makowski las élites imperiales y los simbolos de poder castillo de huarmey. .pdf

8/10/2019 Makowski las lites imperiales y los simbolos de poder castillo de huarmey. .pdf

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In the pre-Industrial Period, the elites-their coercive, economic, and religiouspower, the way they related with the other strata, estates, castes or classes,

the roles they fulfilled as guarantors of peace and security, their acceptance bytheir subject peoples and hence the stability of the systemthese all variedremarkably from one cultural area and from one period to another. Comparativehistory shows in detail that technological development and the ongoing globa-lisation provided ever-more sophisticated means and objects to the privilegedstrata with which to delimit, legitimise and defend their status.

Elites in Pre-industrial Societies

In ancient times, in many parts of the world, with the exception of the Americas,the development of certain given conditions allowed the rise of the privateproperty of land and of other means of production. The technification of agri-culture thanks to the domestication of draught animals and the inventionof the plough are amongst the major causes behind this dramatic change insocial relations; the market economy rose some centuries later, fostered inpart by the efficient means of water transportation, and to a lesser extent by

ground transport. This process, which began in the fourth millennium B.C.,had integrated by the second millennium B.C. a large part of Europe, Northern

Africa and Western Asia, whilst the Far East underwent the same processindependently. 1In the Andes, similar transformations took place only afterthe Spanish conquest. The arguments stated above are obvious for anyonefamiliar with the ancient history or the historical archaeology of Mesopotamia,China, Greece, Rome, India, Mesoamerica, and Medieval Europe, or who hasinstead carefully visited several museums. There is, for instance, an abysmaldifference in the way groups legitimised their power and distanced them-selves from the masses (or tried to pretend they were not doing so) amongstMesoamerican noble warriors, the fathers of well-off families in the Mesopo-tamian city-States, Egyptian blood princes, Roman senators and landowners,Chinese officials, or the noble knights, rich burghers and Church dignitariesof Medieval Europe. A comparison of their portraits and attire (or the lackof attire, as in the classical portraiture of heroes), or of their rural and even-

tually urban dwellings, is enough to show that the term elite describesa wide range of dissimilar circumstances, which were as varied as the typesof social organisation, the technological knowhow, or the subsistence strate-gies followed in each area and region since the Neolithic Period.

Quite perceivable differences appear when comparing two kinds of societies:the first ones in which the rights and the duties of a certain group are derivedfrom the rulers of kinship and from the place where they livedsuch was thecase of the pre-Hispanic Andeswith other ones which split into rival classes,and where the mobility between social strata was limited. With respect tothis latter case, it is sufficient to cite examples set by slave and feudal societiesof Europe and Asia. The comparison proves extremely useful because the keyconcepts and models used when discussing the pre-Hispanic Andean empiresoriginated within the history of the classical and medieval Mediterraneanworld: empire (Latin, imperium), palace (Latin,palatium), monarchy, city-State(Greek,polis). Many readers will probably recall that Marx and Engels

compared capitalist societies with slave and feudal societiestheir prede-

cessorsin order to lay the foundations for historical materialism. Underthe influence of the Marxist postulates disseminated by Gordon Childe, whoinspired Patterson, Lumbreras and Rick, amongst others, it has often beenclaimed that the Central Andes experienced the same stages in social andpolitical transformations as pre-industrial Europe and Asia: the riseof a dominant class that oppresses the peasantry, and the development ofa theocratic State in the midst of an urban revolution process.2I believethe above-mentioned claims lack empirical support insofar as there are noperceivable transformations within the Central Andean material culturethat are comparable to those that marked the technological and social deve-lopment of the Mediterranean basin between the sixth century B.C. andthe fifteenth century of our era.3Consider, for instance, funerary behaviour.Unlike the pre-Hispanic Andes, the distance between classes in the Mediter-ranean world during the classical and medieval periods was not articulatedthrough the number and quality of the objects placed in the tomb, or thetreatment given to the body (except for Egypt). Grave goods were almostnon-existent because the revealed religions (or mystery religions) which ruledover the conscience at the time promoted the idea that we are all equal beforedeath and before the will of the Supreme Being; it was likewise believed

that all human beings have an immortal soul that does not require food insidethe tomb (though it sometimes required drinking), nor did it live inside itsgrave. There was no returning from the journey to the other world. 4Buryingthe dead tended to become a private family affair with a strong emotionaland ethical load, except in the case of the funeral pomp of kings and emperors.5Sumptuary goods did not end inside the tomb, except for a few symbols ofdevotion or of the power wielded: a cross, an amulet, the crown, a sword ora ring. The elites used them in life and bequeathed them to their descendants.The economic and social position of the deceased was conveyed through mediathat were always visible, and which could be grasped by both their fellowcitizens and future generations. The representatives of the elite were buriedin a privileged place, for instance in a cemetery at the entrance to a city.The architecture of the tomb or of a mausoleum, the headstone, a portrait ora symbolic image were used to disseminate the image of the deceased as anopulent person who was recognised as such by other full citizens.6

Unlike the Greco-Roman Mediterranean world or Medieval Europe, in theAndes the social status and the political position of the deceased were notconveyed through funerary architecture or sepulchral art. Although platformsand roofed buildings of an exclusively funerary nature are known to haveexisted in pre-Hispanic Peru, they were meant for the collective burial ofmany families. Both the bodies of kings as well as those of other representativesof the elite were always worshipped as members of a lineage and not as indivi-duals.7This same lineage was in charge of its posthumous cult (e.g. thepanacain the case of the Inca).8In the pre-Hispanic Andes, the tomb was conceptual-ised as the dwelling of the dead, which was essential to be born again andto begin the journey to the world beyond and to come back. It was believed thatthe dead still accompanied the living after their passing, and great powerswere ascribed to them with which they ensured rainfall and the abundance ofboth animals and the harvest. Survival in the parallel world of the ancestorshinged upon the attention the survivors could provide to the dead.9It was

because of these reasons that the production of offerings and clothes for thedead10greatly outstripped other productive activities as regards the amount ofsocial time invested. Grave goods are therefore always present in pre-Hispanicmortuary contexts, except in unusual burials due to the young age or the lowsocial status of the deceased. For those visiting museums, as well as for manyscholars, it is both surprising and hard to understand why Andean societiesinvested such a large amount of raw materials and of the time available, freefrom other tasks, in massively producing grave goods. The number and qualityof the personal objects and the offerings, and sometimes also the type ofpreparation applied to the body, were likewise closely related with the rankand/or the political role the deceased had in life. It is worth emphasising thatthe peoples of pre-Hispanic America, like most societies whose organisationis essentially based on kinship and not on criteria of an economic nature,believed that burying their deceased kin was the inescapable religious dutyof all members of a community.11The rituals ensuring the survival of leadersof varying rank in the other world thus formed the essential backbone, and

the support of, all ideologies and strategies of power.

Imperial Elites and the Symbols of Power

Krzysztof Makowski

Pontificia Universidad Catlica del Per


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The architectural forms that evidenced the power of the elites in pre-HispanicAmerica never had a function comparable to that of the house of a Romanlandowner or of a feudal lord, who occupied their houses briefly along withtheir entourage and their serfs before moving to another home, nor did theyhave the fully secular and worldly nature of a Renaissance palace. Quite thecontrary, in the hypothetic pre-Hispanic palaces the residential sector isoften hard to find due to its marginal position vis--vis the ceremonial areas,or because it simply did not exist. Patios, altars, mausoleums and walledenclosures prevail in complexes that possibly were of a palatial nature, andwere meant to gather crowds during rituals and in various ceremonies.12Starting in the Middle Horizon, the hypothetical palatial dwellings becamethe place where, after his death, the ruler was buried and his funeral cultwas carried out (Fig.151). Contrary to the expectations of some archaeologistsattached to the fallacious idea that all States must be secular in order tobe considered as such, in the Andes the palace was not in fact organised asa secular space.13

These and other differences lead one to believe that although Andean societieswere indeed stratified and marked by both inequality and institutionalised

violence, they cannot be really understood using comparative concepts derivedfrom Mesopotamia, Greece, Rome, and Medieval Europe. Comparisons arecertainly necessary, but they are required so that we have the differences clearbefore we begin developing interpretive models derived from generalisations.

