaguars, birds, armadillos, fish, alligators, donkeys). Distinct from

yačˈɨ 'short tail' (used of tapirs, agoutis, pacas, pigs, deer) [Araújo 2016: 66].

Apinaje: DEA: 17; Oliveira 2005: 360; Ham et al. 1979: 18. More specifically 'tail, of the long kind, such as that of an armadillo or a

cow'.

Kisedje: Santos 1997: 107; Nonato 2014: 127; Nonato f.n. Polysemy: 'tail / penis'. Attested in the latter meaning also in [DKP: 17].

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 58. Polysemy: 'tail / penis / man'.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 17, 237 (s= =npˈɨ {sããnpy}); Vasconcelos 2013: 197; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Hall et al. 1987: 38; McLeod 1974 (m n ). Utterance-finally: bə {bö}. Polysemy: 'tail / penis'. Lachnitt [1987: 75] also attests

сa ɾɛbɛ {tsarébé}.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 3, 26, 93; Cotrim 2016: 53, 367, 383; Sousa Filho 2007: 110; Santos 2007: 236; Mattos 1973. Utterance-

finally: bə {bâ}. Castelnau [f.n.] attests {crou} (probably a mistranslation of kɾu {kru} 'rat'). Cotrim attests two different utterance-

medial allomorphs: mn {mnã} and bəy {bâi}.





85. THAT

97

Xikrin wã {wã} (1), Kayapo wã {wã} (1), Kraho a-tˈa (2), Pykobje ɾet {reht} (3) / nẽt {net} (4),

Canela a-tˈa {ata} (2), Parkateje a-tˈa {ata} (2), Apinaje mũy / mũ {mũj / mũ} (5), Kisedje a-tʰˈa

{atha} (2) / nˈĩ-ɺa {nira} (4), Tapayuna a-ʈʰˈa (2) / nĩ-ɾˈa ~ ni-ɾˈa (4), Panara m -ɾa {mãra} (6),

Xavante / -h {õ / õhõ} (7), Xerente kũ-h {kũhã} (7), Laklano hã-tˈa {hãta} (2) / ũ-tˈa {ũta}

(8), Sao Paulo Kaingang n (2), Parana Kaingang n {ẽn} (2) / t {tã} (9), Central

Kaingang n (2).



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 249 (wa {wa}); Reis Silva 2003: 50; Salanova 2001: 18; Salanova 2019.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 96; Silva 2011: 113. Medial deixis. Distinct from aː-tˈaː {aataa} 'thing' [Pries 2008: 3].Pries 2008: 88; Silva 2011: 113.

Distal deixis.



Apinaje: DEA: 53; Oliveira 2005: 165; Ham 1961: 15; Albuquerque 2011: 88. Distinct from the deictic morpheme ta {ta} [DEA: 69;

Albuquerque 2011: 88], whose exact meaning includes the component 'remote past'.

Kisedje: DKP: 6; DMK; Santos 1997: 61; Nonato 2014: 66. Close to the listener.DKP: 21; DMK; Santos 1997: 61; Nonato 2014: 81;

Guedes 1993: 272. Far from the speaker and the listener.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 109. Close to the listener.Camargo 2015: 109, 137. Far from the speaker and the listener; invisible.

Polysemy: 'that / far'. ʈʰõ-ɾˈa is described as 'far from the speaker and the listener' but is translated as 'another' in [Camargo 2015: 110].

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 43; Dourado 2001: 47. Pronoun: wa {wa}. Cf. m -m {mãmã} 'the one far from the addressee' [Bardagil-

Mas 2018: 43].

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 48; Estevam 2011: 47; Hall et al. 1987: 76. Distinct from the anaphoric device ta / taha {ta / taha} [Lachnitt

1987: 68; Estevam 2011: 47; Hall et al. 1987: 92].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 24, 62; Cotrim 2016: 96; Sousa Filho 2007: 134; Santos 2007: 239 (ku-h {kuhã}), 240; Mattos 1973.

Distinct from ta-h {tahã} 'generic demonstrative not specified for distance' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 47; Cotrim 2016: 96; Sousa Filho

2007: 134; Mattos 1973].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 152; Gakran 2016: 107. Visible. Also attested as ã-tˈa {ãta} in [Alves 2014: 144]; as ã-n in [Jolkesky 2010:

233].Gakran 2016: 107. Invisible to the speaker. Glossed as 'another, different' in [Alves 2014: 178]. Attested as ta {ta} in [Jolkesky

2010: 233].


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 3; Wiesemann 2011: 161; Jolkesky 2010: 233. Visible to the speaker.Wiesemann 2011: 161;

Jolkesky 2010: 233. Invisible to the speaker. Attested only in compounds in [Wiesemann 1981: 99].


86. THIS

Xikrin yã {jã} (1), Kayapo yã {jã} (1), Kraho i-tˈa (2), Pykobje n-tˈaː {ẽhntaa} (2), Canela i-tˈa

{ita} (2), Parkateje i-tˈa ~ ...-ta {ita ~ ta} (2), Apinaje ža {ja} (1), Kisedje i-tʰˈa {itha} (2),

Tapayuna i-ʈʰˈa (2), Panara pya {pja} (3) / ya {ja} (1), Xavante / -h {ã / ãhã} (4), Xerente

tə=k / k -h {tâkã / kãhã} (4), Laklano tˈɔ-ki ~ tɔ-gn {tó ki ~ tóg} (5), Sao Paulo Kaingang ta-ki

(5), Parana Kaingang ta-gn {tag} (5), Central Kaingang ta-gn (5).

98



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 243 (ya {ja}); Reis Silva 2003: 50; Salanova 2001: 18; Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019.





Apinaje: DEA: 30; Oliveira 2005: 165; Ham 1961: 15; Salanova 2001: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 88.

Kisedje: DKP: 9; DMK; Santos 1997: 61; Nonato 2014: 126; Guedes 1993: 265; Nonato f.n. ({ita}). Close to the speaker.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 109. Close to the speaker.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 47.Bardagil-Mas 2018: 43; Dourado 2001: 47; Bardagil-Mas f.n. (y {jã}). According to Dourado, this word is

more often used pronominally than adnominally. Cf. m =ya {mãja} 'the one close to the speaker but not from the addressee'

[Bardagil-Mas 2018: 43].


Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 15, 47, 77; Cotrim 2016: 96; Sousa Filho 2007: 134 (ka-h ~ k -h {kahã ~ kãhã}); Santos 2007: 240;

Mattos 1973. According to Cotrim [2016: 96], k -h {kãhã} conveys the idea of a distant but visible object, in which case only tə=k

{tâkã} would qualify for inclusion in GLD. In practice, it is irrelevant whether to include k -h {kãhã} on the list because both these

demonstratives share the root k {kã} anyway.


Sao Paulo Kaingang: Jolkesky 2010: 233. Stress position is unknown.



87. THOU

Xikrin ga {ga} (1) / a- {a} (2), Kayapo ga {ga} (1) / a- {a} (2), Kraho ka (1) / a- (2), Pykobje ka

{ca} (1) / aː- {aa-} (2), Canela ka {ca} (1) / a- {a-} (2), Parkateje ka {ka} (1) / a- ~ ha- {a- ~ ha-}

(2), Apinaje ka {ka} (1) / a- {a-} (2), Kisedje ka {ka} (1) / a- {a-} (2), Tapayuna ka (1) / a- (2),

Panara ka / ka- {ka / ka-} (1) / a- {a-} (2), Xavante ʔa-h {a hã} (1) / ʔay- {ai-} (2), Xerente ka ~

to=ka {ka ~ tôka} (1) / ay- {ai-} (2), Laklano a {a} (2) / mã ~ mã-hˈa {mã ~ mãha} (3), Sao Paulo

Kaingang (2), Parana Kaingang {ã} (2), Central Kaingang (2).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 78. Pronoun (agentive case).Costa 2015: 78. Absolutive/accusative.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 64; Reis Silva 2003: 50; Salanova 2001: 18; Stout & Thompson 1974. Pronoun (agentive case).Jefferson 1989:

64; Reis Silva 2003: 51; Stout & Thompson 1974. Absolutive/accusative. Ergative: a-yɛ {aje}.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 106. Pronoun (agentive case).Miranda 2014: 106. Absolutive/accusative.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 13; Sá 1999: 60; Sá 2004: 68; Silva 2011: 111. Pronoun (agentive case).Pries 2008: 2; Sá 1999: 75; Sá 2004: 68; Silva

2011: 110. Absolutive/accusative. In j-initial stems, the allomorph ng- {ng-} may be optionally used instead.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 29; Castro Alves 1999: 23, 32; Castro Alves 2004: 80; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 8; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 132.

Pronoun (agentive case).Grupp 2015: V; Castro Alves 2004: 83; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 129. Absolutive/accusative. In j-initial stems,

the allomorph ŋ- {g-} may be optionally used instead.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 105. Pronoun (agentive case).Araújo 2016: 19. Absolutive/accusative.

99

Apinaje: DEA: 31; Oliveira 2005: 159; Ham 1961: 15; Ham et al. 1979: 25; Albuquerque 2011: 85. Pronoun (agentive case).DEA: 17;

Oliveira 2005: 180; Ham 1961: 25; Ham et al. 1979: 17; Albuquerque 2011: 87. Absolutive/accusative.

Kisedje: DKP: 10; DMK; Santos 1997: 45; Nonato 2014: 13; Guedes 1993: 113; Nonato f.n. Pronoun (agentive case).DKP: 4; Santos

1997: 45; Nonato 2014: 13; Guedes 1993: 118. Absolutive/accusative.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 91. Pronoun (agentive case).Camargo 2015: 98. Absolutive/accusative.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 104, 113; Dourado 2001: 42; Vasconcelos 2013: 171; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 4; Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-

Mas f.n. Pronoun and ergative clitic. Nominative clitic: ti- {ti-}.Bardagil-Mas 2018: 117; Dourado 2001: 44; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 4;

Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n. With j-initial stems, the allomorph k- {k-} is used instead; it is not given in the main field

because these stems are significantly less numerous than those that receive a- {a-}. Absolutive/accusative clitic.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 13, 14; Estevam 2011: 42; McLeod 1974.Lachnitt 1987: 14; Estevam 2011: 149, 209; Hall et al. 1987: 268. Person

index. Honorific: aː- {aa-}.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 13, 49, 101; Cotrim 2016: 96; Sousa Filho 2007: 117, 120, 122; Santos 2007: 240; Mattos 1973. ka {ka} is

used mostly by the elderly.Krieger & Krieger 1994: 1; Cotrim 2016: 96; Souza 2008: 40; Sousa Filho 2007: 123; Santos 2007: 244.

Person index.

Laklano: Gakran 2016: 74; Urban 1985: 167; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Pronoun.Gakran 2016: 176; Urban 1985: 167. Nominative clitic.




88. TONGUE

Xikrin ɲõtˈɔ {nhõto} (1), Kayapo ɲõtˈɔ {nhõto} (1), Kraho yɔptˈɔ (1), Pykobje yõ tˈo {jõhʼto} (1),

Canela y tˈɔ {jõhto} (1), Parkateje yõtˈɔ {jõto} (1), Apinaje tˈɔ {nhõhto} (1), Tapayuna

ɲõʈʰˈɔ (1), Panara s= tˈɔ {sõto} (1), Xavante ytɔ ~ ttɔ {nhoito ~ nhotto} (1), Xerente nõytɔ

{nõito} (1), Laklano nũnˈã {nũnã} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang nõn (1), Parana Kaingang nũn

{nũnẽ} (1), Central Kaingang nũn (1).





