bastien 1985 agricultura antigua
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JOSEPH W. BASTIEN
University
of
Texas, Arlington
Qollahuaya Andean Body Concepts: A
Topographical Hydraulic Model
of
Physiology
Ritual, pathological, and ethnophanacological data indicate that Qollahuaya Andeans have a
topographical-hydraulic model
f o r
understanding the physiology oftheir bodies. Qollahuayas look
to their
ayllu,
a mountain wi th three ecological levels, and i ts watenuays ji r understanding their
physiology. Analogously, Qollahuayas understand the body
s
a vertically layered axis with a
system
o
ducts through which air, blood, f a t , and waterJIow to an d j o m the
sonco
heart).
Blood and f a t , principles of life and energy, come together at the heart a n d f i w to the members
of the body in a hydraulic cycle ofcentripetal and centnhgal motion. The
sonco
is also a dis til-
lation center that combines respiratosy, digestive, and reproductiveJirnctions. Within this distil-
lation process, secondary flu ids bile, feces, gas, mi lk , phlegm, semen, sweat , and urine) are
produced that need to be eliminated. I fthese fluids accumulate, they become noxious and must be
pu rg ed jo m the body with carminatives, emetics, enemas, astings, dietary restrictions, and ba th .
Basically , the body is a hydraulic system with distillation, circulation, and elimination processes,
which operate by the centripetal and centnJigalforces ofl iquids.
N UNDER STANDI NG
OF
HOW
QOLLAHUAYA
NDEANSHINK about their bodies is
A
necessary precondition to the incorporation ofmodern medicine in th e Andes: cul-
tural barriers between practitioners of modern and traditional medicine present obstacles
to improving h ealth in th e Andes. According to a recent study
Evaluaci6n
1978:227),clin-
ics and health workers in rural Bolivia increased 80% between 1974 an d 1978, yet there
was a m inimal increase in clients, and health wo rkers complained
of
their ineffectiveness
with Andean peasants. I presented seminars to health workers during the summers
of
1982, 1983, and 1984 to help them understand how Andeans perceive causes, symptom s,
and treatments of sicknesses. Many Bolivian doctors an d nurses were, an d still are, un -
aware of how Andeans think abo ut their bodies.
In response, I analyzed Qollahuaya ritualistic, pathological, an d ethnopharm acolog-
ical data to posit a model of Qollahuaya ethnophysiology.
I
have done fieldwork amon g
the Qollahuaya since 1971 and collected data on ritual, pathology, and ethnopharma-
cology (Bastien 1973, 1978, 1982a, 1982b, 1983). Approximately 15,000 Qollahuayas live
in the Province Bautista Saaved ra of midwestern Bolivia at altitudes
of
2,500 to 5,000 m,
where they farm an d herd. Qollahuayas cure with medicinal plants, perform rituals, and
are famous in Andean countries, where they are called Lords of the Medicine Bag
Qolla Kapachaph)
(see Girault 1966, 1969, 1984; Oblitas 1963, 1968, 1969; Otero
1951; Stark 1972). Historically, they practiced brain su rgery, cured with plants, a nd em -
ployed a wide variety of medical paraphern alia, such as enema syringes and snuff trays,
as early as 700 A.D. (W ass tn 1972). During the Inca empire, they carried the emperors
chair (Poma d e Ayala 1936:331) and healed members
of
his family (Oblitas
1968).
Qol-
~
JOSEPH
W
ASTIEN
s
rofessor
of
Anthropology,
Dcparhntk
of
Sociology, Anthmpology,
and
Social
Work,
University
of
Texas,
Box
19599,
Arlington, X
76019.
595
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596
AMERICANNTHROPOLOGIST
[87, 1985
lahua ya herbalists traveled un til 1950, when they settled in urban centers of Argen tina,
Bolivia, an d P eru, where they co ntinue to cure in h erbal clinics (Bastien 1982a). Conse-
quently, Qollahuayas are traditional and widespread curers, and their ethnophysiology
is useful in understanding Andean body concepts in general. This is not to imply that
Qollahuaya ethnophysiology is universal to the Andes but that this model probably
shares stru ctural similarities to mod els of ethnophysiology in other regions of the Andes,
a comparison th at needs to be studied by ethnograph ers.
On e assumption abo ut Andean ethnophysiology is that it derives from Greek hu moral
theory. Th is is implicitly assumed in the writings of George Foster (1978) an d Ho racio
Fabrega 1973), who have generalized from the widespread use of hot an d cold categories
that Greek humoral pathology is the basis of Latin American folk medicine. Although
Greek humoral pathology apparently influenced Andean ethnophysiology , t is mislead-
ing to assume th at they are the same. I intend
to
explicate a model of Qollahuaya eth-
nophysiology from fieldwork data rather than assume a prototype in Greek humoral
though t. Wh ether Q ollahuaya ethnophysiology is pre-Co lumb ian in origin, derivative of
Greek humoral theory, or a com bination of both is a question for future ethnoh istorical
research.
Topographical Metaphor:AyUu
and Body
The first premise of this model is that Qollahuayas understand the body as a vertical
axis with three levels through which blood a nd fat flow from the center to the peripheral
in centripetal and centrifugal motion. The methodological assumption is that Qolla-
huayas look to their mountain-uyllu an d hydraulic systems for und erstan ding their phys-
iology. T he re is a w holeness characteristic to their uyllu t ha t is projected o n th eir body
concepts. Qollahuayas understand uyllu as a vertical triangu lar land mass divided into
high, center, and
low
ecological zones, in which co mm unities live; its solidarity is formed
by kinship ties, comm on ear th shrines, an d exchange of resources. Th er e ar e nine Qol-
lahuaya uyllus; my e thnograp hic da ta is selected from Ayllu K aa ta (see Bastien 1978 ), a
mountain with the three m ajor commu nities Nifiokorin, K aa ta, an d Apacheta. T h e peo-
ple of Nifiokorin are Quech ua speakers who farm corn, wheat, barley, peas, an d beans
on the lower slopes (3,200-3,500 m ). Th e people of K aa ta also cultivate
ocu Oxulis CYUS
sicuulis Zucc.) an d potatoes on rotated fields of the central slopes (3,5 00 4,2 50 m) . Th e
people of Apacheta speak Aymara a nd herd alpacas, llamas, and sheep on the highlands
(4,300-5,000 m ) of the uyllu. Trad itionally , the people from the three levels exchange pro-
duce and provide each other with the necessary carbohydrates, minerals, and proteins
for their balanced subsistence. The members of these communities maintain social ties
with each other by m arriage exchange a nd ritual kinship. The se social ties reinforce, as
well as originate from, econom ic ties between the p eople
of
the specialized com munities.
T h e people of Nifiokorin, K aa ta, a nd A pacheta historically referred to the integrity of
Ayllu K aa ta as similar to that of a hu ma n bo dy. Th is evidence is contained in legal doc-
uments from 1592 to 1928 held in Ka ata . When the governor of Ch araza ni usurped Ni-
fiokorin for his hacienda, Kaatans resisted and began a two-hundred-year battle
to
re-
store Nifiokorin to Ayllu Ka ata. T he K aa tan manuscripts also include sworn testaments
by aged In dian s, who attested
to
the solidarity of Niiiokorin with comm unities Ka at a and
Apach eta. Nea r the end of the 18th century, Pocomallcu, 80 years old, testified before a
representative of the Crow n. Niiiokorin belongs to Ka ata , he swore, because it is the
leg of its body (K aa tan manuscripts 1797:109).