How can we know about the Organisation of a Prehistoric Society?

The identity of the elites, their characteristics and the political strategiesthey followed, which are clear for a historian of ancient society thanks tothe presence of written information, are not easy to unravel for an archaeo-logist studying prehistory because his sources are all of a material nature.Students of the Wari phenomenon (ca. AD 700-1000) can certainly use thedata recorded in the second half of the sixteenth century by Spanish chroni-clers and scribes, albeit with misunderstandings, intentional tergiversationsand errors. An archaeologist who proceeds in this way must be ready toreceive critiques, and should expect questions like the following: given the

distance in time, does Wari society really resemble Inca society? Are wedealing in both cases with the same type of political organisation and thesame strategies of power? In fact, it is important to keep certain distances.There are many apparent similitudes between these two empires, e.g. theerection of large administrative centres and the use of the khipu,14but thereare also some differences. Among the latter we must particularly emphasisethe absence, in the case of Wari, of one single style, similar to the ImperialInca style that can be recognised at a glance in architecture, textiles, potteryand metal. Wari elites were on the contrary surrounded by a wide rangeof styles and iconographies, most of them exotic ones, and the craftsmen didnot hesitate to combine forms and designs derived from different sourcesin order to produce hybrid pieces.

Even so, despite the previous observations it is highly likely that Wari socialand political organisation had more affinity with Tawantinsuyu than with the

Roman, Persian or even the Aztec empire, with which it is usually comparedin the literature.15In both cases the use of the same material resources tolegitimise power is remarkable: the kero and the aquilla(a keromade using aprecious metal), the decorated unkushirts, and the architectural areas usedin the funerary cult (the chullpas).16We can therefore assume as a hypothesisthat the pinnacle of Wari social hierarchy was formed by large noble families,which shared origin myths and believed they were related to one another, muchlike the lineage ofManco Capac. We will see below that Wari elites made theirdress, headdress, and ceremonial areas resemble those in use at Tiahuanaco,as if to convince their subjects that their ancestors were born on the shoresof Lake Titicaca, the same lake from whence the Ayar brothers of Inca mythset out, includingManco CapacandMama Ocllo, the founders of the Cuzcodynasty.17We can reasonably suppose that the noble Wari families vied witheach other for power just like thepanacasof Cuzco,18and established allianceswith other, lesser lineages. There are, in fact, several images of Wari warriorswhose dress and attributes seem to have originated in Ayacucho and on the

South Coast.19 It is tempting to compare them with the Inca by privilege, i.e.

the populations that had settled in the Huatanay valley and which hadbeen subdued by the lords of Cuzco.20We must likewise bear in mind thatin the territories under its control, Wari imperial administration had toinclude members of allied noble families.21 It is possible that provincial lords(the Inca huamani) were related to the ruling lineages of Ayacucho. Theheads of districts (the Inca hunu) and macro-ayllu-chieftainships wereinstead recruited amongst the leaders of allied populations. Local authoritiesof the ayllu-territorial communities were probably retained as long as theyhad not resisted the conquest. The empires elite was thus formed in bothcasesWari and Incaby representatives of the various cultural, linguistic22and ethnic groups established in the highlands, the montane forest andthe coast, who allied themselves voluntarily with the lords of Ayacucho,or who were instead subdued after being defeated. The power of each lineageand territorial community depended, amongst other things, on the numberof families they had, the extent of their lands, the size of their herds, thereputation of their warriors, and no doubt also the bravery and beauty oftheir women. The latter was important because leaders crafted their networksof power through marriage. To judge by the Inca parallel, paramount rulershad several wives and concubines from each and every suyuand province

of the empire.23

The wives were chosen for the warrior leaders with greaterwarrior luck (ataw in Quechua), and who had the highest acceptance amongstthose who led the lineages. In this way the new leader expanded his lineagesestate through conquest, and likewise gained booty and the right to beserved by new communities of skilled craftsmen.24Both the booty as well asthe exotic items were offered to the dead parents of the ruler, as well as toother deities.

Lacking written sources that are contemporary with the material evidence,we have to support the validity of this interpretive scenario by drawinga comparison, insofar as it is possible, with the study of the images of theelite found in figurative objects, clothes, headdresses and other eventualattributes of the role; architectural areas where power potentially manifestsitself, and is negotiated and legitimised; palaces and other elite residentialareas; funerary behaviour; and with bio-anthropological evidence (lifestyles,diet, DNA). Due to reasons of space and the subject of this museographic

exhibit, we will focus here on the iconographic and mortuary evidence in orderto place the representatives of the Wari elite buried at Castillo de Huarmeywithin a wider context.

The Wari as Portrayed by Themselves

Most Central Andean cultures, including the Inca, did not leave behind a singletrace of an official art bearing the effigies of kings and officials, which areso common elsewhere. Fortunately enough this is not the case for Wari: mono-lithic statues of men and women, (Figs. 152 and 153) dressed in quite similarfashion to their contemporaries in the Titicaca Altiplano, were found in thecapital city of this prehistoric kingdom and were taken to the local museumswithout precisely recording their provenance.25No supernatural details arefound on the bodies or on their attire that would suggest these are idols. It isalmost certain these are depictions of the ruling elite, given the monumental

nature of the statues and the large amount of social labour invested in carvingand moving the monoliths. The idea of portraying the idealised image of ahuman being in volcanic tuff was not born in Ayacucho. There is no precedentof this type in the Huarpa Period, immediately prior to the rise of the Wariculture, but the origins of the tradition of sculpting portraits in the round canbe traced to the Formative Period in the Titicaca basin.26 In the sixth century

AD, the sculpted images of supernatural ancestors were replaced in Tiwanakuwith the statues of mortal men wearing clothes decorated with images ofsupernatural beings. The largest of these statues is over three stories high(7.30 metres) (Fig. 154 a -b), and the smallest one measures no more than0.50 metres. The size of each statue is likewise directly related with the sizeof the elevated patio in whose centre it rose.27The comparison of the statuesand the statuettes leads to the conclusion that the heads of the ruling lineagesdeserved a full-bodied portrait of supernatural size. Their attire, sculpted inrelief, stands out from that of all the rest because it is decorated with a fullpantheon of supernatural beings. The composition also changes from one statue

to another, both as regards to its pose and distribution, as well as to the


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nature of the personages.28The gesture made by the hands of the rulersportrayed evokes two ritual activities: the liquid offering made with abeverage emptied from a kerocup, and the forecasting of the ancestors willby ingesting snuff from a tablette (Figs. 155, 156 and 157). Lower-rankingnoble individuals instead lack both decorated clothes as well as ritual para-phernalia, and their image takes on the shape of a statuette or a tenon head.

Several lines of evidence indicate that the lords of Wari used Tiwanaku artresources, beliefs, rituals and myths to convince their subjects in Ayacuchothat their rule was legitimate and was accepted by the gods. A sunken plazawas found during the excavation of the architectural complex at Wari thatwas lined with monolithic slabs, carved in the Tiwanaku style and usingTiwanaku technology.29This same type of carving was used to build burialchambers made with monolithic plaques that were assembled using the charac-teristic Tiwanaku fastenings (Fig.158).30Another type of burial chamberwas excavated at Conchopata, a secondary Wari centre in Ayacucho, locatedon the opposite side from the capital city but within visual range of it. Thechambers, which were entered from the patio, are in the central section ofa building with planned layout which Isbell claims had the role of a palace.