Pykobje: Pries 2008: 70; Sá 1999: 72; Sá 2004: 85.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 89; Castro Alves 1999: 66; Castro Alves 2004: 124. Grupp [2015: 91] also mentions the variant yɔptˈɔ {jopto},

which might belong to the Krahô variety (rather than Canela).


Apinaje: DEA: 58; Oliveira 2005: 400; Ham et al. 1979: 56.




Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 45, 89 ( tɔ); Estevam 2011: 139; Hall et al. 1987: 276; McLeod 1974 ( tɔ).

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 29, 84; Souza 2008: 83; Sousa Filho 2007: 102, 252; Santos 2007: 235; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n.

({danin-tou}); Ehrenreich 1895: 151 (=noito).

Laklano: Alves 2014: 170; Bublitz 1994: 9; Jolkesky 2010: 266.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 76; Wiesemann 2011: 68; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'tongue / speech / word'.


100

89. TOOTH

Xikrin ǯwa {djwa} (1), Kayapo ǯwa {djwa} (1), Kraho cwa (1), Pykobje čwaː {xwaa} (1),

Canela čwa {xwa} (1), Parkateje čwa {xwa} (1), Apinaje čwa {xwa} (1), Kisedje twa {twa} (1),

Tapayuna tʷa (1), Panara swa ~ sˈoa {sua ~ sôa} (1), Xavante ʔwa {ʼwa} (1), Xerente kwa {kwa}

(1), Laklano ya {ja} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang y (1), Parana Kaingang y {jã} (1), Central

Kaingang (1).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 141, 142.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 167, 238; Salanova 2001: 18; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 558.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 99, 100; Sá 1999: 75; Sá 2004: 166, 167.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 199, 205; Castro Alves 1999: 24; Castro Alves 2004: 173; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 17.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 243, 252. Polysemy: 'tooth / sharpened point / the point of an arrow'.

Apinaje: DEA: 25, 73; Oliveira 2005: 414; Ham et al. 1979: 54; Salanova 2001: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 41. Polysemy: 'tooth / sharp'.

Kisedje: DKP: 21; DMK; Santos 1997: 39; Guedes 1993: 267 (toˈa); Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Nonato f.n. ({wã}).


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 24; Dourado 2001: 190, 235; Vasconcelos 2013: 212; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 96; Estevam 2011: 147; Hall et al. 1987: 31; McLeod 1974. Cf. ʔay=ʔaɾe {aiʼare}, used by shamans [Lachnitt 1987:

15; Estevam 2011: 508].


Castelnau f.n. ({daguoi}); Ehrenreich 1895: 151 (=kua). Polysemy: 'tooth / cutting instrument / blade'.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 153; Gakran 2016: 80; Bublitz 1994: 10, 11; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Polysemy: 'tooth / beak'.




90. TREE

Xikrin pĩ {pĩ} (1), Kayapo pĩ {pĩ} (1), Kraho pĩ (1), Pykobje p {pẽh} (1), Canela pɜɻ {pàr} (2)

/ pĩ {pĩ} (1), Parkateje pʌɾ {pàr} (2), Apinaje pĩ {pĩ} (1), Kisedje hwĩ {hwĩ} (1), Tapayuna hʷĩ

(1), Panara pʌɾˈi {pâri} (2), Xavante wede {wede} (2), Xerente wde {wdê} (2), Laklano kɔ {kó}

(3), Sao Paulo Kaingang ka (3), Parana Kaingang ka {ka} (3), Central Kaingang ka (3).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 145. Distinct from bˈʌɾi {bàr} 'tree trunk' [Costa 2015: 73], a root present in compound tree names. Distinct from ko

{kô} 'a place where a certain tree or plant is abundant' [Costa 2015: 74].

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 247; Reis Silva 2003: 68; Salanova 2001: 19; Nimuendajú 1932: 560 (pĩ 'firewood'). Distinct from bˈʌɾi {bàr}

'bush / tree trunk / horn' [Salanova 2001: 22], kɾač {krax} 'tree trunk' [Jefferson 1989: 245].

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 25. Distinct from pˈɐɾɐ ~ pˈaɾa (class C) 'tree trunk' [Miranda 2014: 96, 121, 155], a root that is present in

compound tree names.

101

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 90; Sá 1999: 45; Sá 2004: 131; Silva 2011: 126. Polysemy: 'tree / wood / stick / firewood'. Distinct from pəɾ {pyr}

'frutiferous tree, tree of a certain species' [Pries 2008: 48; Sá 2004: 88].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 171; Castro Alves 1999: 21, 61; Castro Alves 2004: 40. Class B. Polysemy: 'horn / tree / trunk'. Sometimes found

with an indefinite internal argument: ampɔ=pˈɜɻ {ampopàr}.Grupp 2015: 124, 173; Castro Alves 1999: 37; Castro Alves 2004: 93; Popjes

& Popjes 1971: 15; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 130. Polysemy: 'tree / wood.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 189. Distinct from pĩ {pĩ} 'firewood' [Araújo 2016: 195].

Apinaje: DEA: 63; Oliveira 2005: 403; Ham 1961: 20; Ham et al. 1979: 18. Distinct from pˈʌɾʌ ~ pˈaɾa {pàr ~ par} 'horn / tree trunk / the

plant of a particular fruit or flower / canoe / car' [DEA: 61; Oliveira 2005: 402; Albuquerque 2011: 77]. Albuquerque translates pĩ {pĩ}

as 'wood' [2011: 62] and pˈʌɾʌ {pàr} as 'tree' [2011: 77].

Kisedje: DKP: 8; DMK; Santos 1997: 41; Nonato 2014: 141; Guedes 1993: 105 (ɣwĩ); Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (glossed as

'firewood'); Nonato f.n.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 75; Camargo 2015: 79; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (glossed as 'firewood').

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 49; Dourado 2001: 22, 150; Vasconcelos 2013: 181 (pʌːɾˈi ~ pʌɾˈi {pââri ~ pâri}); Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 103; Estevam 2011: 294; Hall et al. 1987: 121; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'tree / wood / medicine'. Lachnitt

[1987: 102] also cites wawa {wawa}, which might denote a tree species.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 54, 63; Cotrim 2016: 277, 417; Souza 2008: 71 (ude {udê}); Sousa Filho 2007: 113; Santos 2007: 237;

Mattos 1973; Ehrenreich 1895: 153 (udeɛ). Polysemy: 'tree / wood'. Distinct from mmĩ {mmĩ} 'firewood' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 26,

84; Cotrim 2016: 124]. Castelnau [f.n.] lists the form {couba}, a mistranslation of kuba {kuba} 'boat / canoe / bridge'.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 163; Gakran 2016: 129; Bublitz 1994: 11; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Distinct from p {pẽ} 'firewood' [Gakran 2016: 66].

Cf. ndɨ {ny}, also glossed as 'tree' in [Alves 2014: 148].


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 33; Wiesemann 2011: 36; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Utterance-finally: k {kã}.


91. TWO

Xikrin amˈẽ {amẽ} (1), Kayapo ay-kɾˈut {ajkrut} (2) / amˈẽ {amẽ} (1), Kraho piya=kʰɾˈut (2),

Pykobje a=s=kɾˈo t ~ a=s=k t {axcroht ~ axcryht} (2) / dos {dox} (-1), Canela a=y=kʰɾˈut

{ajkrut} (2), Parkateje ay=kɾˈutu {aikrut} (2), Apinaje ač=kɾˈutu {axkrut} (2) / am č-kɾˈutu

{amẽxkrut} (1), Kisedje ay=kʰɹˈuɾu {ajkhruru} (2), Tapayuna ay=kʰχˈuɾu (2), Panara pɨti-ɾˈa

{pytira} (3), Xavante m paɾan ~ wapaɾan {maparane ~ waparane} (4), Xerente pɔnkwanẽ

{ponkwanẽ} (5), Laklano lɛgn=lˈe {légle} (5), Sao Paulo Kaingang =ɾˈe ~ =ɾˈi (6),

Parana Kaingang ɛɾɛgn=eɾˈe {régre} (6), Central Kaingang ɻɛgn=ɻe (6).



Kayapo: Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 566.Salanova 2019.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 152. Class B. Also attested as piya=kɾˈut.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 12, 47. Non-finite form: pe =s=kɾˈo t ~ pe =s=k t ~ pe =s=kɾˈut-ɾe {pehxcroht ~ pehxcryht ~ pehxcrutre}.Pries 2008:

26. Borrowed from Portuguese doys {dois}.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 10; Castro Alves 1999: 20; Castro Alves 2004: 86; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 186. Non-finite form: pi=ya=kʰɾˈut ~

p=ya=kʰɾˈut {pijakrut}.


Apinaje: DEA: 19; Oliveira 2005: 212; Ham 1961: 5; Albuquerque 2011: 84 (ač=kɾˈɨtɨ {axkryt}). Also attested as at=kɾˈutu

{atkrut}.Oliveira 2005: 212; Ham 1961: 5. Also attested as am t=kɾˈutu {amẽtkrut}

102

Kisedje: DKP: 4; DMK; Guedes 1993: 162 (aǯ=kˈuɾu); Nonato f.n. Also attested as ay=kɹˈuɾu {ajkruru}.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 144, 145.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 31, 54; Dourado 2001: 51; Vasconcelos 2013: 199.


Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 32, 74; Cotrim 2016: 324, 390; Souza 2008: 58 (ponukwanẽ {pônukwanẽ}); Sousa Filho 2007: 230, 238

(pɔnkwanẽ ~ ponkwanẽ {ponkwanẽ ~ pônkwanẽ}); Santos 2007: 236, 241; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n. ({poucouanai}); Ehrenreich 1895:

158 (ponkuaneː).

Laklano: Alves 2014: 166; Gakran 2016: 106 (glossed as 'twin'); Jolkesky 2010: 265. Polysemy: 'two / friend / twin'. Active: lɛgn=lˈɛ-gn

{léglég}.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 91; Wiesemann 2011: 78; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Utterance-finally: ɛɾɛgn=ɛɾˈɛ {régré}. Polysemy: 'two

/ second / friend / companion / brother'. Active: ɛɾɛgn=ɛɾˈɛ-gn {régrég}.


91. TWO

Apinaje tˈois {tôis} (-1).


Apinaje: DEA: 71. Borrowed from Portuguese doys {dois}.

92. WALK(GO)

Xikrin tẽ {tẽ} (1), Kayapo tẽ {tẽ} (1), Kraho tẽ (1) / mõ (2), Pykobje tẽ {tẽ} (1) / mõ {mõ} (0),

Canela t {tẽ} (1) / m {mõ} (2), Parkateje tẽ {tẽ} (1) / mõ {mõ} # (2), Apinaje t {tẽ} (1),

Kisedje t {thẽ} (1), Tapayuna (1), Panara kwɨ {kuy} (3), Xavante m {mo} (2), Xerente

mõ {mõ} (2), Laklano t {tẽ} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang tĩ (1), Parana Kaingang tĩ {tĩ} (1),

Central Kaingang tĩ (1).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 63, 79, 84. Non-finite form: tẽ-m {tẽ}. Plural: mõ {mõ} [Costa 2015: 61, 76]. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 21; Reis Silva 2003: 75; Salanova 2001: 19. Non-finite form: tẽ-m {tẽ}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Plural: mõ

{mõ} [Jefferson 1989: 71; Reis Silva 2003: 46; Stout & Thompson 1974]. Distinct from mɾã {mrã}, kɯ {ky} 'to walk' [Jefferson 1989: 98,

142; Salanova 2001: 18, 55].