Witnesses from other uyllus said that the Indians of Ayllu Kaata were authorized to
cultivate all of the body, which they had cultivated from time imm emorial (K aa ta n man -
uscripts 1796:66). In 1799, the Crow n decreed t ha t Nifiokorin belonged to Ayllu K aata:
since the m ountain constituted one geographical an d anatomical unit, its land a nd com-
munities belonged together (see Bastien 1979).
Presently, th e people of the three com munities use topographical place names tha t cor-
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Bastien] QOLWHLIAYA-ANDEANODY
CONCEPTS
597
respond to different levels and parts of the mountain/body metaphor. The upper level
(4,300-5,000 m ) has an uma (head), iawi (eyes), and wa ya (m ou th) ; the central level
(3,500 4,300 m) has a
sixa
(stomach) and
sonco
(heart);an d the lower level
(3,200-3,500)
has
chaqis
(legs) and
sillus
(toenails), which are indentations on the river. A principal
informant, Marcelino Yanahuaya, explained the mountain/body metaphor this way,
I
am the same as the mountain, Pachamama. Pachamama ha s fluids which flow through he r,
and
I
have fluids which flow through me. Pachamama takes care of my body, a nd I m ust
give food an d d rink to Pachamama.
T h e following is a su mm ary of how the people of the three com munities use the m et-
aphor of the human body to understand their
ayllu:
Apacheta corresponds to the hea d,
Kaata to the trunk, and Nifiokorin to the legs (see Figure
1).
Just as the parts of the
human body are organically united,
so
ar e the three levels of Ayllu K aa ta. Rivers, un-
derground stream s, and tunnels link the three levels together; Kaa ta ns perceive this sys-
tem as being similar to the human body with its conduits linking the head, trunk, and
appendages. Kaatans understand their mountain as a cyclical system in which the ele-
ments of disintegration (water , plants, a nd lan d) are in continual processes of transfor-
mation from de ath to life an d from life to de ath . At death, Dam aso Yan ahuay a explained,
the dead person is buried and his or her ajayu (fluid) flows inside the mountain to the
highland lakes where it enters into the highland lakes an d flows down th e mo untain . T h e
body also processes food an d water into vital properties, and a t the sam e time em its toxic
substances. Th e top of the m oun tain is symbolized in ritual a s the umapacha (head place),
which Andeans un derstand a s the point of origin and return for animals and hum ans .
Analogously, the hum an head is where air, food, water, and images enter the body: the
eyes are like the h ighland lakes where the reflected images of creation emerge. Im ages
reflected in m etapho r an d ritual are im portan t creative principles.
Figure I
Ayllu shrinesand anatomy
of
the mountains body.
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598
AMERICANNTHROPOLOGIST [87, 1985
T he m etaphor is essentially a comparison of analogous qualities between A ndeans and
their environment.* They un derstand their ow n bodies in terms of the moun tain, an d they
consider the m ountain in term s of their anatom y. Sickness, for example, is a disintegra-
tion of the hum an body similar to the landslide on the m ountain, a nd h ealth is restored
by feeding the complete moun tain. During healing rituals, diviners create a metaph orical
image of the body when they feed th e ea rth shrines of the mo unta in (see Bastien 1978:64-
77,
129-139). Diviners serve coca, blood, an d fat in 13 scallop shells to different eart h
shrines, which a re associated with topograp hical features of the three ecological levels
and with anatomical parts of the hum an body. T he shrines of Qowila and Kalla Ka lla
correspond to the arms a nd legs
of
the body; Pachaqota an d Zaqtalaya, to the eyes; Ka la,
to a teat; Wayra W isqhani, to the mouth; a nd M ojata, Yanachoj, and Phesqa Pat a, to
circulatory an d distillation processes associated with the sonco (hear t). Th e chief ritualist
of Ayllu Kaata, Sarito Quispe, said that the earth shrines of Kaata refer to the inner
organs of the body where blood and fat are processed: The blood and fat must be cir-
culated to the other parts of the mountain. This gives life to Pachamama. The under-
lying assum ption is that if he symbolically feeds th e earth shrines of the three levels of the
mountain, then the
ayllu
will be complete, and this will bring a bou t the com pleteness of
the body.
The organic wholeness projected on Mount Kaata originates from Kaatans under-
standing of their physical bodies. The body uqhuntin) consists of all the parts and only
those parts that form one inner self. Kaatans do not conceptualize interior faculties for
emotions an d thoug hts as being distinct from corporal organs. Rath er, they refer to their
bodies as w ithin or inside uqhu). T he body includes the inner self, an d experiences a re
not dualistically perceived as those of the psyche an d those of the body. A basic assum p-
tion of Qo llahu aya body concepts is that th e body is holistic and not dualistic; the su fi x,
nti
of
uqhuntin
expresses th at the whole is greater tha n the su m of the par ts, or a gestalt.
Wh oleness (h ea lth ) of the body is a process in which centripetal an d centrifugal forces
pull together and disperse fluids tha t provide emotions, thought, nutrients, an d lubri-
cants for the memb ers of the body. Moreover, this process extends beyond du alistic con-
fines of inne r and oute r, in that fluids of the body ar e governed by sim ilar dynam ics within
the environment. Fluids flow back and forth between the body a nd the mo untain, which
has a central axis and levels through which air and water flow inward and outward.
Centripetal and Centrifugal
Fluids
Th e dynamics
of
centripetal an d centrifugal motions ar e symbolically expressed in rit-
ual by the gathering an d disposal of ritual items, the m ovement of the flute players, an d
the different uses of blood and fat. Characteristic to Qollahuaya rituals is the bringing
together of ritual items from the three levels an d peripheries to the center, th e mixing of
these products, an d the dispersal to the earth shrines of the m ountain. T h e coming to-
gether symbolically of ritual foods an d dis tan t ear th shrines to the center in a ritual meal
is a meta pho r for the parts of the body, separate, yet united by th e flow of nutrie nts a nd
fluids to an d from the
sonco.
T h e
sonco
is where air, blood, food, an d water come together
in rapid movement and separate into other fluids (primarily fat, bile, milk, and semen)
an d by-products (feces, urine, an d sweat) . Although the sonco is translated as heart,
Qo llahua yas refer to it as a compression-distillation center, which performs circulatory ,
respiratory, an d digestive processes. (T he sonco is also associated with thou ght a nd emo-
tions, which a re qualities of the fluids.) Certain Qollahuayas, such as Ju an Wilka a nd
Damaso Y anahuay a, understand the process of
sonco
in term s of
tinku,
which refers to the
coming together of two streams, creating
a
turbulence that separates nutrients in the
water a nd fills it with air and foam. From this analogy, it is understood tha t the coming
together of liquids produces cen tripetal forces that not only separa te com ponen ts of fluids
b u t
also disperse them thro ugh the system.