Although no statues have been found at Conchopata, these were replaced ina way with another type of idealised portrait: large, anthropomorphic jars.31These face-neck jars show the image of a human face in high relief thathas often been individualised and pressed using a partial mould (Figs. 159).The bodies of the jars are profusely decorated with polychrome designspainted after firing imitating textile designs. The bodies of the vessels weretreated like the torso of an individual dressed with a ceremonial unkushirt.In one case the body had an unkudecorated in quite similar fashion tothat of the Ponce monolith.32The find shows that Wari rulers used the sameceremonial dress resource in their political strategies. The designs in variouscases imitate the geometric decoration of the shirts known from the areaof the Tiahuanaco culture, e.g. those adorned with tie-dye circles (Fig. 160).The headdresses are also Tiahuanacoid. Unlike the statues from Tiahuanacowhich always have the same Classic Tiahuanaco-style decoration and typesof attire, the jars in Ayacucho depict various headdresses and attributes.The geometric and figurative designs adorning the bodies of the vessels and

which imitate textiles are also quite varied; some of them belong to a highlandtradition and others to a coastal one. The urns exhibit a similar range intheir painted decorations.33The same holds for some weapons like the atlatls,which are typical of the Central Andes, whilst others, like the axes or bowsand arrows, only recur in the southern Andes.34We find the same garment

variety in the groups of turquoise figurines found in the votive deposits atPikillacta. Patricia Knobloch and Anita Cook made a systematic study of bothseries and concluded that the clothes and headdresses were derived from

various regions subjected by the lords of Ayacucho.35

The Wari and Tiwanaku images were unfortunately not designed by paintersand sculptors in clay like the Moche in the North Coast. This deprived usof an invaluable source of information regarding the hierarchies and theways power was flaunted and wielded. Wari craftsmen faithfully followed theconventions of the textile art, which had been laid out in the Altiplano and

in coastal valleys like Sihuas since the second half of the first millenniumB.C.36Although the textile conventions were applied to other techniques andsupports such as pre-firing paint on ceramic surfaces, wood and bone carvingsor stone reliefs, the limitations in figuration specific to textiles decorationswere never overcome. This means that in the Wari and Tiwanaku figurativerepertoires, which are closely related, we do not find depictions of variousindividuals in action, nor scenes with landscapes and architecture, and muchless narrative sequences. They were replaced by stand-alone figuresfacingthe front or in profile, full bodied or just the head, and eventually formed longrows just like in tapestries with structural decoration (Fig. 161).37

The suggestion that these were imitations of the designs found on The SunGate, which is still widespread in the relevant literature, was not confirmedby recent research. The Gate was designed between the tenth and theeleventh centuries of our era as part of a roofed enclosure, and was decoratedwith niches on the side belonging to the faade.38 The famed friezes are on

the lintel of the side facing towards the inside, and were therefore not meant

for an area open to the general public. The Gate apparently was neverfinished or installed in its destination, and was instead left abandoned duringtransportation.39Besides, several personages, poses and attributes whichare absent on the famed friezes on the Gate appear instead both on theanthropomorphic monoliths as well as on Wari textiles and vessels with aTiwanaku-style decoration (Figs. 162 a-f and 163 a-g). A systematic compar-ison irrefutably proved that there are no Tiwanaku or Wari sculptures ortextiles that can actually be considered an imitation of the famed friezes.Whenever a resemblance is found it remains limited to the pose and certaindetails, but the differences far outstrip the similarities. On the other handthere can be no doubt that the reliefs found on Tiahuanaco monoliths, aswell as the paintings on the body of Wari anthropomorphic jars, reproducedtypes of unkus which really existed, and which may have been used as amodel by the potter or the sculptor.40

The potters who worked in Huari and Conchopata were fully acquaintedwith, and had a sophisticated grasp of, the complex repertoire of Tiwanakudesigns, of the syntax which ruled over the combination of details, andeven of the chromatic range (Fig. 164 a-b). One gets the impression that

they had been trained in workshops on the shores of Lake Titicaca. Bothhuman beings as well as supernaturals have characteristics that placethem within the field of stories and exotic beliefs. Human beings are depictedas warriors standing on tule boatswhich are useless in the rivers in the

Ayacucho basinwith the weapons, shields, and headdresses typical ofthe people of the Altiplano (Fig. 164 b). This mythical gest also had a placefor women and animals from the tropical forest.41The huge urns where thehumans appear were also decorated with images of supernatural beings.Despite the similitude in their pose, this case also is not an imitation of thefront-facing deity from The Sun Gate.42

It is worth recalling that the vessels were part of the decoration of the roomsadjacent to the tombs, and were meant to be used in ceremonies held inhonour of the ancestors. Access to the tombs was through the patios, whichbecame the centre of a whole complex with a planned layout. The finds mademake it clear that the main reason why the building was erected, was to

temporarily congregate a large number of high-status individuals in orderfor them to participate in multiple rituals carried out in the open and roofedenclosures. No clear evidence has been found of chambers meant for the ruler,his family and their entourage. The monumental complex was surroundedby dwellings and areas where the pottery required for activities was manufac-tured. The vessels used were often intentionally smashed and piled up inthe open areas that lay outside the walls of the buildings. The images of godsand warriors were not meant to embellish the stelae or the walls of the throneroom. The potters painted them over the jars lined up in front of the tombswhich probably represented the deceasedand on the urns placed whereone entered the patio.43So just like in the case of Tiahuanaco, this was an artwhose message on the one hand was related to the cult the noble descendantsgave to their direct ancestors, along perhaps with their relatives and vassals,and on the other to the memory this social group shared. It is possible thatboth images and rituals were meant to propitiate the journey of the dead to

the netherworld, and that they likewise helped strengthen the position theancestor had vis--vis other ancestors there. The gods and the warriors of pastages, the founders of the lineages vying for power, probably were the mainprotagonists in these images.44We also have iconographies that evoke victoryin a ritual combat.

It is no mere chance that neither the Wari nor the Inca, nor any other expan-sive State in the prehistoric Andes, left behind an iconographic legacy thatincludes scenes showing military victories, the transportation of booty orof captives, feasts or life at the court. Yet this type of image accompaniedthe rise of the States, the city-States and the empires in the ancient Mediter-ranean world and in Medieval Europe, and apparently in Asia, Mesoamericaand Africa, too. Fortunately in the case of the Inca, thanks to the writtensources, no one can doubt the role war had in the development of a vast empire.The difference just noted must therefore be due to a specific power strategyand its social context. This is a strategy that respected the cultural and

ethnic diversity of the various actors present in the political scene, who were


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included in certain festivals and ceremonies, and with whom negotiationswere held.45The cult given to the rulers ancestors and the protectivedeities, as well as to the dead members of all the lineages involved in theStates operations, was the cornerstone of the political system and of thereligious ideology supporting it.46

The Tombs of the Wari Elite and the Identity of Their Occupants

Few Wari chamber burials have preserved intact to the present day. The burialsfound at Castillo de Huarmeyare unique as regards the content and thequality of the grave goods, as well as the complexity of their architecture. True,several subterranean chamber tombs and chullpa-mausoleums are known,47both in the imperial capital as well as in other Middle Horizon settlements,particularly in the highlands.48Some of these preserved parts of the boneremains and parts of the grave goods. Most had been emptied by looters sincethe Colonial Period. Such was the case of the monolithic chambers in thecapital city of the empire.49 Until the Huarmey discovery, researchers hadfound only relatively humble tombs intact, in cists and small chambers thatin most cases housed individual burials.50Even so, in the case of Wari the

funeral architecture itself provided invaluable and eloquent informationregarding various social aspects. As was to be expected, the tombs built withstones and which stand out in terms of monumentality and labour investedare those found in the imperial capital. All of them were inside the builtarea, and in some cases researchers were able to verify that the monolithicchambers were built after part of the roofed and open areaswhich perhapshad the role of a palacehad been closed off. In any case, the hypotheticalresidential and administrative functions were combined with ceremonialones, as is shown, amongst other things, by the erection of a D-shaped cere-monial structurea change that often took place during the final stages inthe use of a building. The chambers, which were assembled using big mega-lithic slabs carved with fastenings, formed groups and in some cases it isclear that they were built sequentially, one after the other. They do not differmuch between them except for their size, hence the hypothesis that severalhigh-prestige families who probably used the building were worthy of havingthis particular type of tomb. Yet the relation between funeral and residential

architecture is not always obvious. A large mortuary complex was foundin the Monjachayuq sector which comprised four stories of chambers, mostof which had been built using edged stones withpachilla(small, usually flatstones). The levels were connected by pits with steps, and the upper levelhad over twenty chambers, as well as access to two lateral galleries. The tombsof higher-status individuals, and perhaps even one of Waris paramountrulers, are found in the lower levels, particularly in level 4, where there wasonly one chamber.51

The recent excavations undertaken by William Isbell and Anita Cook52atConchopata complement the data available on elite tombs in Ayacucho. Basedon comparisons, it can be said that the burials of the representatives of high-status lineages formed part of the ceremonial architecture complexes. Theseare in all cases chamber tombs meant for multiple burials. Tombs carved outof the bedrock were also found at Conchopata. The burials of lower-ranking

individuals were made in cists located below the diatomite floors, inside habi-tation spaces and in the niches in the walls. There also are several individualpit burials, some of which may have been temporary ones prior to the secondaryburial in its definitive location, probably close to other family members.