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 121, 178. Class A. Non-finite form: tẽ-m. Polysemy: 'to go / to walk / to come'. Plural: pɾa [Miranda 2014: 129,

134]. No transparent semantic difference from mõ.Miranda 2014: 106, 115, 160. Class A. Non-finite form: mˈõ-ɾõ. No transparent

semantic difference from tẽ.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 41; Sá 2004: 118; Silva 2011: 78. Class C. Non-finite form: tẽ-m {tẽm}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Distinct from pa

{pa} 'to walk, to live', pɾaː {praa} 'to walk fast, to live' [Pries 2008: 44, 51]. The distinction between tẽ {tẽ} and mõ {mõ} is not that of

number; tẽ {tẽ} refers to a faster movement than mõ {mõ}.Pries 2008: 87; Sá 2004: 110; Silva 2011: 88. Non-finite form: mõ-ɾ {mõr}.

Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Class A. Refers to a faster movement than tẽ {tẽ}.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 128; Castro Alves 1999: 24, 28; Castro Alves 2004: 54, 143; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 138, 162, 183. Class C. Non-

finite form: t -m {tẽm}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come / to travel'. The distinction between t {tẽ} and m {mõ} is not that of number; t

{tẽ} might refer to a faster movement than m {mõ}. Distinct from pɾa {pra} 'to run, to travel on a fast vehicle, to ride, to walk fast.PL'

103

[Grupp 2015: 133].Grupp 2015: 166; Castro Alves 1999: 20; Castro Alves 2004: 61, 62; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 15; Popjes & Popjes 1986:

132. Class A. Non-finite form: m -ɻ {mõr}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 225. Non-finite form: tẽ-n {tẽn}. Glossed as 'to go fast'. The verb mũ {mũ} is glossed as 'to go' in [Araújo 2016:

169], but in the available examples it is not used in the Swadesh meaning; apparently the verb in question is auxiliary. Distinct from

mõ {mõ} 'to leave' [Araújo 2016: 165], pɾa {pra} 'to walk / to run' [Araújo 2016: 169, 200], pɾa {pra} 'to go away' [Araújo 2016: 200], i=pˈa

{ipa} 'to stroll' [Araújo 2016: 85], čɨ {xy} 'to walk through a forest in a group' [Araújo 2016: 79], hʌpˈa 'to walk in a line' [Araújo 2016:

59], mču {mxu} 'to walk a long distance' [Araújo 2016: 169].Araújo 2016: 165. Non-finite form: mõ-n {mõn}. Glossed as 'to go fast'.

Might be plural.

Apinaje: DEA: 70; Oliveira 2005: 410; Ham 1961: 4; Ham et al. 1979: 58; Albuquerque 2011: 119. Non-finite form: t ~ t -m {tẽẽ ~

tẽm}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Means 'to go' if used with the directional particle ma {mã}. Plural: m {mõ} [DEA: 52; Oliveira 2005:

399; Ham et al. 1979: 55; Salanova 2001: 30, 35]. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Distinct from ⁿbɾa {mra} 'to walk / to stroll' [DEA: 52;

Oliveira 2005: 373; Ham et al. 1979: 53; Albuquerque 2011: 50, 90]. According to Albuquerque [2011: 94], ⁿbɾa {mra} is used as a plural

of t {tẽ}. The words kɾʌ {krà} and kɨy {kyj} are translated as 'to go' in [DEA: 40, 45] but as 'to take a stand / to decide' and 'letʼs'

respectively in [Oliveira 2005: 384, 391; Albuquerque 2011: 127].

Kisedje: Santos 1997: 14; Nonato 2014: 15, 24, 145; Guedes 1993: 66; Nonato f.n. ({tẽ}). Non-finite form: t -m {thẽme}. Polysemy: 'to

go / to come'. Plural: m {mo} [Santos 1997: 48; Nonato 2014: 24, 141; Guedes 1993: 66; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605]. Distinct

from nbɺa {mbra} 'to walk / to live' [DMK; Nonato 2014: 18, 141, 146; Guedes 1993: 271].

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 88 (t ); Camargo 2015: 140, 141, 151, 178. Non-finite form: -m. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Plural: mõ

[Camargo 2010: 49 (mũ); Camargo 2015: 123, 130, 147; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605].

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 44, 45, 56, 154; Dourado 2001: 32, 46; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 6; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Distinct from paŋ {pan} 'to

walk' [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 44, 55; Dourado 2001: 140; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 4; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-Mas

f.n], tɔ-w {too} 'to leave / to fly / to dance' [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 39; Dourado 2001: 127; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016]. Much more frequent

than t {tẽ} 'to go, to leave' [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 26, 35, 58; Dourado 2001: 92; Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.]. Pluractional: m -

ɾi {mõri} [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 47; Dourado 2001: 46, 61 (mˈɔrin-); Lapierre et al. 2016 (m w {mõõ}); Bardagil-Mas f.n. (m , m -ɾĩ {mõ,

mõrĩ})].

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 38; Estevam 2011: 199; Hall et al. 1987: 98; McLeod 1974. Non-finite form: m -ɾĩ {morĩ}. Dual.NF: n -m {nem}

[Lachnitt 1987: 40; Hall et al. 1987: 103]. Plural: ay=ʔabaʔɾɛy {aiʼabaʼréi} [Lachnitt 1987: 14; Hall et al. 1987: 94].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 61, 82; Cotrim 2016: 93, 384; Sousa Filho 2007: 117, 138, 141; Santos 2007: 239, 246; Mattos 1973;

Ehrenreich 1895: 151 (mo-ɾĩ). Non-finite form: mõ-ɾĩ ~ mõ-ɾ { mõrĩ ~ mõr}. Dual: nẽ {nẽ}. Plural: tmõmõ {tmõmõ} or wahudu ~ wahud

{wahudu ~ wahud} [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 27, 48, 50, 82; Cotrim 2016: 93, 422; Sousa Filho 2007: 118, 125; Santos 2007: 249].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 175; Gakran 2016: 155; Bublitz 1994: 7; Urban 1985: 166; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Perfective: t -ŋ {tẽg}. Plural: mũ

{mũ} [Alves 2014: 169; Gakran 2016: 155; Bublitz 1994: 43; Urban 1985: 169].

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 81; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Plural: mũ. Past: wˈɨɾɨ.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 101; Wiesemann 2011: 86; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Perfective: tĩ-ŋ {tĩg}. Active: tĩ-n {tĩn}. Plural: mũ

{mũ}, active: mũ-n {mũn} [Wiesemann 1981: 68; Wiesemann 2011: 62].


93. WARM

Xikrin ka=ŋɾˈɔ {kangro} (1), Kayapo ka=ŋɾˈɔ {kangro} (1), Kraho ka=kɾˈɔ (1), Pykobje ka=kɾˈo

{cacro} (1), Canela ka=kɾˈɔ {cacro} (1), Parkateje ka=kɾˈɔ-tˈi {kakroti} (1), Apinaje ka=ngɾˈɔ

{kagro} (1), Kisedje kʰa=ngɹˈɔ {khangro} (1), Tapayuna ka=ngʁˈɔ (1), Panara n= =nkyˈɔ {nãnkjo}

(1), Xavante waː=ʔɾɔ {waʼro} (1), Xerente wa=kɾɔ {wakro} (1), Laklano l {lõ} (3), Sao Paulo

Kaingang (3), Parana Kaingang {ry} (3), Central Kaingang ɻã (3).


104


Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 150; Reis Silva 2003: 33.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 74, 197. Class A or B. Also attested variably as ka=kʰɾˈɔ, ka=kʰɾˈo.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 13; Sá 2004: 115. Class A.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 30; Castro Alves 1999: 42, 70; Castro Alves 2004: 40; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 15; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 136 (kɾɔ

{cro}). Class A. Polysemy: 'warm / hot / to warm up'.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 112. Derived from ka=kɾˈɔ {kakro} 'heat / to warm up' [Araújo 2016: 112].

Apinaje: DEA: 32; Oliveira 2005: 387; Albuquerque 2011: 95. Glossed as 'hot'. Distinct from =ngo ~ =ngo {hã gô ~ ã gô} 'sweat / to

sweat / to be warm' [DEA: 23; Oliveira 2005: 415].

Kisedje: DKP: 10; Santos 1997: 67; Nonato f.n. (glossed as 'hot'). Also attested as kʰa=ngɹˈo {khangrô}.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 46. In [Camargo 2010: 119, 159] this word is translated as 'to feel hot'.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 113; Dourado 2001: 36, 126; Vasconcelos 2013: 169; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Glossed as 'hot'

in the sources.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 101; Estevam 2011: 75; Hall et al. 1987: 120; McLeod 1974 (waːʔɾɔː-di). Polysemy: 'hot / fever'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 51, 93; Cotrim 2016: 319, 413; Sousa Filho 2007: 116, 221; Santos 2007: 240, 243; Castelnau f.n.

({roacro} 'heat'). Combines with the predicative particle -ki {-ki}. Distinct from wapu {wapu} 'slightly warm / light / easy /

unimportant' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 53; Mattos 1973].



Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 94; Wiesemann 2011: 81; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Active: ɤ -ŋ {ryg}.


94. WATER

Xikrin ŋo {ngô} (1), Kayapo ŋo {ngô} (1), Kraho ko (1), Pykobje ku {cu} (1), Canela ko {cô}

(1), Parkateje ko {kô} (1), Apinaje go / goč- {gô / gôx-} (1), Kisedje ngo {ngô} (1), Tapayuna ngo (1), Panara i=nkˈo {inkô} (1), Xavante ʔuy {ui} (1), Xerente kəy {kâi} (2), Laklano ngo ~

ngˈoyo ~ ngoy {go ~ goj ~ gonh} (1), Sao Paulo Kaingang ngˈoyo (1), Parana Kaingang ngˈoyo

{goj} (1), Central Kaingang ngoy (1).



Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 246; Reis Silva 2003: 47; Nimuendajú 1932: 560. Polysemy: 'water / river'.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 23; Sá 1999: 29; Silva 2011: 46; Silva 2012: 236.



Apinaje: DEA: 21; Oliveira 2005: 377; Ham 1961: 27; Ham et al. 1979: 53; Salanova 2001: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 71, 76. Polysemy:

'water / body of water'.