Analogously, centripetal and centrifugal forces of circulation are expressed by the
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Bastien]
QOLLAHVAA-ANDEANODYCONCEPTS
599
dance of the flute players at the major agricultural ritual,
Khulluy Chujmay
(see Bastien
1978:7577). The flute players begin with a spiral, inward-directed counterclockwise
movement from east to west and end in an outward-directed clockwise movement from
west to east. Sarito Quispe says that the dancer s are like a spring th at w inds tightly in-
ward and then releases itself outward. Symbolically, this is a metaphor of centripetal
movement with
a
centralized focus in one direction, an d of centrifugal m ovement with
dispersal to the peripheries in the oth er direction. I t is representative of body fluids that
distill in the center an d disperse to the parts.
Air, blood, and fat are primary body fluids for Qollahuayas. Air
is
an invisible fluid
substance th at provides brea th to living things. People, plants, and an imals sha re in this
fluid, which is understood as a unitive principle between them. Ritualists brea the o n a
ritual offering to bond themselves with the recipient. Breath is associated with wind
wuyru), the cause of mu1 de
uire,
which includes muscle an d nerve disorders from paralysis,
such as Bells palsy, to muscle cramps. T his is treated ritually by blowing smoke on the
paralyzed muscle. Air concentrates in the
sonco
disperses to the muscles, and provides
movement. Conversely, wind blowing on the m uscles causes contractions a nd brings pa -
ralysis.
Blood and fat empower the body: blood ~ ~ u w u r )s the life principle a nd fat wiru) is the
energy principle. Ritualists use blood and fat differently, reflecting their conceptions
of
these fluids. Durin g
Khulluy Chujmuy,
they cut open a llama, remove its pulsating heart,
and sprinkle blood in a ro tating m ovement toward the peripheries of the
uyllu.
Th is sym-
bolizes the blood flowing from the
sonco
in a spiraling outward m ovem ent of centrifugal
force. In contra st, ritualists break llama fat into pieces and dis tribute them to the ear th
shrines. Th ey believe that fat is a semifluid, broken down a nd d istributed to the periph-
erals of the body, where
i t
is either stored
or
broken down for energy. Fa t is carried by
the blood to the parts of the body; for examp le, they diagnose a person with dark-colored
blood as having fatty blood. Within the
sanco
fat is separated from food by the force of
the blood com ing together in an inw ard spiral of centripetal movement. T his force, the n,
reverses itself in outw ard movement and disperses the fat and blood
to
the parts of the
body. Although blood circulates from the
sonco
to the peripheries by hyd raulic dynam ics,
it is l imited in supply and is not regenerati~e.~ollahuayas believe that by the age of
seven a person h as acquired his or her amo unt
of
blood for life: if du ring h is lifetime he
loses some blood, there is no way of recovering
i t ,
except by a transfusion , which is com-
parab le to receiving gold (personal conversation with Dr. Abraham Mariaca) 4 Andeans
also attrib ute illnesses, such as debility a nd depression, to the
loss
of blood in the past.
This is one reason why it is difficult to take blood samples from Qollah uayas , as well as
from other A ndeans.
Qollah uaya herbalists vary in the way they classify blood. On e elderly herbalist, Ju an
Wilka, classifies bloods as stron g, weak, frightened, an d exhausted. F or example, he di-
agnosed the pulse of one patient, Elsa Yanahuaya, as weak because a landslide had
thinned her blood w ith water. H e suggested th at she receive new blood by transfusion.
Many herbalists refer to the qualities
of
blood according to four symbols: hot a nd cold,
wet an d dry . T hese qualities refer to when the blood is too fast (h ot) , too slow (cold) , too
thick ( w et) , an d too thin ( dr y) . Herbalists diagnose these qualities by a sop histicated
system of reading the pulse. Sometimes they combine qualities: hot and wet blood is as-
sociated with energetic people and refers to fast-moving blood with much fat. Because
the rates ofconcentration an d dispersal are high, the central organs and the members a re
exchanging fluids at a rate th at is not calibrated to similar dynamics in the sur roun ding
environm ent. Sometimes these people upset those around them w ith expressions of ange r
and pow er. Hot and dry blood is symp tomatic of tachycardia
or
thinly ox ygenated blood
and refers to rapidly dispersing blood with little air and fat. Cold and wet blood is symp-
tomatic ofa rth riti s and refers to sluggish blood th at does not disperse to the muscles. Cold
and dry blood is symp tomatic of respiratory ailments an d refers to blood with a low con-
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600 AMERICANNTHROPOLOGIST
[87, 1985
centration of air and a slow rate of dispersal to the parts of the body. Correspon ding to
the diagnosis, herbalists prescribe an herb to regulate hydraulic forces of the blood.
Qollahuayas also attrib ute sickness to
loss
of fat. P hysiolog ically, fat is esteemed in th e
Andes, where it
is
cold at night with few sources of heat besides the human body. The
impo rtance of fat is symbolically expressed in languag e an d ritual. Viraqocha means Lake
of Fat and is the term for gentleman. I t also refers to a creatodd eity who arose from
Lake Titicaca and created earth, sun, an d people (Paredes 1963:37-38). Modern Qolla-
huayas spread llama fat over a person to annoint him or her with political and ritual
authority. A healthy Qollahuaya has fat; someone sick lacks fat. A common ailment is
ma1 de higado (liver ailment), which Andeans recognize as a problem of fat metabolism.
As they see it, fat remains in the sonco because there is insufficient bile to break it down
so
that undistilled fat clogs the ducts and cannot be dispersed to the muscles. Qolla-
huayas, as well as other Andeans, attribute a serious sickness, liquichado, to the sudden
an d m ysterious removal of fat by
a kharisiri.
A
kharisiri
(cu tter) is usually a doctor, lawyer,
or
priest who travels at night to remove fat from peasants (see Ob litas 1963:30).
I observed one instance of liquichado in Cacachaqa, an Aymara community between
Or uro and Potosi, on July
1 7
1982.
Although this clinical case was outside Qo llahua ya
territory, Qollahuaya herbalists reported similar treatments. Marcelino,
25
years old,
had been sick for a year. H e had a high fever, was weak, and w alked with crutches. T h e
nurses assistant had diagnosed the disease as tuberculosis of the kidneys, and he had
treated Marcelino with antibiotics. On the other hand, the village diviner claimed that
M arcelino was a v ictim of the kharisiri. Marcelino agreed an d said that someone removed
his fat with an
aparato
(a pp ar atu s) while he was traveling, partially intoxicated from
chicha
(corn beer), in the bed of a truck through a mestizo community. Because he was in an
intoxicated slum ber, he could not recall how this was done. T h e diviner treated M arce-
lino with foods high in fa t: soup from the m arrow ofburro bones and fat from the pancreas
of sheep. At first, M arcelino recovered but suffered a relapse several months later when
he became intoxicated with
chicha.
T he diviner prescribed more fat for his diet an d per-
formed
a turga
ritual, in which he went into a trance to talk with M other E arth , the Dead
Supaya), and Condor. T h e diviner scolded and pun ished these deities for taking Marce-
linos fat, and for trying to take his life. In exchange, the diviner agreed to send them
llama fat llampu) and other ritual items. At daw n, the diviner distributed the llama fat
to the principal earth shrines around the comm unity.