Due to the conditions in Ayacucho, and in the highlands, organic remainsare generally not well preserved. Yet it is clear that all skeletons recorded inprimary contexts originally were in seated position, with the limbs tightlypulled up, and were inside wrappings or a bundle. A comparison of the anthro-pomorphic jars found in situat Conchopata, the face-neck jars with or withoutpublished provenance, and well-preserved bundles like those of Ancn,53suggest that the ethnic and political identities of the deceased were articu-lated above all through their attire and particularly by the headdress, theunku, the chest pieces and the ear ornaments. It is highly likely that thecontemporary men and women who were well acquainted with the materialculture and the standing visual codes, would not have had much trouble

in identifying an individuals rank from the geometric and figurative designs

on his unkushirt, as well as the face paint and the ornaments worn in thenose, neck and ears (Fig. 165). The headdress allowed their place of originto be recognised at a distance (Fig. 166). In any case, the results attained bythe excavation of mortuary contexts, both Wari as well as other contemporaryones, all agree on one point: the higher the rank of the deceased, the largerthe range of styles in the grave goods and the bigger the number of artefactsthere will be with classic Tiahuanaco-style-inspired iconography. Althoughthe archaeometric study of pottery production and distribution in this periodis still in its early stages, nothing suggests that conditions were differentfrom what was seen centuries later during the Inca Period, i.e. that potterywas locally manufactured, and that imports were an exceptional occurrence.On the other hand, textiles and other objects which weighed less or wereparticularly valuable could come from far away. Such was the case with objectsmade out of wood, bone, metal and obsidian. It should be pointed out herethat the existence of trade routes marked out on the map by the distributionof imports in both directions has never been irrefutably proven, not evenin the case of obsidian.54 I therefore believe that the objects in exotic styleswere probably given out as presents by higher-ranking rulers, both to subalternauthorities as well as within the network of relationships established between

members of the elite, as presents, dowries, and so on. Some of these artefactsmay have been manufactured by foreign craftsmen who moved along withthe court.

Castillo de Huarmey: the Necropolis and the Temple of the Imperial

Elites Funeral Cult

There are several reasons why Castillo de Huarmeydeserves being calledan imperial elite funerary complex. This is a very original architectonic workwhose design and construction engaged population groups of diverse origins.It differs in all functional and formal aspects from local, Moche or Gallinazoprecedents.55The idea of erecting a platform with chullpason top of themountain, as well as its tiered look with stone-lined walls, which the mortuarycomplex had during its final phases, are obviously related with highlandWari architecture and the chullpasof the Callejn de Huaylas. The regularlabyrinthine layout of the largest chullpa-mausoleums, with niches in the walls,

chambers hewn in the rock and located below elaborate seals and floors,has a remarkable likeness with Ayacucho architecture, from where inspirationprobably came (Fig. 167).

The ceramic offerings, both inside the funerary chamber of the noble womenas well as in other chambers, concur in pointing out that both the producersand the consumers emphasised their foreign tastes, habits and preferences.Even the pottery, which was possibly made with the participation of localpotters, took on exotic loans. Thus the kero-cup form, so typical of the Titicaca

Altiplano, is found in the same chamber alongside the mammiform face-neck bottles (see Fig. 78 a-b). Clearly, only a strong political power could havemoved craftsmen far from their place of origin, and have promoted such aharmonious and productive collaboration.

As has already been noted, access to clothes, ornaments and ceremonial

objects decorated in the Tiwanaku style was used to distinguish the familiesof the rulers from other elite lineages who lived in the imperial capital andin Conchopata, or gathered there on certain occasions. It is clear that thewomen and men buried in the chullpason the summits and in the chamberson the slopes of Castillo de Huarmeywere quite privileged in this regard.This is borne out both by the quality as well as by the number of the finds: themost outstanding include the wooden lime container (see Fig. 141), the metalknives (see Fig. 135), the stone kerocup (see Fig. 78 a-b), and the ear orna-ments with different motifs and forms (see Figs. 58, 59, 70, 95-103, 108 a-band 110 a-i). The skill in the handling of the designs and the iconographicdetails characteristic of the southern Andean area, which is clear in the caseof the wooden carvings, is indeed striking. The luxury elements in the gravegoods are in accordance with the complexity of the funerary contexts. Thehigh status of most of the fifty-eight women buried in seated position insidethe wrappings was expressed not just by the ear ornaments and other effects,but also by the variety of weaving objects and the fineness of the textiles,56as

well as by the human sacrifices with which the funeral ritual ended.57


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Several burials of high-ranking women have been recently excavated inthe Central Andes. The most ancient case recorded dates to the transitionfrom the Preceramic to the Initial Periods.58The social role these womenhad is a matter of debate; the associations sometimes suggest that theyhad priestly roles. Such is the case of those that were excavated at San Josde Moro59. It is the authors opinion that the tattoos, dress and headdresses,as well as the ceremonial clubs and the iconographic context, suggest thatthe woman buried at the summit of the Cao Viejo Pyramid (in the Chicama

Valley) also had the role of supreme priestess of the Goddess of the Moonand the Sea. Rgulo Franco and his team60instead prefer to ascribe herthe high rank of supreme ruler of the valley. Both roles do not necessarilyrule each other out. The high political position of the woman buried in theceremonial area of the fortified temple of Pashash (Recuay culture), who wasworshipped as the ancestor of a ruling lineage, is unquestionable. Like thewomen of Castillo de Huarmey, she was also characterised by the use of earornaments.61According to Carlos Wester, the lady buried at Chornancapin the company of a high-ranking male individualwho had been interredpreviouslyhad priestly roles.62The burial was directly related with apalace residence with spacious and complex ceremonial areas; it is therefore

highly likely that both the woman and the man lived or carried out activitiesrelated with their social function in the edifice. In the context just presented,the burials at Castillo de Huarmeyare exceptional, and not just becausethey are the first find of the tombs of noble Wari women. The multiple natureof the burial, the hierarchical distribution beside a main bundle, and thefact that the individuals were buried sequentially are worth highlighting.

Although in the current state of our knowledge we cannot properly supportone single interpretive scenario, the women may have been the mainwives and concubines of a regional Wari governor, and may even have beenmembers of the imperial lineage.

We can only imagine what the identities and social position of the dead whowere buried in the upper stories of the mausoleums at the top were fromwhat remained scattered amongst the rubble and the ruins left behind bythe looters. The quality of the fragmented offerings and their stylistic varietyis no less than in the chambers that did survive. The potters and the weavers

who made these artefacts were perfectly well acquainted with the complexrepertoire of small figurative signs similar to the Mesoamerican glyphs, andwhich are so typical of Tiwanaku art.63The combination of the glyphs inthe shining halos, the lachrymals, the wings and the tails of the supernaturalbeings apparently served to recognise the name, the powers, and the rankof the painted or woven personages. Not all craftsmen were acquainted withthe above-mentioned designs or were able to use them. Even in Ayacucho,most of the potters only reproduced the outline of the original figures fromthe Tiwanaku iconography without going into details, as if something hadprevented them from doing so. The present author has suggested elsewherethat the use of the first group of objects was restricted to the ceremonies heldby certain noble lineages.64

From the above-sketched standpoint, Castillo de Huarmeypresents thematerial evidence of some political strategies far removed from those adopted

by the empires that were born in the midst of the Mediterranean slave andfeudal societies, which usually are the benchmark used not just by school-children but also by various scholars. This gap is in turn due to the differencespresent both in the social organisation and the religious world view whichunder pinned all political behaviour at the time. Its name notwithstanding,Castillo de Huarmeywas not the fortified residence of a noble lord, and ittherefore was not a symbol of the coercive power of a lineage that imposedits law by force over a peaceful agricultural valley. Quite the contrary, therulers of the Wari Empire attempted to inscribe in the landscape a messagethat bespoke of inclusion and of the legal right to rule acquired with thebenevolence of supernatural forces. The characteristic silhouette of the ancestorcult temple was visible from each and every point in the valley. Spaciouswalled plazas extended over platforms at the foot of the temple, where theearthly power manifested itself under the porticos to the crowds that gatheredon festive days. It can be surmised that all extended families establishedin several valleys around Castillowere represented on these occasions. The

bodies of their fathers and grandfathers were preserved in the mausoleums

close to the palace. The representatives of certain families and/or priestscould climb to the top of the temple through the stairways in order to carryout the corresponding rites in honour of all of the founders of the lordlylineages. The sui generispalace attached to the funerary cult temple andits hundreds of mausoleums, was quite probably the provincial capitalof the Wari Empire for decades. Future research will perhaps provide datawith which to reconstruct the spatial organisation of the province, as wellas its likely transformation into an independent chiefdom.