Kisedje: DKP: 20; DMK; Santos 1997: 31, 43; Nonato 2014: 141; Guedes 1993: 273; Nonato f.n. Polysemy: 'water / river'.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 57; Camargo 2015: 79, 144.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 26; Dourado 2001: 147; Vasconcelos 2013: 196; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-

Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 91; Hall et al. 1987: 113; McLeod 1974. Used of water that does not flow. Distinct from ʔəy {öi} 'flowing water'

[Lachnitt 1987: 48; Estevam 2011: 54; Hall et al. 1987: 18; McLeod 1974] and ʔay=wa=ʔu {aiwaʼu} 'water' (the word used by shamans)

[Lachnitt 1987: 16; Estevam 2011: 508]. Although the names of drinks are derived from ʔəy {öi} (ʔə-ʒey {ödzei} 'sweetened water / soft

105

drink', ʔə-ʒɛ {ödzé} 'alcoholic beverage') [Lachnitt 1987: 48; Estevam 2011: 390; Hall et al. 1987: 18], the word ʔuy {ui} is used for

drinking water (e.g. ti=m m te ayʔutɛ wacutu, c t ɾɛ, ʔu te te ʒə= -n da {timama te aiʼuté wasutu, tsõtõ ré, u te te zöʼrẽne da} 'the

child bothered its father while he was sleeping because it wanted to drink water) [Hall et al. 1987: 108].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 15, 60; Cotrim 2016: 60, 114, 154; Souza 2008: 30; Sousa Filho 2007: 86, 131, 162, 188; Santos 2007:

238, 243; Mattos 1973; Ehrenreich 1895: 153 (kə). Polysemy: 'water / river'. Can be used of drinking water, as seen from examples in

[Cotrim 2016: 114, 154, 260]. Significantly outnumbers in the latter meaning the more archaic word kuy {kuy} [Krieger & Krieger

1994: 22, 65; Castelnau f.n. ({cou})].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 151; Gakran 2016: 112; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Polysemy: 'water / river' [Gakran 2016: 110].


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 11; Wiesemann 2011: 21; Jolkesky 2010: 265. Polysemy: 'water / river'. Active: ngɔȡn {gónh} 'to

give water / to swallow'.


95. WE

Xikrin gu {gu} (1) / mẽ=ba / ba-mẽ {mẽ ba / ba mẽ} (2), Kayapo gu {gu} (1) / ba-mɛ {ba me} (2),

Kraho ku (1) / wa-...-mẽ (2), Pykobje ko -mẽ {coh me} (1) / wa-mẽ {wa me} (2), Canela ku {cu}

(1) / wa-m {wa me} (2), Parkateje ku ~ ku-mˈẽ {ku ~ kumẽ} (1) / npa / npa- {mpa / mpa-} (3),

Apinaje pa {pa} (2), Kisedje ku {ku} (1) / wˈa-yi {waji} (2), Tapayuna ko (1) / ay=wˈa / wa-y

(2), Panara ĩ=nky -m -ɾa {ĩnkjẽmẽra} (4) / ɾa- {ra-} (6), Xavante wa-n -h {wa norĩ hã} (2) /

wa- {wa-} (3), Xerente wa-nõɾĩ {wanõrĩ} (2) / wa- {wa-} (3), Laklano ãŋ {ãg} (8) / nã {nã} (9),

Sao Paulo Kaingang (8), Parana Kaingang {ẽg} (8), Central Kaingang (8).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 78. Inclusive. Pronoun (agentive case). Paucal: na=gu / gw-ay {na gu / gwaj}, plural: mẽ=gu / gu-mẽ {mẽ gu / gu

mẽ}.Costa 2015: 78, 81. Exclusive. Plural of the pronoun (agentive case) ba {ba}. Paucal: na=ba / ba-n {na ba / ban}.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 64; Reis Silva 2003: 50. Inclusive. Pronoun (agentive case). Paucal: gw-ay {gwaj}, plural: gu-mɛ ~ gu-m {gu

me ~ gu mẽ} [Reis Silva 2003: 50; Stout & Thompson 1974].Jefferson 1989: 64; Reis Silva 2003: 50, 51. Exclusive. Nominative. Plural of

the pronoun (agentive case) ba {ba}. Paucal: bˈa-ɾi ~ ba-ˈaɾi {bar ~ ba ar} [Reis Silva 2003: 50; Stout & Thompson 1974].

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 106. Inclusive. Pronoun (agentive case). Plural: ku-...-mẽ.Miranda 2014: 106. Exclusive. Nominative. Plural of

the pronoun (agentive case) wa.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 19. Inclusive. Pronoun (agentive case). Plural: ko -mẽ {coh me} [Sá 2004: 68; Silva 2011: 111] (erroneouly

analyzed as exclusive).Sá 2004: 68 (erroneouly analyzed as inclusive); Silva 2011: 111. Exclusive. Nominative. Plural of the pronoun

(agentive case) wa {wa}. Emphatic: mẽ=pa ~ mẽ=paː {me pa(a)}.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 374; Castro Alves 2004: 81; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 159. Inclusive. Pronoun (agentive case). Plural: ku-m {cu

me}.Castro Alves 1999: 24, 60; Castro Alves 2004: 80, 81, 83; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 159. Exclusive. Plural of the pronoun (agentive

case) wa {wa}. Emphatic: m =pa {me pa}.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 143, 147. Inclusive. Pronoun (agentive case). Plural (approximately 10 people). Cf. ay=kˈu-mˈẽ {aikumẽ} 'all of

us' [Araújo 2016: 22].Araújo 2016: 165. Inclusive index.

Apinaje: DEA: 59, 60, 61; Oliveira 2005: 159; Ham et al. 1979: 28; Salanova 2001: 33; Albuquerque 2011: 85, 87. Pronoun (agentive

case). Polysemy: 'I / we'. Accompanied by the clitic -mɛ {-mẽ} (plural) or wa {-wa} in its non-singular readings. Distinct from pu {pu}

[DEA: 67; Oliveira 2005: 406; Ham et al. 1979: 28; Salanova 2001: 33; Albuquerque 2011: 110], which is hortative inclusive.

Kisedje: DKP: 15; Santos 1997: 45; Nonato 2014: 13. Inclusive. Paucal, plural: ku=pa, wa {kupa, wa} [Santos 1997: 45; Guedes 1993:

119]. Pronoun (agentive case). Emphatic: ku=pˈa {kupa} (ku=pã in [Guedes 1993: 114]).Santos 1997: 45. Exclusive. Nominative. Paucal

of the pronoun (agentive case) wa {wa}. Plural: ay=pa {ajpa}. Emphatic: ay=pˈa {ajpa} [DMK; Santos 1997: 45; Guedes 1993: 113].

106

Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 91. Inclusive dual. Pronoun (agentive case).Camargo 2015: 91. Inclusive. Nominative. Etymologically,

this is a paucal of the pronoun (agentive case) wa.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 104; Dourado 2001: 42; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 4. Nominative. Dual: ĩ=nky -ɾa {ĩnkjẽra}. Stress position

unknown. Nominative clitic: ti- {ti-}, dual m - {mẽ-}.Bardagil-Mas 2018: 117; Dourado 2001: 44; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 4.

Absolutive/accusative clitic. Dual: ɾa-m - {ramẽ}. Dourado also attests pa {pa} and mĩ {mĩ}; Bardagil-Mas [2018: 117] also gives p- {p}.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 96; Estevam 2011: 42; McLeod 1974 (waː-n i).Lachnitt 1987: 96; Estevam 2011: 149, 209; Hall et al. 1987: 268.

Person index.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 52, 88; Cotrim 2016: 96; Sousa Filho 2007: 120 (wa-nõɾĩ-...-nĩ {wanõrĩ...nĩ}; Santos 2007: 240 (wa-nõɾi

{wanõri}); Mattos 1973. The former form is a free pronoun, the latter form is a possessive prefix (or circumfix).Krieger & Krieger

1994: 49; Cotrim 2016: 96; Souza 2008: 69; Sousa Filho 2007: 120 (wa-...-ni {wa...ni}); Santos 2007: 244. Person index.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 143, 169; Gakran 2016: 74; Urban 1985: 167; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Pronoun.Alves 2014: 169; Urban 1985: 167.

Nominative clitic.




95. WE

Xikrin gu=ba- {gu ba-} (3) / mẽ=i- {mẽ i-} (4), Kayapo gu=ba- {gu ba-} (3) / mɛ=i- {me i-} (4),

Kraho pa- / paʔ- (3) / mẽ=...=i- (4), Pykobje paʔ- {paʼ} (4) / mẽ= y= {me ẽhj-} (0), Canela paʔ-

{pah-} (3) / m =i- {me i-} (4), Parkateje kukˈa {kuka} (5) / wa-mẽ {wa mẽ} (3), Kisedje k=wa-

{kwa-} (3) / ay=i- ~ i-...-ˈayi {aji- ~ i-...-aji} (4), Tapayuna ko=wa- (3) / i- / aǯ=i- (4), Panara nẽ-

{nẽ-} (7).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 78. Exclusive. Absolutive/accusative.Costa 2015: 78. Inclusive. Absolutive/accusative. Plural of i- {i}. Paucal:

ˈaɾi=i- {ar i}.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 64; Reis Silva 2003: 50, 51. Inclusive. Absolutive/accusative. Paucal: gw-ay=ba- {gwaj ba-} [Stout & Thompson

1974], plural: (gu=)mɛ=ba- ~ (gu=)m =ba- {(gu) me ba- ~ (gu) mẽ ba-}. Ergative: gu=ba-yɛ {gu baje} (plural (gu=)m =ba-yɛ {(gu) mẽ

baje}).Jefferson 1989: 64; Reis Silva 2003: 51. Exclusive. Absolutive/accusative. Plural of i- {i-}. Paucal: ˈaɾi=i- {ar i-}. Ergative: m =i-yɛ

{mẽ ije} (paucal aɾi=i-yɛ {ar ije}.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 106. Inclusive. Absolutive/accusative. Plural: mẽ=...=pa- ~ mẽ=...=paʔ- (erroneously cited as exclusive but found

as inclusive e.g. in [Miranda 2014: 127]).Miranda 2014: 106. Exclusive. Absolutive/accusative. Plural of i-. Erroneously cited as

inclusive but found as exclusive e.g. in [Miranda 2014: 170]).

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 89. Inclusive. Absolutive/accusative.Sá 2004: 68 (mẽ=ey=); Silva 2011: 110. Exclusive. Absolutive/accusative.

Canela: Castro Alves 1999: 24, 60; Castro Alves 2004: 80, 81, 83; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 175. Inclusive. Absolutive/accusative. Plural:

m =paʔ- {me pah-}.Castro Alves 2004: 83; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 175. Exclusive. Absolutive/accusative. Plural of i- {i-}.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 144. Exclusive. Pronoun (agentive case).Araújo 2016: 38. Inclusive. Nominative.

Kisedje: DKP: 28 (ku=wa- {ku wa-}); Santos 1997: 45; Nonato 2014: 13 (ergative). Inclusive. Absolutive/accusative. wa- {wa-} is paucal

or plural (according to Santos) or just absolutive (according to Nonato).DKP: 25; Santos 1997: 45; Nonato 2014: 76. Exclusive.


Tapayuna: Camargo 2015: 91. Inclusive. Absolutive/accusative.Camargo 2015: 98. Exclusive. Absolutive/accusative.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 113; Dourado 2001: 44 (ne- / ɾe-); Bardagil-Mas 2015: 4. Ergative clitic. Dual: ɾi-m - ~ ɾe-m - {rimẽ- ~ rêmẽ-

}.

107

95. WE

Parkateje mẽ=i- {mẽ i} (4).


Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 162. Absolutive/accusative.