In analysis, the etiology and treatment of liquichado is homologous to the hydraulic
cycle. A
kharisiri
enters the back of the body (opposite to the nav el), where it extracts fat
in a noncyclical or exploitive manner. T h e afflicted person continually loses fluids, es-
pecially fat, unless diviners
1 )
restore the persons fat and
2)
stop the noncyclical dis-
persal of fat. Diviners do this by feeding the person fatty foods and by correcting the cycle
with below-earth
Supaya),
earth
Pachamama),
and sky
Condor).
Diviners treat the phys-
iological system with concentrates of fat, thereby utilizing centripetal m otion, b ut they
also restore the persons position with regard to the cosmo logical system, by com mu ni-
cating with the three levels of the universe (utilizing centripetal m otion), a nd the envi-
ronm ental system, by distributing llama fat to the peripheral ea rth shrine s (utilizing cen-
trifugal m otion).
Inh erent in Qo llahu aya pathology is the belief that vital fluids can be dispersed from
the body to the environm ent.
Liquichado
is loss of fat.
Chullpa
(osteomyelitis) is caused by
digging near the site of an ancestor grave. In certain instances, diarrhea in children is
often believed to be caused by the m other u rinating in a cave at night. Venereal disease
is attributed either to urinating in the wind or in a fire. Tapeworms, hookworms, and
roundworm s are attributed to eating e arth and walking barefoot.
Susto
(fright) is the dis-
persal of ajayu (fluid-emotions) from the body to the land or water: its symptom s are diar-
rhea, low fever, depression , melancholy, lack of app etite, an d nervous ticks. Rub el 1964)
explains it as
loss
of soul
or
spirit, either alma or animo, but for Andeans these term s sug-
gest Western ideas of imm ortality. Qollahu ayas believe th at fright causes fluids, associ-
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Bastien]
QOLLAU AYA-ANDEANODYCONCEPTS 60 1
ated with emotions, to surge from the body a nd
to
enter either a stream
or
the earth . Animo
is a
fluid th at gives consistency to the body (Ob litas 1963:32) and psychologically links
it together. In Quechua, animo is called juchuy ajayu, (small ajayu), and alma, jatun ajayu
(large ajayu). When people lose their juchuy ajayu, they begin to dry u p (blood gets thin,
skin becomes pale, and the body becomes ema ciated). When people lose their
jatun ajayu,
they die because their bodies have dried u p (Ob litas 1963:32-33). In o ther wo rds, Qol-
lahuayas consider
animo
and
alma
fluids tha t flow through the body, sim ilar to electrical
energy; they are invisible but connect all parts sim ultaneously with a charged substan ce.
Qollahuayas distinguish animo from alma, in that animo is used to describe the beg inning
or temporary depa rture of this fluid, and alma, the per man ent dispersal of the fluid. Animo
and alma are not conceived as entities but
as
fluids circulating by centripe tal an d centrif-
ugal motions within the body;
su s t o
is the temporary dispersal of these fluids, which may
result in d eat h unless a diviner recovers the
animo
in a stream and returns it to the sick
person (see Bastien 1978:152-154). Health is restored by the infusion off luid s within th e
dry body. Living bodies are centers where fluids circulate by dynam ics of concentration
and d ispersal. They a re in cyclical exchange between the wet and dry. D ead bodies have
had all their fluids dispersed from them. Th is partially explains And eans fixation with
mumm ification of their de ad (see Allen 1982 for the relationship of we t an d d ry cycles to
the living and de ad ).
Medicinal Plants
and
Ethnophysiology
Qollahuaya ethnop harmacology further sub stant ia tes a topographical-hydraul ic
model of physiology. One ch aracteristic of this model is a n exchange of ingredients be-
tween the eart h and body. Although Q ollahua ya herbalists employ plants, many of which
have active ingredients with therapeutic effects, they believe that the ear th provides t he
cure in certain p lants tha t are the gifts of Pachamama (Mother Earth)
to
humans. Ingre-
dients are transferred from the earth through the plants to themselves. T h e most comm on
method of administering h erbs is by steeping parts of the plant in a cu p of boiled wa ter,
called
matt.
The assumption is that the plant concentrates and distills substances from
the earth a nd then distrib utes these energies through the leaves (an oth er expression of
the centripetal an d centrifugal forces concentrating an d circulating fluids from the ce nter
to the perip heral). The se substances ar e released from the leaves by steeping in a mati,
which is dr un k, distilled, a nd dispersed in the sick persons body. Qollahu ayas also be-
lieve tha t the Qollah uaya region
Qolla
means herbs, and huaya means place) h as the most
efficacious plants not only because of its rich minerals, climate, and topography but also
because their ayllus and mountains are a t the center.
Clinically, herbalists are primarily concerned with the circulation, distillation, and
elimination of fluids. I studied the use of medicinal plants by three noted Qollahuaya
herbalists, Florentino Alvarez, Nestor L laves, and M ari o Salcedo, from 1979 until 1984
(see Bastien 1982a, 1982b, 1983a, 1983b). First, herb alists diagnose the persons sickness
by feeling the pulse and analyzing the urine. They take the urine sample early in the
morning, observe
it
in the sunlight, and identify certain diseases by its clarity, color, and
density. Qualities within blood and urine are important indicators of circulation and
elimination processes. From the pulse and temperature of the body they diagnose
whe ther the blood is hot, cold, wet,
or
dry. Correspon ding to the diagnosis, they prescribe
an herb
to
regulate concentration, dispersal, and elimination processes. Herb alists cate-
gorize herbs as hot, warm , cordial, and fresh. Hot and w arm refer
to
the degree to which
a plant causes fluids to come together and to flow faster to the peripheries, described
therapeutically as emmenagogues, emetics, cardiotonics, cardiopulmonaries, expecto-
rants, galactopoiesis, linaments, p urgatives, and sudorifics. Cord ial and fresh herbs slow
down distillation a nd dispersal processes
of
fluids, primarily biliary reg ulants
or
refriger-
ants, carminatives, disinflamants, hemostatics, stomachics, and tranquilizers. Classifi-
cation of plants into hot and cold, then, follows a hydraulic ethnophysiology. Table
1
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AMERICANNTHROPOLOGIST [87, 1985
contains an analysis of therapeutic uses of
89
plants (see Bastien 1983 for the nam es,
taxonomic identification, classification, and therapeutic uses of each plant). M any ther-
apeutic uses provided in T abl e
1 fit
into hyd raulic categories.
Herbalists therapeutic applications of vegetable drugs follow empirical observation
an d theoretical assumptions based on hydrau lic conceptions of the body. By observation,
practice, an d learning, Qollahuayas at trib ute therapeutic uses to herbs according to the
Table 1
Therapeutic properties
and
physiology.