(1) Amongst an abundant literature, thefollowing are recommended: Trigger, Bruce.Understanding Early Civilizations. AComparative Study. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2003; Kardoulias, Nick.World-System Theory in Practice: Leader-ship, Production and Exchange. Lanham:Rowman and Littlefield, 1999; Algaze,Guillermo. The Prehistory of Imperialism:The Case of Uruk Period Mesopotamia, inRothman, Mitchell S. (Ed.), Uruk Mesopo-

tamia & Its Neighbors. Santa Fe: School ofAmerican Research Press, 2001, pp. 27-84;Yoffee, Norman.Myths of the Archaic State:Evolution of the Earliest Cities, Statesand Civilizations. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2005.

(2) Lumbreras, Luis Guillermo. Childeand the Urban Revolution: The Central

Andean Experience, in: Manzanilla, Linda(Ed.),Studies in the Neolithic and Urban

Revolution: The Gordon V. Childe Collo-quium (Mexico 1986). London: BAR Inter-national Series 349, 1987. See also bythe same author: El imperio Wari, in

Historia del Per, Vol. II. Lima: EditorialJuan Meja Baca, 1985, pp. 11-91; id.,

El imperio Wari. Lima: Ediciones Altazor,2007. On Marxist approaches in archae-

ology see: Patterson, Thomas.MarxsGhost. Conversations with archaeologists.Oxford: Berg, 2003; McGuire, Randall H.A

Marxist Archaeology. New York: PercheronPress, 2002.

(3) In the Mediterranean basin, socialdistances were expressed from the sixthcentury BC to the fifteenth century A.D.in a forceful and obvious way by residentialarchitecture and settlement organisation.Here we can call up the examples of thepalatial hacienda house and its subsequentimitation, the urban villa of the Hellenistic-Roman age (e.g. Pompey). We should alsorecall that the castle evolved from thetower-donjon, which had turned into thepalace by the late Middle Ages. The differ-ences between these types of elite architec-

ture and a peasant or burgher house areobvious for any schoolboy, and show thatthe consolidation of rival classes is force-fully imprinted on the cultural landscapewhenever this phenomenon actually takesplace. On the differences in the urbandevelopment processes in the Old andthe New World see Makowski, Krzysztof.Andean Urbanism, in Silverman, Helaine,and William H. Isbell,Handbook of South

American Archaeology. New York: Springer,2008, pp. 633-657; id., Ciudad y Centroceremonial: el reto conceptual del urba-nismo andino,Annual Papers of the

Anthropological Institute2: 1-66 (in Japa-nese: translated by Shinya Watanabe),2012. In Spanish: http://www.ic.nanzanu.ac.jp/JINRUIKEN/publication/index.html.

(4) The following stand out amongstthe abundant relevant literature: Carroll,Maureen, and Jane Rempel.LivingThrough the Dead: Burial and Commemo-ration in the Classical World. Oakville,Conn.: David Brown Book Company, 2011;Garland, Robert. The Greek Way of Death.Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press1985; Toynbee, Jocelyn.Death and Burialin the Roman World. Ithaca: CornellUniversity Press, 1971; Cumont, Franz.

After Life in Roman Paganism. Lecturesdelivered at Yale University on the Silliman

Foundation. New Haven: Yale UniversityPress 1922; id.Recherches sur le symbolis-mefunraire des Romains. Haut Comis-sariat de ltat Franais en Syrie at auLiban, Service des Antiquits, Bibliothquearchologique et historique, Vol. XXXV.Paris: Librairie Paul Geuthner, 1942.

(5) See the essay by Milosz Giersz i n thisvolume.

(6) The process of change in the funeralbehaviour at the time when the monetary-based market economy was consolidating,at the same time when the slave modeof production was spreading throughoutthe Eastern Mediterranean world, was

studied in depth by Dentzer, Jean Marie.Le motif du banquet couch dans leProche Orient et le monde grec du VIIImeau IVme sicle avant J.C.Rome: Biblio-thque des coles Franaises dAthneet de Rome, Fascicule 246, 1982. Also quiteillustrative are the comparisons madein Laneri, Nicola (Ed.),Performing Death.

Social analyses of funerary traditions inthe Ancient Near East and Mediterranean.Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 2008,between the funeral pomp of the EarlyBronze elite in the fourth and third millen-nium BC in Mesopotamia and Egypt, andthe behaviour recorded in the ClassicalPeriod, particularly the articles by Morris,Ellen F. Sacrifice for the State. FirstDynasty Royal Funerals and the Ritesat Macramallahs Rectangle (pp. 15-37);

and Pollock, Susan.Death of a Household(pp. 209-222).

(7) The best-studied cases are those ofKunturhuasi, Paracas, Sipn, Sicn, andChan chan. The Kunturhuasi burials(Onuki, Yoshio [Ed.].Kuntur Wasi y Cerro

Blanco. Dos sitios del Formativo en elNorte del Per. Tokio: Hokusen-Sha, 1995;Onuki, Yoshio, and Kinya Inokuchi,Gemelos prstinos. El tesoro del templode Kuntur Wasi. Lima: Fondo Editorialdel Congreso del Per-Minera Yanacocha,2011), and those of Pacopampa whichwere recently discovered by Yuhi Seki,are in contrast with the humble burials oflocal leaders in the Preceramic and InitialPeriods (Burger, Richard. Los seoresde los Templos, in Makowski, Krzysztof

(Comp.),Seores de los Reinos de la Luna.


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Lima: Banco de Crdito del Per, 2008,pp. 13-37), even thought they were foundin the temples platforms, just like theprevious ones. In Paracas, the bundles

with the bodies of the leaders were buriedamong the bundles of lower-rankingindividuals, including women and children,within a restricted area set aside forthis and respectively located at the centreof each of the neighbouring settlementsof Wari Kayn and Arena Blanca. Relativesand subjects contributed to the makingof the bundle by dressing it up withnew layers of textile offerings in periodicalceremonies held after the first burial(Makowski, Krzysztof. Los hombresguerreros, las mujeres alfareras: cambiossociales tras el ocaso de Chavn, inMakowski (Comp.),Seores de los Imperiosdel Sol, pp. 1-18; Peters, Ann. Paracas:Liderazgo social, memoria histrica y losagrado en la necrpolis de Wari Kayan,in Makowski, (Comp.),Seores de los

Imperios del Sol, pp. 211-221; Makowski,Krzysztof. Deificacin frente a ancestrali-zacin del gobernante en el Per prehis-pnico: Sipn y Paracas, inArqueologa,

geografa e historia. Aportes peruanos enel 50 Congreso de Americanistas, Varsovia- Polonia 2000. Lima: Fondo Editorialde la Pontificia Universidad Catlicadel Per - PromPer, 2005, pp. 39-80. Acomparison of the royal burials of Sipn(Mochica) and Sicn (Lambayeque)suggests that the post-mortem deificationof the ruler, as follows from the icono-graphy and the type of offerings of preciousmetals recorded in the Early IntermediatePeriods Moche tombs, became the maingoal of the funeral pomp from the MiddleHorizon onwards. The ruler was treated

as a deity and as a descendant of a god:Millaire, Jean Franois.Moche BurialPatterns: An Investigation into PrehispanicSocial Structure. Oxford: BAR Interna-tional Series 1066, Archeopress, 2002; Alva,Walter.Sipn. Descubrimiento e Investi-

gacin. Lima: Quebecor World Per, 2004;Alva, Walter, and Luis Chero. La tumbadel Sacerdote Guerrero, in Aimi, Antonio,Walter Alva, and Emilia Petrazzi (Eds.),