96. WHAT

Xikrin mɤy {myj} (1), Kayapo mɤy {myj} (1), Kraho a=mpˈɔ (2), Pykobje ẽmpˈoː {ẽhmpoo} (2),

Canela a=mpˈɔ {ampo} (2), Parkateje npɔ {mpo} (2), Apinaje mɛ=nbˈɔ-y ~ mɛ=nbˈɔ ~ nbɔ {mẽmoj ~

mẽmo ~ mo} (2), Kisedje wɘtˈɘ {wâtâ} (3), Tapayuna wətˈʌt (3), Panara py {pjãn} (4),

Xavante ʔe=tihay {e tihai} (5) / ʔe=m {e marĩ} (6), Xerente tahay {tahaĩ} (5) / m {mãrĩ} (6),

Laklano nde {ne} (7), Sao Paulo Kaingang nde (7), Parana Kaingang nde {ne} (7), Central

Kaingang nde (7).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 95, 284.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 35; Reis Silva 2003: 47, 64; Nimuendajú 1932: 567 (m , a=mˈoi-na 'what is').


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 50; Silva 2011: 118. Polysemy: 'what / something'.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 25; Castro Alves 1999: 60; Castro Alves 2004: 39; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 154, 176. Polysemy: 'what / something'.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 166. Polysemy: 'what / something'.

Apinaje: DEA: 47; Oliveira 2005: 166; Ham et al. 1979: 7, 32; Albuquerque 2011: 123. Polysemy: 'what / thing'. t nbˈa ~ taɲ-m {tãma ~

tanhmã} is translated as 'what' in [DEA: 70; Ham et al. 1979: 34; Albuquerque 2011: 104] and as 'how / whatever' in [Oliveira 2005:

410].

Kisedje: DKP: 13, 14, 18, 28; DMK; Santos 1997: 152; Nonato 2014: 15; Guedes 1993: 276 (wɔtã). Distinct from {nhy} 'which' [DKP:

21; Nonato 2014: 42].


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 46, 53; Dourado 2001: 127 (py ). Distinct from yu {ju}, used for notions like temporality or location rather

than objects [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 53; Dourado 2001: 39].

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 70; Estevam 2011: 113; Hall et al. 1987: 33; McLeod 1974 (ʔeː=tiha). Female speech.Lachnitt 1987: 37; Estevam

2011: 113; Hall et al. 1987: 33; McLeod 1974 (ʔeː=m ). Male speech.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 47; Cotrim 2016: 108; Sousa Filho 2007: 98. Female speech.Krieger & Krieger 1994: 26; Cotrim 2016:

108; Sousa Filho 2007: 98; Mattos 1973. Male speech.

Laklano: Gakran 2016: 122; Jolkesky 2010: 267.




97. WHITE

Xikrin ya=kˈa {jaka} (1), Kayapo ya=kˈa {jaka} (1), Kraho ya=kˈa (1), Pykobje ya=kˈaː {jacaa} (1),

108

Canela ya=kʰˈa {jaka} (1), Parkateje ya=kˈa-ɾɛ ~ ya=kˈa-ti {jakare ~ jakati} (1), Apinaje ya=kˈa ~

yaʔ=kˈa {jaka ~ jahka} (1), Kisedje ya=kˈa {jaka} (1), Tapayuna ya=kʰˈa (1), Panara i=npˈo ~ po

{inpô ~ pô} (2), Xavante ʔa {a} (1), Xerente {rã} (3), Laklano ku=plˈi {kupli} (4), Sao Paulo

Kaingang ku=pɾˈi (4), Parana Kaingang ku=pɾˈi {kupri} (4), Central Kaingang ku=pɾi (4).



Kayapo: Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova f.n. Cf. tˈibe, ka-ti 'white' [Nimuendajú 1932: 567].

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 27, 100. A likely mistranscription of ya=kʰˈa.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 57; Sá 2004: 139. Polysemy: 'white / pale / clean'.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 64; Castro Alves 2004: 59; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 150, 186

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 55, 92. Polysemy: 'white / light color'.

Apinaje: DEA: 23, 30; Oliveira 2005: 383; Ham 1961: 27; Ham et al. 1979: 36; Albuquerque 2011: 83.

Kisedje: DKP: 24; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (saakɨ); Nonato f.n. In [DKP: 4, 19], two more roots are attested: yakˈɨyi {jakyji}

and ŋ=nˈ -ȶi {ngnõtxi}; these are hardly basic.



Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 13; Estevam 2011: 335; Hall et al. 1987: 41; McLeod 1974 (ʔaː-di). Cf. {rã} 'clean / white' [Lachnitt 1987: 56;

Estevam 2011: 436; Hall et al. 1987: 81].

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 33, 66; Cotrim 2016: 65; Sousa Filho 2007: 220; Santos 2007: 236, 243; Mattos 1973. Apparently more

basic than ka {ka} 'unripe / white' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 13, 66; Cotrim 2016: 79, 153, 368; Mattos 1973 (in kaɾɔs=ka {karoska} 'white

rice'); Ehrenreich 1895: 157 (yeka-di)], which is mostly found in compounds, and than pɔ=ka {poka} 'white (of animals)' [Krieger &

Krieger 1994: 32, 66].



Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 58; Wiesemann 2011: 55; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Cf. tɔ=pɾˈi {tópri} 'whitened bones' [Wiesemann

1981: 104; Wiesemann 2011: 88], =pɾˈi {fãpri} 'clear water' [Wiesemann 1981: 5; Wiesemann 2011: 16]. Active: ku=pɾˈi-gn {kuprig}

[Wiesemann 1981: 58].

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 134. Polysemy: 'white / milk'.

98. WHO

Xikrin ɲũm {nhũm} (1), Kayapo m {nhym} (1), Kraho ɲũm (1), Pykobje y m {jõhm} (1),

Canela yũm {jũm} (1), Parkateje žũm {jũm} (1), Apinaje wa= ~ wa= -y ~ wa= -ɲ / mɛ=

/ mɛ= -ɲ {wahõ ~ wahõj ~ wahõnh / mẽhõ ~ mẽhõnh} (2), Kisedje ɲˈũmũ {nhumu} (1),

Tapayuna ɲũm (1), Panara p {prẽ} (3), Xavante ʔe=ʔwa-h {e ʼwa hã} (4), Xerente nõ=kwa

{nõkwa} (4), Laklano ũ {ũ} (2), Sao Paulo Kaingang ʔõ (2), Parana Kaingang ʔũ {ũ} (2),

Central Kaingang ũ (2).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 93, 282.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 56, 57 (ɲɯm {nhym}); Reis Silva 2003: 52, 65 ( m ~ ɲũm {nhym ~ nhũm}); Salanova 2019.

109


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 83; Sá 2004: 68; Silva 2011: 118. Polysemy: 'who / someone' [Silva 2011: 115].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 150; Castro Alves 2004: 80; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 154, 176. Polysemy: 'who / someone / person' [Castro Alves

2004: 25, 80].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 100. Polysemy: 'who / someone'.

Apinaje: DEA: 48, 73; Oliveira 2005: 167; Ham et al. 1979: 30; Albuquerque 2011: 89. wa= {wa=} and mɛ= {m =} are dual and plural

markers respectively, but Oliveira informs that they 'seem to share the same meaning; if there is any semantic difference, it is not an

obvious one'.

Kisedje: DKP: 21; Santos 1997: 152; Nonato 2014: 44; Guedes 1993: 273 (ŋũmi).

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 48 ( ma); Camargo 2015: 169, 179.

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 53; Dourado 2001: 127.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 29; Estevam 2011: 113; Hall et al. 1987: 34; McLeod 1974 (ʔeː ʔwa).

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 29, 93; Cotrim 2016: 140, 215; Sousa Filho 2007: 134, 137; Santos 2007: 240; Mattos 1973.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 178; Gakran 2016: 122; Jolkesky 2010: 267 (ũ-nũ {ũ dũ}).

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 9.

Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 107; Wiesemann 2011: 91; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Polysemy: 'who / someone'.


99. WOMAN

Xikrin mẽ=nˈi-ʔõ {mẽni ʼõ} (1), Kayapo mẽ=ʔõ=ni {mẽʼõ ni} (1), Kraho kah y (-1), Pykobje

kah y {cahyj} (-1), Canela kah y {cahãj} (-1), Parkateje ntˈia {ntia} (1), Apinaje ndi {ni} (1),

Kisedje m =ndˈi-ye {mendijê} (1), Tapayuna wɨ-ɾˈɛ-y (2), Panara ĩ=nkyˈey {ĩnkjêê} (3), Xavante

pi y {piʼõi} (4), Xerente pikõy {pikõi} (4), Laklano tə {tá} (5) / kuɲˈũn ~ kuɲˈũɲ ~ ku n

{kunhũn ~ kunhũnh ~ kunhõn} (-1), Sao Paulo Kaingang t =tˈə (5), Parana Kaingang

ʔũd=t =tˈʌ {ũn tytá} (5), Central Kaingang tə-tə (5).


Xikrin: Salanova 2019. Singulative from mẽ=nˈi {mẽni} 'women' [Costa 2015: 91], often used with a diminutive suffix.

Kayapo: Salanova 2019. Singulative from mẽ=nˈi {mẽni} 'women' [Jefferson 1989: 246; Reis Silva 2003: 62 (m =ni-ɾɛ {mẽnire});

Nimuendajú 1932: 560], often used with a diminutive suffix.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 84, 86. Probably borrowed from a form close to Guajajára kuzə {kuzà} 'woman'. Collective plural: pɨ-yˈe.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 14; Sá 2004: 26; Silva 2011: 122; Silva 2012: 236. Probably borrowed from a form close to Guajajára kuzə {kuzà}

'woman'. Collective plural: p -yi {pyh ji} [94].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 30; Castro Alves 1999: 26, 56; Castro Alves 2004: 40. Probably borrowed from a form close to Guajajára kuzə

{kuzà} 'woman'. Collective plural: pɨː-yˈe ~ pɨ-yˈe {pyjê} [Grupp 2015: 178; Castro Alves 1999: 28; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 17].

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 177. Polysemy: 'woman / living wife / female'. Distinct from kah y-ɾˈɛ {kahãire} 'female'.

Apinaje: DEA: 56; Oliveira 2005: 376; Ham et al. 1979: 56; Salanova 2001: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 73. Polysemy: 'woman / pelvis'.

Kisedje: DKP: 18; Santos 1997: 34; Nonato 2014: 81, 82; Guedes 1993: 106 (mẽ=ndˈɨ-ǯe).


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 33; Dourado 2001: 152; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Lapierre et al. 2016 (=nkey). Vasconcelos [2013: 170]

attests ĩ=nky-ˈaɾa {inkjara}, which is the plural form [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 47; Dourado 2001: 115, 175]).

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 53; Estevam 2011: 51, 141; Hall et al. 1987: 79; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'woman / female / niece'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 31, 87; Cotrim 2016: 71, 106; Sousa Filho 2007: 94, 176; Santos 2007: 240; Mattos 1973; Ehrenreich

1895: 153.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 174; Bublitz 1994: 7; Gakran 2016: 272; Urban 1985: 178; Jolkesky 2010: 267.Alves 2014: 165; Gakran 2016: 274.

110

Cf. kɔɲˈũɲ {kónhũnh} 'women' [Alves 2014: 164]. Probably borrowed from Mbyá (kuɲã {kunha} 'woman') or from another Tupí-

Guaraní language.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 107; Wiesemann 2011: 91; Jolkesky 2010: 267. Variants: ʔũn=t =tˈʌ, ʔũn=tʌ=tˈʌ {ũn tãtá, ũn tátá}.