No. of
No.
of
herbs
YO
herbs YO
HUM OR S
Blood
1. emmenagogue
2.
hemostatic
3. purify
4. coagulant
5. control sugar
6. draw blood
7.
strengthen
8. cardiotonic
9. cardiopulmonary
Total
Biliary
1.
emetic
2. regulant
3. refrigerant
4. febrifuge
5. purgative
6. antiseptic
Total
Ufinary
1 . antiseptic
2. diuretic
3. disinflammatory
Total
Milk
1.
galactopoiesis
Phlegm
1. expectorant
Sweat
1. sudorific
6 3.8
4 2.5
3 1.9
2 1.3
1
.6
1
.6
1 .6
1 .6
2 1.3
21
13.4
5 3.2
4 2.5
2 1.3
1 .6
.6
.6
14 8.9
5 3.2
5 3.2
2 1.3
12 7.6
3 1.9
10 6.4
6 3.8
PROCESSING ORGANS
Respiratory
1.
expectorant 10 6.4
2.
sudorific 2 1.3
3. pectoral 1 .6
Total 13 8.3
Digestive
1. stomachic 5 3.2
2. verm ifuge 4 2.5
3. carminative
2
1.3
4. emetic 2 1.3
5. purgative
2
1.3
Total
Reproductive
1.
emmenagogue
2. hemostatic
3. stimulant
4. tranquilizer
5.
contraceptive
6. abortifacient
7.
aphrodisiac
15
6
2
2
1
1
1
1
9.6
3.8
1.3
1.3
.6
.6
.6
.6
To tal 14 8.9
FRAME
Muscles Bones
1. linim ent 12 7.6
2.
glutinous 6 3.8
3. thermic 1 .6
4. vermifuge 1 .6
5. stimulant
2
1.3
To tal 22 14.0
Senses Neural
1 .
analgesic 9 5.7
2. tranq uilizer 5 3.2
3. antis eptic 5 3.2
4. disinflammatory 3 1.9
5. stimulant
3
1.9
6 antidote 1 .6
Total
26 16.6
Grand To tal 156
100
T ota l (156) is greater than num ber of plants 89)because some plants have more th an one ther-
apeutic use.
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CONCEPTS 603
effects tha t the herbs have on the body, depen ding on whether they mak e a person sweat
(sudorific), reduce fever (febrifuge), remove mucous (expe ctorant), calm pain (analg e-
sic), regulate bile (biliary regulan t), cause menstruation (emm enagogue), increase lac-
tation (galactopoiesis), repel worms (vermifuge), relax muscles (liniment, tranq uilizer),
dispel poisons (emetics and purgatives), an d m ore. Th is is an em pirical knowledge based
on active ingredients in certain plants h aving th erapeu tic effects: for example, qu inine
Cinchona calisaya Wedd.) is an effective febrifuge for malaria, cocaine Etythsoxylum coca
Lam) and bocanine Bocconia integrijilia
H.
B.) are analgesics, a nd digitalis Digitalis
purpurea L.) is an imp ortant medicine for treating congestive heart failure (ed em a). Qol-
lahuay a herbalists claim tha t pharmaceutical companies, such as In ti an d Vita in La Paz,
have taken m ore than 50 vegetable drugs discovered by the Qollah uayas for use in pha r-
maceutical products.
Th is empirical science corresponds to their conceptions of the body. Qollah uayas em-
ploy plants for certain therape utic effects according to how they understand hu m an phy s-
iology. Figure
1
indicates the following:
(1)
42% of the therapeutic uses are concerned
with liquids (blood, bile, milk, phlegm, urine, and w ater)
or
fluids ( air , food, and fecal
matter);
(2)
28% are concerned with regulating and purifying the condu its an d process-
ing organs; an d (3 ) 30% deal with pain an d injuries of the skin, muscles, an d bones. Th is
explains the herbalists style of adm inistering medicinal pla nts in mate, compresses, cook-
ing, plasters, enem as, suppositories, massages, and baths (see medicinal uses in Bastien
1983b and SE M TA 1984:85-150). Th is further supports the hypothesis that these An-
deans understand the human body as a hydraulic system characterized by a muscular-
skeletal framework and conduits throu gh which air, blood, feces, milk, phlegm, sem en,
sweat, and urine flow.
Qollahuaya herbalists classify plants by how they affect the flow of primary and sec-
ondary fluids, eliminate noxious by-products, and cleanse passageways. T his ethnop hys-
iology consists in the circulation of primary fluids (air, blood, an d w ater) and semifluids
(fat and food) with distillation processes (breathing, digestion, and reproductiveness)
,
which produce secondary fluids (phlegm , bile, gas, milk, semen, sweat, an d urine) a nd
secondary semifluids (feces), tha t need to be regularly eliminated. If these processed
fluids accumu late, they become noxious and m ust be purged from the body w ith carmi-
natives, emetics, enemas, fastings, dietary restrictions, and baths. Basically, herbalists
perceive the body as a hydraulic system with centripetal and centrifugal forces that con-
trol the distillation, circulation, and elimination of fluids.
Topographical HydraulicModels n
Andean
History
T he Qollah uaya topo graphical-hydraulic model has certain prototypes in Andean his-
tory. T he application of anatom ical paradigms to land an d society is found a mo ng early
Peruvians, who planned the space in their ancient cities according to the metaphors of
birds and animals (Richard Schaedel, personal comm unication, 1978). Th ey m ade o ut-
lines of large anim als on the surface of the N azca valley between 200 an d 600 A.D.,
(W.
Isbell 1978:14&153; Maso n 1968:88). Dur ing the 14th an d 15th centuries, the Inca s de-
signed Cuzco according to the m etapho r of
a
puma (Rowe 1967:60). T h e Huarochiri leg-
ends, preconquest o ral traditions of the Cen tra l Andes, depicted the crest of the moun tain
as the head, the central slopes as the chest and shoulders, and the places where two rivers
diverge below the central slopes as the crotch an d legs. Th ro ug ho ut the conquest, met-
aphors persisted, and today the people of Jesus de Mac haca, a comm unity near T ia-
huanaco, B olivia, still refer to their land as divided and integrated according to the par ts
of
a
cougar (Albo 1972:788-790).
Inca Cosmology
Hydraulic dynamics
of
centripetal and centrifugal forces share c ertain features with
Earls an d Silverblatts (1978) model of In ca cosmology. First there w as
a
flood, Uno Pa-
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1985
chacuti, which symbolized the centrifugal dispersal of water. After the waters receded,
earth was uncovered, lagoons, rivers, and lakes were formed.
Mamacocha
(Mother W ater)
emerged to rule the aquatic elements, and Viracocha (Lake of Fat) performed his creator
acts and disap peared in the ocean. Early conqu est legends symbolize Lake Titicaca a s a
vertical axis of water th at connects the highest w aters of Lake Po opo in the east with the
lowest waters of the Atlantic Oc ean in th e west by the rivers of Desag uadero an d Pilco-
mayo. From this, Earls and Silverblatt conceptualize the geometrical structure of Inca
cosmology. Lake T iticaca is a vertical axis, like a funnel, throug h which wa ter flows in a
concentrated upward movement to the surface, where
it
disperses in evaporation. This
forms clouds and rain, which descend to the earth. T h e water then soaks into the groun d
an d enters the underground rivers that flow to Lake Titicaca. Th e dynamics of this hy-
drographic circulation are that the centrifugal movement of the water (evaporation,
flooding, rain) begins outside-above an d the cen tripetal movem ent begins within-below.