Sipn. El tesoro de las tumbas reales.Florencia-Miln: Fondo talo-Peruano,Giunti Editore, 2008, 114-137; Shimada,Izumi. Cultura Sicn: dios, riqueza y poder

en la costa norte del Per. Lima: Fundacindel Banco Continental para el Fomentode la Educacin y la Cultura, 1995; id.,Sican Metallurgy and Its Cross-craftRelationships,Boletn del Museo del Oro

41: 26-61, 1999; Shimada, Izumi, Ken-ichiShinoda, Julie Farnum, Robert S. Corruc-cini, and Hirokatsu Watanabe. An Inte-grated Analysis of Prehispanic MortuaryPractice: A Middle Sican Case Study,Current Anthropology 45 (3): 369-402, 2004.Despite the differences in form and design,both the Sicn ramped pyramids andChanchans citadels had the role of palacewhilst the ruler lived, and after his deaththey became ceremonial enclosures forthe funeral cult: Conrad, Geoffrey W. TheBurial Platform of Chan chan: Some Socialand Political Implications, in Moseley,Michael, and Kent Day. Chan Chan:

Andean Desert City. Albuquerque: Univer-sity of New Mexico Press, 1982, 87-117.

(8) Kaulicke, Peter.Memoria y muerteen el Per antiguo. Lima: Fondo Editorialde la Pontificia Universidad Catlicadel Per, 2000, pp. 26-39; Isbell, William H.

Mummies and Mortuary Monuments. APostprocessual Prehistory of Central AndeanSocial Organization. Austin: Universityof Texas Press, 1997, pp. 38-108.

(9) DeLeonardis, Lisa, and George F. Lau,Life, Death and Ancestors, in Silverman,Helaine.Andean Archaeology. Oxford:Blackwell Publishing, 2004, pp.77-115.

(10) Boytner, Ran. Clothing the SocialWorld, in Silverman (Ed.).Andean Archae-ology, pp. 130-145.

(11) Salomon, Frank. The BeautifulGrandparents: Andean Ancestor Shrinesand Mortuary Ritual as Seen throughColonial Records, in Dillehay, Tom (Ed.),Tombs for the Livings: Andean Mortuary

Practices. Washington, D. C.: Dumbarton

Oaks, 1995, pp. 315-353.(12) Pillsbury, Joan. The Concept of thePalace in the Andes, in Evans, SusanToby, and Joan Pillsbury (Eds.),Palacesof the Ancient New World. Washington,D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 2004, pp. 181-190;Makowski, Krzysztof, and CarlaHernndez. Las casas del Sapa Inka,in Makowski, Krzysztof (Comp.),Seoresde los Imperios del Sol. Lima: Banco deCrdito, 2010, pp. 173-184.

(13) See, for example, the case of the palacesof Chimor: Pillsbury, Joan. Los palaciosde Chimor, in Makowski, Krzysztof(Comp.),Los seores de los reinos de la

Luna. Lima: Banco de Crdito del Per,2008, pp. 201-222; Mackey, Carol. EliteResidence at Farfn. A Comparison of the

Chim and Inka Occupations, in Christie,Jessica Joyce, and Patricia Joan Sarro(Eds.),Palaces and Power in the Americas.

From Peru to the Northwest Coast. Austin:University of Texas, 2006, pp. 313-352;for other cases see note 6.A comparisonwith the Wari palaces is i n order: Isbell,William H. Landscape of Power: ANetwork of Palaces in Middle HorizonPeru, ibid., pp. 44-98; McEwan, Gordon F.Conclusion. The Function of Pikillacta,in McEwan, Gordon F. (Ed.),Pikillacta:The Wari Empire in Cuzco. Iowa City:University of Iowa Press, 2005, pp. 147-164.

(14) See the essay by Gary Urton in thisvolume.

(15) DAltroy, Terence N., and Katharina

Schreiber. Andean Empires, in Silverman,Helaine (Ed.),Andean Archaeology.Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2004, pp.255-279; Schreiber, Katharina J. Wari

Imperialism in Middle Horizon Peru.Anthropological Papers No. 87. Ann Arbor:Museum of Anthropology, Universityof Michigan, 1992; id. The Wari Empireof Middle Horizon Peru: the EpistemologicalChallenge of Documenting an EmpireWithout Documentary Evidence, in

Alcock, Susan E., Terence N. DAltroy,Kathleen D. Morrison, and Carla M.Sinopoli (Eds.),Empires: Perspectives

from Archaeology and History. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2005,pp. 71-92.

(16) Cummins, Tom. Queros, Aquillas,Uncus and Chulpas: The Comparisonof Inka Artistic Expression of Power,in Burger, Richard L., Craig Morris,

and Ramiro Matos Mendieta (Eds.),Variation in the Expression of Inka Power.Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks,2007, pp. 267-322.

(17) Cook, Anita G. Las deidades huariy sus orgenes altiplnicos, in Makowski,(Comp.),Los dioses del antiguo Per,pp. 39-65; Makowski, Krzysztof. Vestido,arquitectura y mecanismos del poder enel Horizonte Medio, in Makowski (Comp.),

Seores de los Imperios del Sol, pp. 57-71.

(18) Zilkowski, Mariusz S.La guerra delos wawqui. Los mecanismos y los objetivosde la rivalidad dentro de la lite inca, ss.

XV-XVI. Quito: Abya Yala, 1997.

(19) Knobloch, Patricia J. Who Was Who?In the Middle Horizon Andean Prehistory,

accessed on 4/2008 athttp://www-rohan.sdsu.edu/~bharley/WWWHome.html; id.,La imagen de los seores Wari y la recu-peracin de una identidad antigua, inMakowski (Comp.),Los seores de losimperios del Sol, pp. 197-2009; Cook, AnitaG. The stone ancestors: idioms of imperialattire and rank among Huari figurines,

Latin American Antiquity3: 341-364, 1992.

(20) On the organisation of Tahuantinsuyu:DAltroy, Terence N. The Incas. Oxford:Blackwell Publishing, 2001, pp. 86-108,177-197; Prssinen, Martti. Tawantinsuyu:

el estado inca y su organizacin poltica.Lima: Instituto Francs de Estudios

Andinos-Fondo Editorial de la PontificiaUniversidad Catlica del Per, Lima 2003.

(21) E.g. Tung, Tiffiny A., and Anita

Cook. Intermediate-Elite Agency inthe Wari Empire: The Bioarchaeologicaland Mortuary Evidence, in Elson,Christina M., and R. Alan Covey (Eds.),

Intermediate Elites in Pre-ColumbianStates and Empires. Tucson: The Univer-sity of Arizona Press, 2006, pp. 68-93;Conlee, Christina A., and KatharinaSchreiber. The role of Intermediate Elitesin the Balkanization and Reformationof Post-Wari Society in Nazca, Peru,ibid., pp. 94-111; Covey, R. Alan. Inter-mediate Elite in the Inka Heartland,

A.D.1000-1500, ibid., pp. 112-135.

(22) Makowski, Krzysztof. Horizontesy cambios lingsticos en la prehistoriade los Andes centrales,Boletn de Arque-ologa PUCP14: 95-122, 2011; Cerrn

Palomino, Rodolfo. Contactos y despla-zamientos lingsticos en los Andescentro-sureos, el puquina, el aymaray el quechua, ibid.: 255-282; Isbell, WilliamH. La arqueologa wari y la dispersindel quechua, ibid.: 199-220; George Lau,Culturas y lenguas antiguas de la sierranor-central del Per: una investigacinarqueolingstica, ibid.:141-164.

(23) Zilkowski, Mariusz S. Seoresy reyes en los Andes o del conceptoy atributos del soberano andino,in Makowski, (Comp.)Seores de losimperios del sol, pp. 80-86.

(24) Zilkowski, Mariusz S. Atawo la guerra justa en el Tawantinsuyu, Tawantinsuyu2: 5-22, 1996.