100. YELLOW

Xikrin = {ngrãngrã} (1), Kayapo = {ngrãngrã} (1), Pykobje tatˈap ~ tatˈap-ɾe

{tatap ~ tatapre} (2), Canela tatˈap {tatap} (2), Parkateje aytˈʌ {aità} (3) / titˈiti-ɾˈɛ ~ tɛtˈɛtɛ-ɾˈɛ

{tititire ~ tetetere} (4), Apinaje ɾʌɾˈʌɾʌ {ràràr} (5), Kisedje ng =ng {ngrãngrã} (1) / ɺɜɺˈɜɺɜ

{rárárá} (5), Tapayuna ~ = (1), Panara sikɔpaky {sikopakiã} (6) / tawm =npɾˈʌ

{taumã nprâ} (7), Xavante ʔuʒɛy {udzéi} (8), Xerente ptɛ {pte} (9), Laklano kučˈugn {kutxug}

(10), Parana Kaingang m oɾˈo {mãréro} (-1), Central Kaingang maɻɛɻŭ (-1).


Xikrin: Salanova 2019. Ranges from green to yellow.

Kayapo: Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 566. Ranges from green to yellow.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 41; Sá 2004: 88. Class C. Distinct from tetˈet {tetet} 'clear' [Pries 2008: 41; Sá 1999: 29]. Probably more basic than

kapɾˈik-ɾe {capricre} 'red, orange, yellow' [Pries 2008: 15].

Canela: Grupp 2015: 127. Class C. Ranges from orange to yellow.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 25. Polysemy: 'yellow / palid'.Araújo 2016: 227, 228. Ranges from yellow through creme color to light gray.


Kisedje: Santos 1997: 64 (ngɾa=ngɾˈa-ni); Nonato f.n. (glossed as 'green'). Apparently ranges from green to yellow.DKP: 22; DMK. Of

fruits.

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 60, 64, 95, 99. Ranges from blue to yellow.

Panara: Dourado 2001: 36.Vasconcelos 2013: 178, 180. Polysemy: 'red painting / yellow'.

Xavante: Hall et al. 1987: 43; McLeod 1974. Ranges from yellow through green to blue.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 33, 61; Cotrim 2016: 84, 369; Sousa Filho 2007: 220; Santos 2007: 237, 243; Mattos 1973. Ehrenreich

[1895: 157] lists the form prai-di.

Laklano: Jolkesky 2010: 106, 267. Ranges from red to yellow.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 2011: 60. Borrowed from Portuguese maɾˈɛlu {amarelo}.

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 157, 164. Borrowed from Portuguese maɾˈɛlu {amarelo}.

101. FAR

Xikrin ɔ=ɾˈĩna {orĩna} (1), Kayapo ɔ=nˈiya {onija} (2), Kraho aw=ɾˈɨ (3), Pykobje ampˈɨʔ-m

{ampyʼmy} # (4), Canela am=pˈɘ-m ~ am=pɘ-ˈa-m ~ am=p-ˈa-m {ampy mã ~ ampya mã ~

ampa mã} (4) / h=ũwa=pˈe {hũwapê} (5), Parkateje ʌw=ɾˈɨ-m {àwrymã} (3), Apinaje aw=ɾˈɨ

{awry} (3), Kisedje mũ-hˈayi ~ mũ-tˈayi {muhaji ~ mutaji} (7), Tapayuna nĩ-hˈay / nĩ-ɾˈa (8),

Panara puː-ah {puuahã} (9) / yut {jutã} (10), Xavante ɾɔm=hə {romhö} (11), Xerente

111

ɾɔm=hə {romhâ} (11), Laklano kuvˈɔlɔ {kuvól} (12) / kukˈabn {kugkam} # (13), Sao Paulo

Kaingang kuwˈaɾa (12), Parana Kaingang kuwˈaɾa {kuvar} (12), Central Kaingang kuvaɻ

(12).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 40, 118; Salanova 2019. Cf. ɾˈĩna-ɾi {rĩnari} 'in a distant location' [Salanova 2019].

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 173; Salanova 2001: 14; Salanova 2019. Cf. nˈiya-ɾi {nijari} 'in a distant location' [Salanova 2019].


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 11. Glossed as 'from somewhere' and found in an example meaning 'it is still far from here'. Also attested in the

expression ampˈɨː r m-pi {ampyy rõhmpi} 'from far away'.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 26; Castro Alves 2004: 142. Distinct from h=aw=ɾɨ ~ jũw=ɾɨ {hawry ~ jũwry} 'very far away (more than a dayʼs

worth travel distance)' [Grupp 2015: 80, 101], yũ=ɾɨ {jũry} 'far away (of geographic places)' [Grupp 2015: 100], pɔ-n {po nã} 'far (of

people who are being remembered)' [Grupp 2015: 174].Grupp 2015: 101.


Apinaje: DEA: 18; Oliveira 2005: 371; Albuquerque 2011: 100. Distinct from pˈu-mu {pum} 'outside' [Oliveira 2005: 149], translated as

'far' in [DEA: 67].

Kisedje: DKP: 18; DMK; Santos 1997: 140 (mũ-hayˈi); Guedes 1993: 71 (mũː-tˈaǯi ~ mũː-tˈaye). Distinct from nĩ-hˈayi ~ nĩ-tˈayi {nihaji ~

nitaji}, glossed as 'far' in [Santos 1997: 93] (nˈi-haǯi), but as 'there' in [DKP: 21; DMK; Nonato 2014: 128].

Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 66, 79 (only the forms with -hay, also ɲĩ-hˈay, ni-hˈay); Camargo 2015: 109, 137 (only the forms with -ɾa; also

ni-ɾˈa). nĩ-hˈay is translated as 'there' in [Camargo 2015: 137].

Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 45; Dourado 2001: 38, 169, 216; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Lapierre et al. 2016. Contains an adessive

postposition. Polysemy: 'far / field'. Bardagil-Mas [2018: 240] also attests ũwˈa {ũwa} 'far away'.Dourado 2001: 83; Vasconcelos 2013:

186.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 62; Estevam 2011: 74; Hall et al. 1987: 82; McLeod 1974 (ɾɔm=həː-di).

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 34, 84; Sousa Filho 2007: 61; Santos 2007: 238, 244; Mattos 1973. Combines with the predicative

particles -ki {-ki} and -di {-di}.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 166; Gakran 2016: 204; Jolkesky 2010: 245.Alves 2014: 165.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 61; Wiesemann 2011: 57; Jolkesky 2010: 245. Also appears as kuwˈaɾa ngɨ {kuvar gy}, kˈɔɾɔ ngɨ {kór

gy} and kˈɔɾɔ hʌ {kór há} [Wiesemann 1981: 61; Wiesemann 2011: 49, 57].


101. FAR

Canela pˈɔ-ɾĩ {po ri} (6), Laklano n -ke-m ~ n -ke-m -ɲˈã {nẽgke mõ ~ nẽkemõ ~ nẽ ke mõ nhã}

# (14) / hãkɛy-m {hãkénhmõ} # (15).



Laklano: Alves 2014: 152, 165, 169; Gakran 2016: 271.Alves 2014: 152.

101. FAR

Laklano han-m ~ hãn-m {han m ~ hãn m } # (16).

112


Laklano: Alves 2014: 152, 165.

102. HEAVY

Xikrin pɯtˈĩ {pytĩ} (1), Kayapo pɯtˈĩ {pytĩ} (1), Kraho pɨtˈĩ (1), Pykobje p t {pyhtẽeh} (1),

Canela pɨtˈĩ {pytĩ} (1), Parkateje putˈĩ-tˈi {putĩti} (1), Apinaje pɨtˈĩ {pytĩ} (1), Kisedje wɨtʰˈĩ

{wythĩ} (1), Panara s=utˈĩ {sutĩ} (1), Xavante piɾe {pire} (2), Xerente pɾe {prê} (2), Laklano

kuðˈɨ {kuzy} (3), Parana Kaingang kuɸˈɨ {kufy} (3).



Kraho: Miranda 2014: 68. 3rd person form: h=ũtˈĩ.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 76. 3rd person form: h=õːt {hõotẽeh}.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 101, 179; Castro Alves 1999: 30; Castro Alves 2004: 60. 3rd person: h=ũtˈĩ {hũtĩ}.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 78, 204. 3rd person form h=õtˈĩ-tˈi {hõtĩti}.

Apinaje: DEA: 73; Oliveira 2005: 414; Ham 1961: 27; Albuquerque 2011: 108. 3rd person form: =u=tˈĩ {utĩ}.

Kisedje: DKP: 29; Nonato f.n. 3rd person form: s=u=tʰˈĩ {suthĩ}.


Panara: Dourado 2001: 79; Vasconcelos 2013: 182; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 53; Estevam 2011: 75; Hall et al. 1987: 79; McLeod 1974 (piɾeː-di). Polysemy: 'heavy / difficult'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 33, 91; Cotrim 2016: 74; Santos 2007: 243; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n. ({pleapodi}). Polysemy: 'heavy

/ authoritative'.



Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 55; Wiesemann 2011: 43, 53; Jolkesky 2010: 251. Active: kuɸˈɨ-gn {kufyg}.

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996:

103. NEAR

Xikrin ɔ= m=nẽ-jã {orãmnẽjã} (1), Kayapo ɔ= m=ne-ja {orãmneja} (1), Kraho tep (2),

Pykobje j =n n-ɾe {jõhʼnyhnreh} (3) / kapeʔ-n {capeʼny} (4), Canela yũ=n -pi-ɾɛ-m {jũ na

pire mã} (3) / kapˈi-n {capi na} (4), Parkateje kapˈene {kapên} (6), Apinaje a=k n-lˈɛ {akrãnre}

# (7) / yavˈɘ {jawy} # (8), Panara ɨɾi {yriẽ} (10), Xavante ɾɔm=hutu {romhutu} (11) / ʔɾə-wi

{ʼröwi} (12), Xerente ɾɔm=tu-ɾe {romturê} (11) / kɾe-wi {krêwi} (12), Laklano la {la} (15), Sao

Paulo Kaingang kakˈɔ (16), Parana Kaingang {rã} (15) / kakˈɔ {kakó} (16), Central

Kaingang kakɔ (16).


113

Xikrin: Salanova 2019. Cf. the postpositions t -ɾi {tãri}, kˈu-ɾi {kuri} [Salanova 2019].

Kayapo: Salanova 2019. Cf. the postpositions t -ɾi {tãri}, kˈu-ɾi {kuri} [Salanova 2019]. Jefferson [1989: 173] attests y {jãnh}.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 25. Distinct from ta=pˈi [Miranda 2014: 46], which is apparently a postposition.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 70. Emphatic variants: j =n -ɾe ~ j =n -ɾe {jõhʼnyyhreh ~ jõhʼnyhʼreh}. Distinct from tip {tip} 'to approach'

[Pries 2008: 42].Pries 2008: 15.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 93. Cf. also iʔ=nˈĩ-m {ihnĩ mã} 'close by' [Grupp 2015: 123].Grupp 2015: 33.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 115. Translated as 'around here' in the only available example. Cf. the postposition n {ny} 'close to' [Araújo

2016: 179]. Distinct from tep {têp} 'soon'.

Apinaje: DEA: 14.DEA: 31.