In comparison, Qollahuayas apply a similar cosmology to their body. O ne distinction
in the Qollahuaya model is that the movement of fluids is reversed: fluids are received
through the nose and mo uth, then travel downward to the sonco, a center w here beneficial
fluids ar e dispersed to the peripherals, an d noxious fluids to the bottom. T h e Lake T iti-
caca model posits th at water soaks in the ground a nd e nters undergro und rivers th at flow
to the center, Lake T iticaca. These waters are compressed (mixed with fat [viraqocha])
and compelled upward for dispersal to th e land. Th is difference provides another dimen-
sion toward understand ing Andean cosmology; lakes and mountains sha re similar inter-
related hydrau lic dynam ics. Tog ether, they c reate centripetal an d centrifugal forces: riv-
ers and lakes concentrate fluids from the peripheral toward the center (rivers, dow nw ard,
and lakes, upw ard ), and the surround ing land disperses fluids from the center to the pe-
ripheral, and conversely. Lakes flow upward and are regulated by centripetal forces,
which bring together mo isture from su rrou ndin g areas. Lakes would be parallel to dis-
tillation p rocesses within the bo dy. Rivers flow downw ard a nd ar e regulated by centrif-
ugal forces, which circulate fluids to a nd from t he lakes. R ivers symbolize vessels of the
body. The mountain brings lakes and rivers together into a geophysical structure that
combines this upward and downward flow of fluids by absorption, compression, inter-
nalized movem ent of water upw ard (sprin gs), an d distillation (different types of wate r).
The mountain is consequently a metaphor for Qollahuaya physiology because its geo-
physical mass makes it a un it, which is a unified hy draulic stru cture based on th e inter-
dynamic flow of fluids between land, lakes, and rivers. Consequently, the mountain
serves as a holistic metaph or for Qollahu aya ethnophysiology, not only because it has a
vertical axis but also because
i t is
a structura l unit transformed into a whole by th e pro-
cess of centripetal an d centrifugal hy draulics.
Aymaras of Poopo
I d o not contend that all Andeans sh are similar body concepts to the Qollahuayas , but
one conclusion from this research is a methodological process for uncovering ho w A n-
dean s perceive their physiology. Th is methodology is to examine their percep tions of land
and w ater. For exam ple, the Aym aras of Poopo, Bolivia 64 km south of O ru ro ), divide
the body into four parts, similar to their division of fields and com mun ities into qu arters.
A vertical axis divides the bo dy into a right a nd left side kupisa anchi and cheqasajanchi),
and a horizontal axis at the waistline divides the body into upper and lower halves
alajasa anchi and aynachasa anchi). Th ey distinguish four parts: a la ja kupisa anchi (upper
right side), ulujja cheqasa janchi (upper left side), aynacha kupisa janchi (lower right side),
and aynacha cheqasajanchi (lower left side). Pain and disease are often contained in one
of these parts. The y say, for exam ple, Kupisapeqe usutu; kupisa anchi usutaraquiniwa (the
left side of my head is sick, and the left sid e of my body will also becom e sick).
One difference between Qollahuaya ethnophysiology and that of the Aymaras in
Poopo is the division of the body into
four
parts . Th e imp ortance of four-part division in
Andean culture has been documented by scholars. Earls and Silverblatt (1978:300)
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QOLLAHUAYA-ANDEANODY ONCEPTS 605
write that the basis of Andean spatial order is the division into quarters based on the
movement
of
the sun in relation to the eart h
or,
as Urton (1981) writes, the movement of
the Milky Way.
R. T.
Zuidem a (1964) writes th at the Incas divided Cuzco into four parts.
The Inca empire was popularly called Tawantinsuyo,
or Four
places inasmuch a s
they constituted a whole. Geo graphical differences, however, explain why the A ymaras
divided the body into four parts, whereas the Qollahuayas divided it into three. These
Aym aras farm on one level of the Altiplano, whereas the Qollahuayas have three ecolog-
ical levels on their m ountain. Moreover, the Aym aras of Poop0 are miners wh o are aw are
of the noxious fluids that flow from the earth,
so
they posit the beneficial and noxious
fluids of the body. Q ollahu ayas have saline springs, which they com pare to emission of
sweat and urine from the body. The point is that a hydrographic model for ethnophys-
iology derives not only from historical patterns but also from a processual-reflective re-
lationship of Andeans with their lan d an d water, which differs regionally an d from com -
munity to community.
Quechuu Lexemes
Quechua speakers conception of the body is also influenced by their conception of
geographical to p ol o b. Louisa Stark (1969:59) has shown tha t the body is not only de-
scribed in terms of land; roundn ess and hollowness are also distinguished. Qu ech ua lex-
emes for the head follow this pattern : each lexeme has a seman tic compo nent t ha t denotes
concavity
tuqu
[hole], with
iuwi
[eye],
ninr i
[ear],
sinqa
[nose]; and
uxu
[cavity], with
simi
[m ou th]) and one that denotes convexity
kupah,
with
iuwi
and
ninri; rupra
[exterior],
with sinqu; and wirpu [rounded], with simi) . Semantic patterning of convex chest has
the constituents
iiuriu
(breast) and qusqu wuyqu (chest ravine);
siki
(buttocks) have as
constituents siki
pula
(buttoc ks ledge) and
siki
wuku (buttocks furrow); and wusu (back)
has as con stituents
wusu muqu
(shoulder blades
or
back hill) and
wusu wuyqu
(shoulder
break) (see Ta ble
2 ) .
This patterning of roundness and hollowness is related to the overlap between body
parts and geographical domains in Q uec hua . T h e simple lexemes have m eanings cover-
ing more th an body aspects. T he first eight of the simple lexemes are egressive transfers;
that is, the sem antic dimension of the body p art is extended away from its original dom ain
to include a geographical dom ain. Th e body-part m eaning is primary, a nd the extended,
geographical meaning is secondary. T h e exception is muqu, in which the prima ry m eaning
is hill and the secondary meaning is knee. The overlap of geographical and body-part
domains also extends to compound lexemes, which often consist of a body part plus a
topographical term. The compound lexemes represent ingressive transfers; that is, the
geographical m eaning of a lexeme is extended to the do main of body parts. O n e of Starks
conclusions (1969:9) is that Qu ech ua speakers conception of the body as composed of
convex an d concave contra sts is influenced by their conception of topology in which con -
trasts between convex and concave entities exist on a far grand er scale than on the bod y.
Combining Starks conclusion with mine and those of Earls and Silverblatt, it appears
that Andeans distinguish convexity and concavity as important features for their body
and land because roundness and hollowness are imp ortant to hydraulic physiology and
irrigation systems. T h e geography a nd ecology of the ayllu are important to Andeans for
their subsistence and physiology. This shows how homologies between geography and
physiology are based on comm on hyd raulic dynamics.