(25) According to William Isbell andEnrique Gonzlez Carr (personal commu-nication), some statues come from theMonjachayoq sector, hence the name given

by inference due to the particular typeof dress that the peasants related with thehabit worn by nuns.

(26) The statues of ancestors of both sexesthat rose at the centre of the plazas inthe ceremonial complexes, beside themonoliths decorated with textile motifs,gave the name to the Altiplanos religioustradition which preceded the TiahuanacoPeriod: Yaya Mama (father motherin the Aymara language): Chvez, SergioJ. The Yaya Mama Religious Traditionas an antecedent of Tiwanaku, in Young-Snchez, Margaret (Ed.), Tiwanaku: Ances-tors of the Inca. Denver-Lincoln: Denver

Art Museum-University of NebraskaPress, 2004, pp. 70-93. Several of thesemonoliths were moved from their original

ceremonial centres to the more respectedand ancient cult pl ace in Tiahuanaco,which is known as the Semi-SubterraneanTemple, once this site became the capitalcity of a regional State: Janusek, John W.El surgimiento del urbanismo en Tiwanakuy del poder poltico en el altiplano andino,in Makowski (Comp.),Seores de los

Imperios del Sol, pp. 39-56.

(27) Makowski, Krzysztof. Royal Statues,Staff Gods, and the Religious Ideologyof the Prehistoric State of Tiwanaku, in:

Young-Snchez, Margaret (Ed.), Tiwanaku:Papers from the 2005 Mayer Center Sympo-sium at the Denver Art Museum. Denver:Denver Art Museum, 2009, pp. 133-164.

(28) Makowski, Krzysztof. El Pantentiahuanaco y las deidades con bculos,

in Makowski (Comp.),Los dioses delantiguo Per, pp. 67-110; id., Los perso-najes frontales de bculos en la iconografatiahuanaco y huari: tema o convencin?,Boletn de Arqueologa PUCP5: 337-373,2001; id.La imagen del mundo natural,la iconografa textil y el ejercicio delpoder en Tiahuanaco, in Snchez Paredes,Jos, and Marco Curatola Petrocchi(Eds.),Los rostros de la tierra encantada.

Religin, evangelizacin y sincretismoen el Nuevo Mundo, Homenaje a ManuelMarzal, S. J. Lima: Fondo Editorial dela Pontificia Universidad Catlica delPer-Instituto Francs de Estudios, 2013,pp. 670-724; Agero Piwonka, Carolina,Manuel Uribe, and Jos Berenguer Rodr-guez. La iconografa Tiwanaku. El caso

de la escultura ltica,Textos antropolgicos14 (2): 47-82, 2003.

(29) Isbell, William H., ChristineBrewster-Wray, and Lynda E. Spickard,Architecture and Spatial Organizationat Huari, in Isbell, William H., andGordon F. McEwan (Eds.),Huari Adminis-trative Structure and State Government.Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1991,pp. 27-33, Figs. 8-15.

(30) Prez, Ismael. Estructurasmegalticas funerarias en el complejoHuari,Boletn de Arqueologa PUCP4:505-548, 2000; Isbell, William H., and

Antti Korpisaari. Burial in the Wariand the Tiwanaku heartlands: similarities,differences, and meanings,Dilogo

Andino. Revista de Historia, Geografa

y Cultura Andina39: 91-122, 2012.


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(31) Isbell, William H. Repensando elHorizonte Medio: el caso de Conchopata,

Ayacucho, Per,Boletn de ArqueologaPUCP4: 9-68, 2000; Rodrguez Carpio,

Gonzalo Javier. Urnas de Conchopata:contextos, imgenes e interpretaciones.Licentiate in Archaeology degree disser-tation. Lima: Pontificia UniversidadCatlica del Per, 2004.

(32) Cook, Anita G. The Middle HorizonCeramic Offerings from Conchopata,

awpa Pacha, 22-23: 49-90, 1984-85;Cook, Anita G. Wari y Tiwanaku: Entre

el Estilo y la Imagen. Lima: PontificiaUniversidad Catlica del Per, 1994,lam. 6.

(33) Cook G., Anita, and Nancy. L.Benco. Vajillas para la fiesta y la fama:produccin artesanal en un centrourbano Huari,Boletn de Arqueologa

PUCP4: 489-504, Figs. 9C, 10A, 2000;Ochatoma Paravicino, Jos.Alfareros

del Imperio Huari: vida cotidiana yreas de actividad en Conchopata.

Ayacucho: Universidad Nacional deSan Cristbal de Huamanga, Facultadde Ciencias Sociales, 2007; Knobloch,La imagen de los seores Wari.

(34) Ochatoma Paravicino, Jos, andMartha Cabrera Romero. IdeologaReligiosa y Organizacin Militar en laIconografa del rea Ceremonial deConchopata, in Wari: Arte Precolombino

Peruano. Sevilla: Centro Cultural elMonte, 2001, pp. 173-211; OchatomaParavicino, Jos, and Martha CabreraRomero. Religious Ideology and MilitaryOrganization in the Iconography of aD-Shaped Ceremonial Precinct atConchopata, en Silverman, Helaine,

and William H. Isbell (Eds.),AndeanArchaeology II: Art, Landscape, andSociety. New York: Kluwer Academic /Plenum Publishers, 2002, pp. 225-247.

(35) Knobloch, Who Was Who?; id. Laimagen de los seores wari, in Makowski(Comp.); Cook, Anita G. The stoneancestors.

(36) Isbell, William H., and Patricia J.Knobloch. Missing Links, ImaginaryLinks: Staff God Imagery in the South

Andean Past, in Isbell, William H.,and Helaine Silverman (Eds.),Andean

Archaeology III: North and South. NewYork: Springer, 2006, pp. 307-351; Isbell,William H., and Patricia J. Knobloch.SAIS: The Origin, Development, and

Dating of Tiahuanaco-Huari Iconography,in Young-Snchez (Ed.), Tiwanaku,pp. 165-210.

(37) Makowski, Krzysztof. Los personajesfrontales.

(38) The tentative absolute date followson the one hand from a comparisonof the Bennett and the Ponce monoliths,and on the other from the C 14datesrelated with the ceramic finds made atPariti Island: Korpisaari, Antti, andMartti Parssinen.Pariti: isla, misterio

y poder. El tesoro cermico de la culturaTiwanaku. La Paz: CIMA, 2005. Thedecoration on this pottery has stylisticsimilitudes with The Gate of the Sun.In any case this is not the most ancientrelief at Tiahuanaco, and it was not

the model for other known sculptures:

Makowski. Royal Statues, Staff Gods,and the Religious Ideology; id. La imagendel mundo natural.

(39) Protzen, Jean-Pierre, and StellaNair. Pumapunku: plataformas yportales,Boletn de Arqueologa PUCP5:337-373, 2001; id. The Stones of Tiahuanaco.

A Study of Architecture and Construction.Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archae-ology at UCLA, 2013.

(40) See, for example some well-preservedunkus: Young-Snchez, Margaret.Los unkus de los seores del sur: Huariy Tiahuanaco, in Makowski, Krzysztof(Comp.),Seores de los Imperios del

Sol: 225-237, especially the tunics andunkus with Tiwanaku-style figurativedecoration, Figs.1 (the tunic from theDoorway), 2, 4, 5, 8, 10, 11, 12; Rodman,

Amy Oakland, and Arabel Fernndez.Los tejidos huari y tiwanaku: compara-ciones y contextos,Boletn de Arqueologa

PUCP4: Figs. 9a, b. Lima (the tapestrywith iconography of Tiwanaku originfound at Vegachayoq Moqo, in Huari);compare with the Tiwanaku tunics fromSan Pedro de Atacama, ibid., Figs. 3, 5.