Kisedje: Not attested. Cf. i-tʰˈayi {ithaji} 'here' [DKP: 9; DMK; Nonato f.n. ({itaj})], glossed as 'near' in [Guedes 1993: 159] (i-tˈaǯe).


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 45; Dourado 2001: 39 (ma=ʔɨɾih ). Vasconcelos [2013: 168, 174] also attests ʔuh ~ bu=ʔu .

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 62-63; Hall et al. 1987: 82; McLeod 1974 (ɾɔm=hətu-ɾeː-di). Often occurs with the diminutive suffix: ɾɔm=hutu-ɾe

{romhuture}. Cf. the postposition ʔɾata {ʼrata} [Lachnitt 1987: 57; Estevam 2011: 93; Hall et al. 1987: 41, 126].Lachnitt 1987: 66; Estevam

2011: 30, 87; Hall et al. 1987: 128. Polysemy: 'in turn / near'. Also attested as ʔɾə-wi-pece {ʼröwipese}; in this variant it does not have an

adpositional reading (only an adverbial one).

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 35, 91; Santos 2007: 244. Combines with the predicative particle -ki {-ki}.Krieger & Krieger 1994: 20,

91; Cotrim 2016: 100; Sousa Filho 2007: 168; Santos 2007: 239. Often occurs with the diminutive suffix: kɾe-wi-ɾe {krêwirê}.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 167. Glossed as 'proche, arriver proche'.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 89; Wiesemann 2011: 77; Jolkesky 2010: 222. Active: -ŋ {rãg}.Wiesemann 1981: 35;

Wiesemann 2011: 38; Jolkesky 2010: 222. Utterance-finally: kak {kakã}.


103. NEAR

Pykobje ta=piː-ɾe {tapiireh} (5), Apinaje t {tã} # (9) / ya=tˈep / i=tˈep {jatêp / itêp} # (2),

Xerente kɾta ~ kta {krta ~ kta} (13) / ɾɔm=kɾtu-ɾe {romkrturê} (14).



Apinaje: DEA: 69 ({tãã}); Ham et al. 1979: 24; Salanova 2001: 30.Oliveira 2005: 369. These are postpositions, but the morpheme seems

to be basic.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 21, 91; Cotrim 2016: 99, 104; Sousa Filho 2007: 168. Often occurs with the diminutive suffix: ktam-ɾe

{ktamrê} (Cotrim lists the form kt m-ɾe {ktãmrê}).Mattos 1973. Combines with the predicative particle -ki {-ki}.

104. SALT

Xikrin ka=ǯwa-ɲˈĩ {kadjwanhĩ} (1), Kayapo ka=ǯwa-ɲˈĩ {kadjwanhĩ} (1), Pykobje kaː=čwa ~ =wa

{caaxwa} (1), Canela kaː=čwˈa {caxwa} (1), Parkateje npˈɔ=tˈa=čwˈɨʔ-tˈi {mpotaxwyhti} (2),

Apinaje ka=čwˈa {kaxwa} (1), Kisedje kʰa=twˈa {khatwa} (1), Tapayuna ka=tʷˈa (1), Panara

i=pyˈɔ ~ ĩ=npyˈɔ-ka {ipjo ~ inpjoka} (3), Xavante waɾĩ-ɾĩ-ʒɛ ~ cay=waɾĩ-ɾĩ-ʒɛ {warĩrĩdzé ~

tsaiwarĩrĩdzé} (4) / ca {tsa} (-1), Xerente kə=kwa- {kâkwarã} (1), Laklano toy-vˈe ~ todn-vˈe

{tonh ve ~ ton ve} (6), Parana Kaingang ša {sa} (-1), Central Kaingang ša (-1).

114



Kayapo: Salanova 2019. Distinct from čɯɾčˈɯɾɯ {xyrxyr} 'vegetable salt'.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 13, 99; Sá 1999: 64; Sá 2004: 134. Polysemy: 'salt / salty' (for =wa {wa}).

Canela: Grupp 2015: VI, 38; Castro Alves 1999: 24; Castro Alves 2004: 43; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 16.


Apinaje: DEA: 37; Oliveira 2005: 386 (ka=čwˈa ~ ka=čwˈaɾa {kaxwa ~ kaxwar}).

Kisedje: Santos 1997: 130; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Nonato f.n. Glossed as 'salty' in [DKP: 12]. Cf. kʰutw {khutwã}

'salty' [DKP: 16].


Panara: Vasconcelos 2013: 169, 207 (i=pyˈɔ ~ ĩ=pyˈɔ-ga).

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 74, 101. An instrumental nominalization of the verb waɾĩ {warĩ} 'to season' [Lachnitt 1987: 101; Hall et al.

1987: 68].Hall et al. 1987: 68. Borrowed from Portuguese saw {sal}.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 15, 95; Santos 2007: 239; Mattos 1973 (ke=kwa- {kêkwarã}).

Laklano: Alves 2014: 176 (toy-vˈe {tonh ve}); Bublitz 1994: 40 (ton-vˈe {ton ve}).


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 95; Wiesemann 2011: 81. Borrowed from Portuguese saw {sal}. Distinct from ka=y {kajã} 'sour /

salty', active ka=y -ŋ {kajãg} [Wiesemann 1981: 34; Wiesemann 2011: 38].

Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 130. Borrowed from Portuguese saw {sal}.

104. SALT

Xavante ʔĩ=ʔwawaːhə {ĩʼwawahö} (5).


Xavante: McLeod 1974.

105. SHORT

Xikrin k n-nɛ {krãnne} (1), Kayapo k n-nɛ {krãnne} (1), Pykobje k n-ɾe {crynre} (1) /

yatˈoy-ɾe {jatohjre} (2), Canela yatˈuy {jatuj} (2) / k n-ɾɛ ~ k n-ɾɛ {krãnre ~ krynre} (1),

Parkateje ya=kˈɔtɔ-ɾˈɛ ~ a=kˈɔtɔ-ɾˈɛ ~ kˈɔtɔ-ɾˈɛ ~ nkˈɔtɔ-ɾˈɛ {jakotore ~ akotore ~ kotore ~ nkotore} (3),

Apinaje k n {krãn} (1), Tapayuna ya=gˈɔɾɔ (3), Panara ky {kjãn} (1), Xavante ʔɾutu

{ʼrutu} (4) / ʒapɔ {dzapo} (5), Xerente ktu-ɾe ~ kɾtu-ɾe {kturê ~ krturê} (4), Laklano ðutˈidn

{zutin} (6), Sao Paulo Kaingang čˈõɾõ (7), Parana Kaingang uɾˈuɾu {rur} (8), Central

Kaingang ɻoɻ (8).


Xikrin: Salanova 2019. More basic than yadˈuy {jaduj} 'shortened, short-tailed' [Costa 2015: 30; Salanova 2019] and ɲˈɛ-ɾɛ {nhere} 'flat

and short' [Salanova 2019].

115

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 175; Salanova 2019. More basic than yadˈuy {jaduj} 'shortened, short-tailed' [Stout & Thompson 1974;

Salanova 2019] and ɲˈɛ-ɾɛ {nhere} 'flat and short' [Salanova 2019].


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 35; Sá 1999: 46.Pries 2008: 65.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 80. Polysemy: 'short / shallow'. Distincti from ya=kˈɔt {jacot} 'medium-sized, short' [Grupp 2015: 57].Grupp 2015:

121, 122. Class C. Polysemy: 'short / low'.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 29, 56, 132. Distinct from k n -ɾˈɛ {krãnãre} 'short (of height)' [Araújo 2016: 134].

Apinaje: Oliveira 2005: 392. Probably 1D. Translated as 'to shorten' in [DEA: 40]. The roots ʔa {ha}, jakɔː-lˈɛ {jakotre} [DEA: 23, 24] are

hardly basic; the latter is technically a diminutive of 'round' (3D).


Tapayuna: Beauchamp 2018. Polysemy: 'round / short' [Camargo 2015: 84].

Panara: Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 66, 67; Estevam 2011: 75; McLeod 1974 (ʔɾutu-ɾeː-di). Often occurs with the diminutive suffix: ʔɾutu-ɾe

{ʼruture}.Lachnitt 1987: 25; Estevam 2011: 98 (used of a person). Polysemy: 'short / small'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 21, 72; Cotrim 2016: 378; Sousa Filho 2007: 37, 220; Santos 2007: 244; Mattos 1973. Combines with

the predicative particles -ki {-ki} and -di {-di}. Distinct from dum=ktu-ɾe ~ dum=kɾtu-ɾe {dumkturê ~ dumkrturê} 'short (of height)'

[Krieger & Krieger 1994: 9; Cotrim 2016: 102; Mattos 1973].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 150, 185; Gakran 2016: 131.

Sao Paulo Kaingang: Cavalcante 1987: 16.


Central Kaingang: Herold 1996: 165. Polysemy: 'round / short' (?).

106. SNAKE

Xikrin ka {kangã} (1), Kayapo ka {kangã} (1), Kraho ka (1), Pykobje kang {cangy}

(1), Canela ka ~ ka {cagã} (1), Parkateje kah {kahã} (1), Apinaje ka {kagã} (1),

Kisedje ka {kangã} (1), Tapayuna ka (1), Panara n= nk {nankã} (1), Xavante waːhi

{wahi} (2) / ʔabʔɛ {abʼé} (3), Xerente amkɛ {amke} (3), Laklano p n {põn} (4), Sao Paulo

Kaingang p n (4), Parana Kaingang p n {pyn} (4), Central Kaingang pãn (4).




Kraho: Miranda 2014: 35, 107. Also attested variably as k .

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 15; Sá 1999: 60; Sá 2004: 161; Silva 2011: 63.

Canela: Castro Alves 1999: 23; Castro Alves; 2004: 19, 35 (ka ~ kak ); Popjes & Popjes 1971: 9 (ka ). Distinct from pat(-tˈi) {pat(ti)}

'rattlesnake' [Grupp 2015: 172] and hɜkʰˈa ~ hɜkʰa-tˈi {hàka(ti)} 'deer snake', glossed simply as 'snake' in [Popjes & Popjes 1971: 12;

Popjes & Popjes 1986: 134, 137].


Apinaje: DEA: 32; Oliveira 2005: 386; Albuquerque 2011: 76.

Kisedje: Santos 1997: 106; Guedes 1993: 54 (kãngˈa); Nonato f.n.


Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 40 (n= k {nãkãã}), 48; Dourado 2001: 193; Vasconcelos 2013: 197 (n= kˈʌ {nãkâ}); Bardagil-Mas 2015: 3

({nãkã}); Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 97; Estevam 2011: 344; Hall et al. 1987: 117. Used of venomous snakes.Hall et al. 1987: 11. Applied to non-

venomous snakes.

116


Castelnau f.n. ({amakai}). Distinct from wahi {wahi} 'rattlesnake' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 50; Souza 2008: 64; Sousa Filho 2007: 63].

Laklano: Alves 2014: 157, 173; Gakran 2016: 167; Bublitz 1994: 5; Jolkesky 2010: 229. Apparently more basic than yukɨy {jugkynh}

[Alves 2014: 157, 173].