Comparison
with
Greek Humoral
Theory
Greek hum oral pathology derives from the cosmology of Ionian philosophers of the 6 th
century B.C., who taught that the world was made up of four primary elements: fire,
earth, water, and uer (air, vapor, m ist) (see Edelstein 1967 and Sarton 1954). Correspond -
ing to these elements, the body is made up offou r fluids, which circulate freely througho ut
the relatively stable and solid tissues of the body. Th ree fluids correspond to bodily pro-
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AMERICANNTHROPOLOGIST
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Table 4
Simple lexemes Body part meaning Geographical meaning
kunka
tiawi
rixra
sinqa
uma
wasa
sixa
siki
muqu
neck
eye
shoulder
nose
head
back
stomach
buttocks
knee
small chasm in mountain
spring
shoulder of mountain
mountain ridge
mountain peak
other side of mountain
small
hill
foot of a hill
hill
Compound lexemes Body part meaning Literal meaning
t ki muqu
h k i p u p
taki pampa
qasqu P U X Y
qasqu
EUEU
qasqu wayqu
siki pata
siki waka
wasa wayqu
wasa muqu
simi pata
simi wirpa
simi uxu
ninri tuqu
ninri kapachu
sinqa tuqu
sinqa rapra
tiawih tuqu
ankle
arch of foot
sole of foo
furrow between the chest
and diaphragm
area between breasts
breast
buttocks
buttocks
area between shoulder blades
shoulder blade
eye socket
area between nose and mouth
lips
mouth opening
ear opening
outer ear
interior of nostril
outer nose
foot
hill
foot well
foot field
chest well
chest ravine
chest
hill
buttock ledge
buttocks furrow
back ravine
back
hill
eye hole
mouth ledge
rounded
mouth
mouth cavity
ear hole
ear cape
nose hole
nose
cesses: blood flows from wounds, phlegm drips from the nose, and yellow bile is vomited.
The fourth fluid, black bile, was added for symmetry. According to Foster
1978:5):
Each fluid, or humor, was believed marked by a complexion stemming from one each of two
opposing pairs ofqualities ofthe four elements, viz.: blood-hot and moist;phlcgm-coldand moist;
yellow bile (or choler)-hot and dry; bluck bile or melancholy)-cold and dry. Health, said
Alcmaeon, was a condition of cucrasis, of equilibrium or balance, of the proper mixing of the
humors, while illness resulted from dyscrasis, and upset in this equilibrium sometimes, but not
necessarily, caused by an excess of heat or cold.
This
doctrine
of
humors was adopted by Hippocrates, born about 460 B.C., and in-
corporated into a collection ofmedical treatises, Hipkocrutic Corpus.The four humors were
dissimilar in their qualities of heat, cold, dryness, and moisture, and the physician treated
disease by the
principle
ofopposition Chadwick and Mann 1950:5,205-207). Foods and
herbs were characterized by paired qualities of hot or cold, and moistness or dryness
Foster 1978:7). The physicians of Greek humoral pathology emphasized balance
(Fa-
brega
1973:236-237):
health was signified by a warm, moist body maintaining equilib-
rium among the blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile. Sickness resulted from hu-
moral imbalance caused by an excess of one of the four humors. There was
a
strong cul-
turally sanctioned emphasis on the restoration of balance. Food, drinks, herbs, and
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607
medicinal su bstances were classified into hot
or
cold categories and were used to main tain
health
or
return the body to a previous healthful state. Em otions reflected the degree of
balance in social relation.
In com parison, Andean and Greek hum oral systems are based on analogies from n a-
ture. Greek hum oral pathology began, not in medicine per se, but in philosophical spec-
ulation and scientific experimentation concerning the nature of the universe. The uni-
verse was composed of four elements-fire, water, earth, an d aer- co rre sp on din g to four
body fluids; to emotions, personality types, seasons, and sickness. T h e body w as analo-
gous to the universe, seasons, and personality types within society. Moreover, there was
interaction between the systems; diseases related to seasons and were cured by change of
seasons. Hippocrates wrote in On the Number Seven th at a disea se will end well if the seaso n
is not on its side but fights along with medicine; for generally speaking, mans nature
cannot overcome the na ture of the universe (Ed elstein 1967:72). I have shown in this
paper tha t Qollah uaya h ydraulic physiology is rooted in analogies between these Ande-
ans an d their lan d. As did the Greeks, the Andeans perceive similarities and relationships
between physiology, geology, an d climate. Basic to both systems are ideas of nature, an al-
ogously expressed through the co mpo nents of the system, such as parallels between ele-
ments of the universe and bodily humors for the Greeks an d metapho rical relationships
between a mo untain a nd body parts for the Qollahuayas. M oreover, terms of the universe
are no t only reflective
of
each other but also interdynam ically related so tha t Greeks need
the season on their side to get well and Qollah uayas have to feed the earth shrines of the
mountain
to
make their bodies complete and h ealthy.
In contrast, An deans differ from Greeks in the u nder standin g of nature. Basically, the
Greeks understood n ature a s a system in balance,
or
to be kept in balance, and A ndea ns
view nature as a system in cycle. One concentrates more on symmetry, a steady state,
and the other em phasizes the cycle of fluids, implying a certain an d necessary assym etry
of hodcold, and we ddr y, which causes a pendulumlike movement. Implicit to Qolla-
huaya theory are hydraulic dynamics in which liquids are concentrated
or
distilled
by
centripetal forces and dispersed to the periphery by centrifugal forces. For early G reeks,
health was the balance (equ ilibrium ) of four humors-hot and cold, wet and dry-to
maintain a steady state. Extremes w ere to be avoided. Sickness resulted from
dyscrasisor
imbalance of humo rs, other body fluids, food,
or
human activity. Disease was synony-
mous with a disturbance of balance (disproportion of the parts). The relationship be-
tween the various p arts w as continually subject to change because of the co nstant intak e
of fresh nourishm ent, because of constantly new activities, and because of auto ma tic sea-
sonal increases and decreases in the body fluids or in their circulation und er the influence
of hot and cold. For this reason, everyone tried a t all times to correct the imb alance as it
arose (Ede lstein 1967:6 3-70). Ho dco ld, we dd ry were impor tant because they influenced
the b alance of hum ors.
For Qollahuaya Andeans, on the other han d, health is the cycle
of
fluids an d semifluids
(water, air, blood, an d food) all of which, except blood, ar e distilled in to secondary fluids
(mucus, bile, sweat, urine, gas, milk, and sem en) and semifluids (feces an d fat ), which,
except for fat, need to be eliminated regularly, and become toxic if they accum ulate. Dis-
ease is synonymous with stopping the cycle of circulating blood, distilling fluids, and
eliminating waste products (which are also recycled). Hodc old , wedd ry are imp orta nt
factors because they influence the fluidity
of
this cyclical hydraulic system.