As for the complete Wari unkus andmantles with Tiwanaku iconography:Rommel, ngeles, and Denise Pozzi-Escot,Textiles del Horizonte Medio. Las eviden-cias de Huaca Malena, Valle de Asi a,Figs. 9, 10, 11, 12, 18; Makowski ElPanten tiahuanaco y las deidades conbculos, pp. 83, Fig. 91, 106, Fig. 107;the large Wari mantle from the StaatlichesMuseum fr Vlkerkunde, Munich, witha decoration comparable to the Tiwanakuskirts and belts, as well as with thelower frieze in the Doorway of the Sun:

De Bock, Edward K., and R. Tom Zuidema,Cohrence mathmatique dans lart andin.Vers un modle global pour lanalyse deliconographie andine, in Purin, Sergio(Ed.),Inca-Peru, 3000 mil ans dhistoire.Brussels: Muse royaux dArt et dHistoire,Imschoot, uitgeverssa, 1990, 460-469,Figs. 364-366; the famed unkufrom Museode Arte de Lima, and; Bergh, Susan E.The Bird and the Camelid (or Deer):

A Ranked Pair of Wari Tapestry Tunics?,in Young-Snchez, Margaret (Ed.),Tiwanaku: Papers from the 2005 MayerCenter Symposium at the Denver Art

Museum. Denver: Denver Art Museum,2009, pp. 225-245, Figs. 1, 2, 11.

(41) Cook, Anita G. Wari Art and Society,in Silverman, Helaine (Ed.),Andean

Archaeology. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing,2004, pp. 146-167. Fig. 8.3.

(42) For instance, in the Ayacucho RoblesMoqo-style urns found at Pacheco, inthe Nazca Valley, there is a deity withstaffs in its hands standing in front-facingposition but wearing female clothing:Lyon, Patricia. Female Supernaturalsin Ancient Peru,awpa Pacha16: 109,pl. XXXII, Fig.14, 1978.The image of themaize cob, which is missing in Tiwanakuart, is repeated in her attire. Insteadof staffs, her male partner depicted onthis same vessel bears arms and has aprisoner. Winged profile felines are anotherrecurring group in Conchopata. Someof them take a flying position whendepicted with a full body. At Tiahuanaco,

this posture is known in just one relief:theKantatata stone: Cook, Anita G. Wari

y Tiwanaku, Lam. 56; see also the compar-ison made in Makowski. El Pantentiahuanaco y las deidades con bculos,p. 78, Figs. 83-86. The initial hypothesis

that all images with a Tiwanaku-inspirediconography were derived from theoriginal theme depicted on The Doorwayof the Sun (Isbell, William H. Conchopata,Ideological Innovator in Middle Horizon1 A,awpa Pacha22-23: 49-90, 1984-85;Cook. Op. cit. was recently replaced byanother one, that of the iconographicinteraction area- SAIS (Southern Andean

Iconographic Series): Isbell and Knobloch.Missing Links; id. SAIS: The Origin,Development, and Dating of Tiahuanaco-Huari Iconography. According to thishypothesis the Titicaca basin, the SouthCoast, the Cuzco area and the Ayacuchobasin shared an iconographic traditiondefined by the recurrence of faces witha shining halo, beings depicted from thefront and winged profile beings. Isbell

likewise believes the established conven-tion (full body or with the head detached,facing the front or in profile) was exclu-sively related with one particular deity.But this hypothesis lacks convincingsupporting evidence according toMakowski. Los personajes frontales debculos; id. Vestido, arquitectura ymecanismos del poder; id. Animales enla herldica del Imperio: smbolos deidentidad y poder huari-tiahuanaco,

Journal of Cultural Symbiosis Research7:87-127, 2012. On the contrary, weavers,sculptors, potters and smiths made aremarkable effort to provide the front-andprofile-facing figures with a definitepersonality, defined through a repertoireof significant details: types of feathers,

lachrymals, body paint, clothing, and theattributes they held in their hands. Thesedetails allow for the depiction of beingsof both sexes (e.g. Lyon, Female Super-naturals), deities with weapons, plants,severed heads, human captives, and so on.The latter replaced the staffs. Makowski(Los personajes frontales de bculos;Vestido, arquitectura y mecanismos delpoder; and Animales en la herldicadel Imperio) likewise believes that thecraftsmen serving the rulers of Tiahuanacoand Huari used a repertoire of signscomparable, toutes proportions gardes,to Mesoamerican glyphs or to the tokapu(Zilkowski, Mariusz S., Arabas Jaroslaw,and Jan Szeminski. La Historia enlos queros: apuntes acerca de la relacinentre las representaciones figurativas

y los si gnos tocapus, in Gonzlez Carvajal,Paola, and Tamara L. Bray,Lenguajesvisuales de los Incas. Oxford: BAR, Series,2008). Torres, M. Constantino. Iconografatiwanaku en la parafernalia inhalatoria,

Boletn de Arqueologa PUCP5: 427-454,2001, reached a similar conclusion in thecase of the snuff tablets with Tiwanaku-style figurative decoration. Knobloch.La imagen de los seores Wari, recentlydefined a large variety of supernaturalpersonages in the painted pottery ofConchopata. The results of the work doneby Susan E. Bergh (The Bird and theCamelid (or Deer): A Ranked Pair of WariTapestry Tunics?) regarding Huari textileslikewise concur: the anthropomorphiccamelid or deer join the large list of person-ages depicted from the front or in profile,including supernatural human beings,

birds, felines and land snails, all bearingwings and a staff, as well some other objectin one hand. There is, in fact, a remarkablerange of deities. Some of these are shown

both from the front and in profile, walking,flying or in abbreviated fashion as headsremoved from their bodies.

(43) See note 31.

(44) For Patricia Knobloch, La imagende los seores Wari, the posture of somedeities and their gestures suggest thatwhat the Wari wanted to remember werethe deeds performed by the warriors thegods had taken prisoner, and who werefinally sacrificed by decapitation. Knoblochlikewise believes that the god and the

victim represented opposite sides in conflict,and that these varied on each vessel.The conflict itself been in war or ritualcombat, is not depicted. The hypotheticalpolitical message hence remained hiddenby the plot of the religious narrative.

(45) The research undertaken at CerroBal, a fortified administrative complexwith a palatial residence, banquethalls and large areas for brewing chicha,provided a forceful example of thesestrategies: Williams, Patrick Ryan, andDonna J Nash. Imperial interactionin the Andes: Huari and Tiwanaku atCerro Bal, en Isbell, William H., andHelaine Silverman (Eds.),Andean

Archaeology I: Variations in SociopoliticalOrganization. New York: Kluwer Academic,2002, pp. 243-265; Williams, PatrickRyan, Donna J. Nash, Michael E. Moseley,Susan DeFrance, Mario Ruales, AnaMiranda and David Goldstein. Losencuentros y las bases para la adminis-tracin poltica wari,Boletn de Arque-

ologa PUCP9: 207-232, 2005.

(46) Makowski, Krzysztof.PrimerasCivilizaciones. Enciclopedia Temticadel Per, vol. IX. Lima: Empresa EditoraEl Comercio, 2004, pp. 132-182.

(47) Isbell,Mummies and MortuaryMonuments., pp. 195-213; Paredes, Juan,Berenice Quintana and Moiss Linares.Tumbas de la poca Wari en el Callejnde Huaylas, Ancash,Boletn de Arqueologa

PUCP4: 449-488, 2000.

(48) Isbell, Repensando el HorizonteMedio; id. Mortuary preferences: a Wariculture case study from Middle HorizonPeru,Latin American Antiquity15, 2004:3-32; Valdez, Lidio M., Kattrina J. Bettcher,Jos A. Ochatoma, and J. Ernesto Valdez.

Mortuary preferences and selected refer-ences: a comment on Middle HorizonBurials, World Archaeology, 38 (4): 672-689,2006. On the coast, the contexts that havebeen excavated are often intrusive in localarchitecture, which was built previouslyeither during the Early IntermediatePeriod or at the beginning of the MiddleHorizon, e.g. Mogrovejo, Juan, and RafaelSegura. El Horizonte Medio en el Conjunto

Arquitectnico Julio C. Tello de Cajamar-quilla,Boletn de Arqueologa PUCP4:565-582, 2000; Rommel and Pozzi-Escot,Textiles del Horizonte Medio; see alsothe burial bundles recently discoveredat Huaca Pucllana: Flores Espinoza,Isabel. Los wari en Pucllana, in FloresEspinoza, Isabel (Comp.),Los Wari en

Pucllana. La tumba de un sacerdote. Lima:Ministerio de Cultura, 2013, pp.17-86.

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