107. THIN

Xikrin ʔˈi-ɾɛ {ʼire} # (1), Kayapo ʔˈi-ɾɛ {ʼire} # (1), Kraho hi-ɾɛ (1), Pykobje po oː-ɾe ~ po uː-ɾe

{pohroore ~ pohruure} (2) / kˈɨː-ɾe {cyyre} (3), Canela puɾˈɔɻ ~ puɾˈuɾu-ɾɛ {puror ~ pururure} (2),

Parkateje kɨ-ɾˈɛ {kyre} (3), Apinaje kɾɨː-ɾˈɛ {kryyre} (5), Tapayuna tˈĩ-ɾɛ (6), Panara ĩ=nkˈitiŋ

{ĩnkitin} (7) / ĩ=ntˈe {ĩntê} (8), Xavante waɾɛ {waré} (9) / bayhə {baihö} (10), Xerente hi-ɾe {hirê}

(1) / bayhəy-ɾe {baihâirê} (10), Laklano tɨndˈɨlɨ {tydyl} (12), Parana Kaingang {gynh} (13)

/ t =ɨɾˈɨyɨ {tãryj} (14).


Xikrin: Salanova 2019. Usually used of people; there seems to be no dedicated lexeme for thin objects.

Kayapo: Salanova 2019. Usually used of people; there seems to be no dedicated lexeme for thin objects.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 160. Referring to buriti straw.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 73. 3rd person form: h= oː-ɾe ~ h= uː-ɾe {hõhroore ~ hõhruure}. Polysemy: 'thin (2D) / shallow'.Pries 2008: 53.

Class D.

Canela: Grupp 2015: 100, 177. 3rd person: {hũror ~ hũrurure}. Polysemy: 'thin / slim / light (of cloth) / low / shallow'.


Apinaje: DEA: 42.


Tapayuna: Camargo 2010: 76. Polysemy: 'thin / narrow'. Attested as a suffix (=tĩ 'DIM', =tĩ-ɾɛ 'DIM.INTENS') in [Camargo 2015: 80].

Panara: Vasconcelos 2013: 218 (ĩ=kˈidiŋ). Cited after Dourado.Vasconcelos 2013: 156. Cited after Dourado.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 100. Polysemy: 'thin and long / loose / endless'.Lachnitt 1987: 20. Polysemy: 'shallow / thin / soft'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 12, 79; Cotrim 2016: 66; Sousa Filho 2007: 221. Used for 1D objects. Combines with the predicative

particle -ki {-ki}. Distinct from wamhuy-te {wamhuitê} 'thin (of humans), slim' [Sousa Filho 2007: 221]; kti-kɾɛ ~ kɾti-kɾɛ ~ kti-ɾe ~ kɾti-ɾe

{ktikre ~ krtikre ~ ktirê ~ krtirê} 'thin (of humans)' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 21; Cotrim 2016: 78; Mattos 1973]. Apparently related to

suy=hi-ɾe {suihirê} 'thin', mentioned in [Sousa Filho 2007: 92] (suy {sui} is probably the root for 'leaf'). Most likely, also distinct from

waɾɛ-ɾe {warerê}, which is translated as 'thin' in [Sousa Filho 2007: 99, 221] (including the example kuba-ɾe waɾɛ-ɾe-ki {kubarê

warerêki} 'the boat is thin'), but glossed as 'narrow' in all other sources [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 53; Cotrim 2016: 102; Santos 2007:

238, 244].Krieger & Krieger 1994: 3, 79; Santos 2007: 237, 244. Used for 2D objects. Combines with the predicative particle -ki {-ki}.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 178; Bublitz 1994: 23 (glossed as 'socado, fino'). Glossed as 'soft' in [Gakran 2016: 130], referring to sand. Cf.

kačitˈɛyɛ 'narrow' [Bublitz 1994: 14].


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 14; Wiesemann 2011: 23; Jolkesky 2010: 239. Distinct from tɨdndˈɨɾɨ {tynyr} 'milled / ground'

[Wiesemann 1981: 106; Wiesemann 2011: 89].Wiesemann 1981: 100; Wiesemann 2011: 85. Plural: t =ɨɾˈɨyɨ {tãgryj} [Wiesemann 1981:

99]. Active: t =ɨɾˈɨȡn {tãrynh}, plural t =ɨɾˈɨȡn {tãgrynh}.

Central Kaingang: Not attested.

117

107. THIN

Pykobje kʰɾˈɨy-ɾe {cryjre} (4), Xavante ʔɾa {ʼra} (11).



Xavante: Estevam 2011: 75.

108. WIND

Xikrin kok {kôk} (1), Kayapo kok {kôk} (1), Kraho kʰok (1), Pykobje kʰup {cup} (2), Canela

kʰok {kôc} (1), Parkateje kok {kôk} (1), Apinaje kˈoko {kôk} (1), Kisedje kʰˈoko {kôkô} (1),

Tapayuna kˈogo (1), Panara s=ʌ=pˈe-ɾi {sâpêri} (3), Xavante wa=ʔuʔu {waʼuʼu} (1), Xerente

wa=kku {wakku} (1), Laklano kuhˈũn {kuhũn} (4), Parana Kaingang k =kˈa {kãka} (1), Central

Kaingang k =ka (1).



Kayapo: Stout & Thompson 1974.

Kraho: Miranda 2014: 75. Also attested variably as kok. Cf. yap=kʰˈok [Miranda 2014: 68], which differs from kʰok in requiring an

argument.

Pykobje: Pries 2008: 24; Sá 2004: 112.



Apinaje: DEA: 38; Oliveira 2005: 42; Ham 1961: 28; Ham et al. 1979: 15; Albuquerque 2011: 90.

Kisedje: Guedes 1993: 61 (kˈoɣo ~ kˈoko); Nonato f.n.


Panara: Dourado 2001: 92; Vasconcelos 2013: 181 (s=ʌ=pˈe-ɾi ~ s=ʌ=pˈeː-ɾi {sâperi ~ sâpeeri}); Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 66, 102; Estevam 2011: 180; Hall et al. 1987: 84, 278; McLeod 1974. Usually occurs with the prefix ɾɔː= {ro-} as

in ɾɔː=wa=ʔuʔu {rowaʼuʼu}.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 35, 51, 100; Sousa Filho 2007: 100; Santos 2007: 238; Mattos 1973. Usually occurs with the prefix ɾɔ=

{ro-} as ɾɔ=wa=kku {rowakku}.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 165 (kuhˈudn {kuhun}); Bublitz 1994: 14, Gakran 2016: 61. The form kã=kˈa {kãgka}, cited in [Jolkesky 2010: 261], is

probably not basic.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 41; Wiesemann 2011: 42; Jolkesky 2010: 261. Active: k =kˈa-dn {kãkan}.


109. WORM

Xikrin tɛp m-ǯˈʌ {teprãmdjà} (1), Kayapo tɛp n-ǯˈʌ {teprãndjà} (1), Pykobje ko tˈõː

{coohtõo} (2), Canela kut {cutõ} (2), Parkateje kutˈõ-ɾˈɛ ~ kutˈõ-tˈi {kutõre ~ kutõti} (2),

Apinaje kut y {kutõj} (2), Tapayuna kuʈʰˈõy (2), Panara kw nsopˈy {kwãnsôpy} (3), Xavante

118

n - -pɾɛ ~ ayʔutɛ= n -pɾɛ {nhanarãpré ~ aiʼuté nhanapré} (4), Xerente ayktɛ=n {aikte nrã}

(4), Laklano nǯudn {djun} (5), Parana Kaingang yɔdn=yˈɔdn {jónjón} (5), Central Kaingang

yɔkɨyn (6).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 218 (tɛp m-ǯˈʌ {teprãmdjà}). One possible origin is a contraction of tɛp-m p m-ǯʌ {tep mã prãm djà}, an

instrumental nominalization of 'to bite (of fish)'.

Kayapo: Jefferson 1989: 235 (tɛp -ǯˈʌ-nɛ {teprãdjàne}); Salanova 2019. One possible origin is a contraction of tɛp=m =p m-ǯʌ {tep

mã prãm djà}, an instrumental nominalization of 'to bite (of fish)'. Distinct from pi=ŋˈo {pingô} 'worm, caterpillar' [Stout & Thompson

1974].



Canela: Grupp 2015: 54; Castro Alves 2004: 51. Polysemy: 'worm / worm lizard'. Distinct from kʰɾɛʔ-tˈi {krehti} 'black worm' [Grupp

2015: 155], y cˈã {jõxã} 'intestinal worm' [Grupp 2015: 92; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 15], am=kˈo {amcô} 'caterpillar, worm' [Grupp 2015:

13].


Apinaje: DEA: 43; Oliveira 2005: 397.



Panara: Bardagil-Mas 2018: 28, 109; Vasconcelos 2013: 175 (kw sopi).

Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 16, 40.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 1, 86; Santos 2007: 237; Mattos 1973.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 147; Gakran 2016: 59; Bublitz 1994: 10, 29; Jolkesky 2010: 247. Refers specifically to earthworms.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 28; Wiesemann 2011: 34; Jolkesky 2010: 247. Distinct from yɔkˈɨȡn {jókynh} 'larva found in fallen

leaves' [Wiesemann 1981: 28; Wiesemann 2011: 34].


110. YEAR

Xikrin a=mˈɛy {amej} (1), Kayapo a=mˈɛč {amex} (1), Pykobje am=kɾˈo ~ a=nkɾˈo {amcro ~ ancro}

(2) / n {yn} (-1), Canela kakʰˈu {caku} (3) / koykʰwˈa=kɾˈɜ {côjkwa crà} (4), Parkateje am=kɾˈʌ

{amkrà} (4), Apinaje am=ngɾˈʌ {amgrà} (4), Kisedje a=nbˈɛɾɛ {ambere} (1), Xavante wahum

{wahum} (5), Xerente wahum {wahum} (5), Laklano pl {plõg} (6), Parana Kaingang p

{pryg} (6), Central Kaingang pɾãŋ (6).


Xikrin: Costa 2015: 297. Polysemy: 'summer / year'.

Kayapo: Salanova 2019. Glossed as 'summer, dry season' in [Jefferson 1989: 163]. Polysemy: 'dry season / summer / year'.


Pykobje: Pries 2008: 5, 11. Polysemy: 'daylight / day / heat / year / summer'.Silva 2011: 84. Borrowed from Portuguese nu {ano} 'id.'.

Canela: 32. Polysemy: 'dry season / summer / year'.'year / dry sky / dry season / summer'.

Parkateje: Araújo 2016: 36. Polysemy: 'year / summer'.

119

Apinaje: DEA: 15. Polysemy: 'dry season / drought / year'. The former two meanings are attested in [Oliveira 2005: 114].

Kisedje: DKP: 3. Polysemy: 'summer / year'.



Xavante: Lachnitt 1987: 97; Estevam 2011: 265; Hall et al. 1987: 117. Polysemy: 'dry season / year'.

Xerente: Krieger & Krieger 1994: 50, 62; Souza 2008: 22; Sousa Filho 2007: 284; Cotrim 2016: 323; Mattos 1973. Polysemy: 'year / dry

season / summer'.

Laklano: Alves 2014: 173; Bublitz 1994: 5, 21 (pl m {plõm}); Jolkesky 2010: 221. Polysemy: 'year / summer'.


Parana Kaingang: Wiesemann 1981: 86; Wiesemann 2011: 75; Jolkesky 2010: 221. Polysemy: 'year / hunger / misery'.


data sources general. · 2019-10-29 · campo grande, ms: missão salesiana de mato grosso. // a...

Documents