Similarities and basic structural difference between Qollahuaya and Greek humoral
theory suggest several hypotheses for future research:
1 )
Qollahuaya hum oral theory is
indigenous in origin,
(2)
it is an assimilative product of contact between two traditions,
or
(3)
it is a postcontact inven tion. The re is need for more research into ethno historical
da ta to determine which hypothesis is valid. R esearch is needed in other pa rts of the An-
des to ascertain to w hat ex tent Qollahuaya hydraulic phy siology is characteristic of An-
dean humoral theory in general. Finally, to what degree do the formal patterns of hu-
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moralism resemble
or
differ from each othe r in different civilizations (A nde an, Chinese,
Hindu, and Mediterranean).5
Summary
ndConclusion
A topographical-hydraulic model is proposed for explaining Qollahuaya ethnophys-
iology. T h e body is a vertical axis with three levels: head, trun k, an d mem bers thro ugh
which fluids flow from the center to the parts and back by centripetal and centrifugal
motion. Fluids come together at the sonco, a distillation center that includes digestive,
respiratory, reproductive, and circulatory processes, in a n inward spiral. T he fluids are
broken dow n, distilled into other fluids, an d dispersed throu ghout the body in an outw ard
spiral. Distillation is the compressed movement of fluids to the center: this separates
fluids, such as fat, from the food. Dispersal is the circu lating of the fluids to the parts of
the body for storage, release of energy, an d elimination.
This model explains Qollahuaya etiology that attributes diseases to the following
causes: (1) fluids dispersing from the body to th e land sus t o , diarrhea, V.D.),
2)
loss of
blood and fat liquichado), 3) too much wind ma1 de
aire), 4)
improper circulation of
fluids an d blockage of duc ts,
5 )
accum ulation of noxious fluids,
6)
upsetting distillation
processes by improp er m ixing of fluids, an d 7 ) skewed relationships with the land . Con-
sequently, herbalists ar e primarily concerned w ith the circulation, distillation, dispersal,
and elimination of fluids.
This model also coordinates the ritual activities of Qollahuaya diviners with the eth-
nopharmacological practices of the herbalists. It explains how both are related to th e ayllu
and its topographical-hydraulic features. Th e model is deduced from a methodology tha t
assumes that there are homologous structures or structu ral similarities between systems
in nature a nd culture. Within A ndean society, the use of metaphors a nd anatomical par-
adigms for und erstanding land an d society is well documented. T hi s research goes a step
further to show how the land an d its hydraulic features serve as a model for und erstan d-
ing how the body w orks. It also posits a structural basis for why Qollahuayas prepa re
mesa
(ritual tables) to feed the eart h shrines of the ayllu when they are sick. Th ey believe
that telluric systems reflect corporeal systems and that systems in nature are related to
systems in culture.
Although the Qollahuaya model shares some similarities with Greek humoral theory,
there a re structural differences. Greeks had an equilibrium understand ing of their phys-
iology, which was maintained by avoiding contrasts and balancing mutually opposed
fluids and qualities. Greeks were concerned w ith balancing the pendu lum; Qollahuay as
ar e concerned with keeping it swinging. Qollahua yas have a processual und erstan ding of
their physiology that combines complementary and opposite forces of centripetal and
centrifugal motion. M oreover, this process extends beyond dualistic confines of inne r an d
outer in th at fluids of the body ar e governed by similar dynam ics within the environm ent.
Finally, certain stru ctural elements of this model can be used to impro ve health in th e
Andes. During the sum mer of
1983,
I used concepts of the hydro graphic model to teach
Andeans about the use of oral rehydration therapy for diarrhea control. In essence, I
modified an old And ean legend in which two mountains, Sajam a and Sa bay a, fell in love
with Kariq uina , a lovely maiden mo untain, w ho because of their rivalry rejected bo th of
them. I n anger, Sajam a knocked the crest off Sab aya with a boulder slun g from his sling.
In retaliation, Sabaya sent gophers to tunnel ou t Sajama. Th e gophers du g man y holes
in Sajama an d daily the water began
to
drain from this mountain. Sajama got thinner,
began drying up, and when he w as almost dead, the condor (symbol of the healer) saved
him by flying
to
M oun t Illimani for a liter ofpure water,
to
M uru rata for two tablespoons
of sugar,
to
W ayna Potosi for
a
qu arte r teaspoon of salt, to Condiriri for a q uar ter tea-
spoon of bicarbonate of soda, and to Illillampu for a lemon. The condor mixed these
ingredients together, returned to Sajama, and gave him tablespoons
of
this mixture to
drink every 15 minu tes. After repeating this treatme nt for one week, Sajam a was cured.
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Bastien]
QOLLAHUAYA-ANDEANODY
CONCEPTS 609
This story illustrates the use of the mountain and its hydrographic nature as a meta-
phor to teach Andeans that diarrhea is a dangerous disease because it can cause dehy-
dration and that the use of oral rehydration is an approp riate response to the disease. O n
a sym bolic level, the
s to ry
deals with resistance to oral rehydration ther apy because An-
dean Indians consider diarrhea a wet disease that should be cured by abstaining from
liquids. Th e condor and earth-shrine mountains m ake oral rehydration therapy a n un-
derstandable and proper treatment
for
diarrhe a. Th is illustrates how the topographical-
hydraulic model can be used in the metaphorical setting
of
a myth
to
improve rural health
conditions. I t also shows the relevance of cultural anthropo logy for applied health
work
in the Andes.
Notes
Acknowledgments. I a m indebted to Horacio Fabrega, Charles Leslie, John V. M urr a, and Richard
Schaedel. Fundin g for this research was provided by the National Endowm ent for the Humani ties
and the Organized Research Funds
of
the University of Texas a t Arlington.
I
a m also grateful to
Judy Bastien, Lester Robbins, Ke n Roemer, K ath y Rowe, an d Faye Selffor assisti ngin editing and
typing this m anuscript.
'Among the Qollahuayas, ayllu can a lso refer to territorial ties llahta ayllu), permanent claim to
land and lineage fiatun ayllu), affinal ties masi ayllu), work ties mihnaj ayllu), and community in
general.
'Although the terms of analogy come together, like mirrors reflecting one another , they do not
become one another. The analogies are never one to one: the body metaphor never corresponds
completely to the com munities, ea rth shrines, ecology, and physiography. T h e analogies involve
imagination, ability to understand meanings of Andean languages, embellishment by oral tradi-
tions, and most of all, the external application of the metaphor in ritual. The mountain and its
people change with the seasons, sickness, natural catastrophes, migrations, and conquest. When
the terms change, diviners gather the people together to match the body me taph or with the land
an d com munities (see Platt 1976 for other exa mples of the metap horical process).
3This provides a question in regard to menstruation. I a m not aw are of how they deal with this
question, which involves furthe r research. Anoth er belief amon g Qollah uayas
is
that w omen be-
come pregnant whe n they have intercourse durin g menstruation. Th is reflects their observation of
animals an d the belief that sem en mixing with blood is impo rtant for conception.
+CertainAym ara comm unities in the Or ur o region believe that blood can be increased by drink-
ing the blood of uicuias. Howeve r, these animals ar e near extinction, so the possibility of increasing
one's blood is rare . In other w ords, the rare cu re implies that i t is very difficult to increase one's
blood, except by transfusion, which is also expensive.
5Charles Leslie (personal communica tion, letter, 1982) hypothesizes tha t the formal pa tterns of
humoralism res emble each other in different civilizations (Chinese , Hi nd u, and Me diterra nean) in
that there is
a
com mon belief in a circulation of essences (a ir an d liquids), with distilla tion processes
(fire, cooking, digestion) that give off residues of poisons (feces, urine, sweat), which need to be
regularly eliminated but may acc umu late so tha t periodic purification (hot baths, fasting, purges)
ar e needed.
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